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Vol. IV. 











BocRi'ioHAii ADmsiBTBAnoH. M«y— July, 176«, 

KtHtiilactioD of the Kin^ aod Parliament at the Repeal of the Slamp Aot, 
p. 3 — Weakneu of the Minislry, 4 — View* o£ Americans, fi — ETenla in 
Ma^aachufetU, — Char1t!« TownAhenil threutcoa a He* Svfttom, 7 — Alteit^- 
tiun with Bernard, 8 — Hloyliew and Union, tf — Connootieul, U — South Caro- 
luu, 9 — ^ Sev York, 10 — - Bernard advisee Goen^iuji, II. 

ooALmoK or tse kino a^d the oreat oi>mho»eb agaixst tub abu- 

TOCKACr. tub ADM I MST rat ion OF CHATUAK. Jaly — OctolKr, I'lIU. 

Pluu of the Rocltinghnin Minislry, p. li — Pill (onns an Admiuislralion, 
U — DbpleBaure of Ri>okiiigimm, 15 — CharauRT ui ]i» Adinini^trntion, lli — - 
Pitt hecomea Earl of Chatham, IG — Choiseul receives a ECe|iorE from his Agent, 
IT — Eflectof Chntham's 111 UesltU. 13 — ProgKajof Liberty, ID. 



ADHmsTnATioN coNTixtiED. Oclubtr, 17BU — January. 1T07. 

Duimtes in the Coloniet, p, aO~Paxlon sails (or England, 31 — Plan for 
Illinois, 21 — The West, 22- NoHhCar.ilina, 92- The Regiilotora, 23 — Prog- 
TCM n( [he Dispute in Massachusellg, a-l — Shelhume'B (Candor, 95 — liadnden 
and South Carolina, 36 — Sew York, 90 — Chatliom and the Arifltocracy, 27 — 
Towniiheud prapoies an American Civil List, 3!) — Hu bruvtbcata the Csbioct, ^0. 



BAX'a ADMixiSTBATio.i BY THE uoBAio o 1^(111 iTiiiN. January— Mare h, 1707. 

Knlchinson uiur^ a Seat in Council, p. 31 — Dispute on billeting Troops, 
SI — Shellmrnc's Coloniai Policy, S3 — Opposed by ilie King, ^^ — By Factioni, 
M — By Charles Toimshend. iU — Defeat of the Muiistry, W — Eail of Chab> 
ham'a AdmiDUtralion, Se. 




Miircli— ,)uly, ITUT. 

Character of Townshiod, p. SS — Bn nilea tbe Uiniclry, 39 — Bedford in 
\he Hduai! of Lord»« 40 — ChoiBVul Sfsda Du Kalb lo An^erioA, 40 — ConcJlUCioa 
still pus-iiOli;, 41 — ToWHshend unlit to coQcilinte, 43 — He opr;n> hit SyFlcm Ca 
Parliament, 4A — Scrtiigth of the Oppoflidon, 40 — ^ChaCJinia visited by tjrafton, 
49 — Grafloa Prime Miniiter, 4U — Jonathan Trumbull, liO — Townabend var- 
riea bia Muanuru, liO — Tryon In Nurth Cuolioa, SI- 



Novcnib«r, 178T. 

Thi; King gnvem!, p. 62 — Rockingham negotinfei with Bedford and Gren- 
ville, aa — Failure ol tht Coalition, 54 — Policy of Cholseul, 55— Diacontent in 
the Colonies. 57 — Death of Tovrnsheiid, 58 — Lord North succeeda him, && 
— The Coloniea indignant at ihe New Tixea, 59 — Condutt of Boston, GO — 
Tlu Firmu'a Leiten, 00. 



isruATios ov THE tVLosiES. NovembtT, 176T— Februarj-, 1768. 

The DedJord Pnrty cosleMe with tba Miniitry, p. 03 — HiUaborough Colo- 
nial Seeri^tary, 85 — -His Colonial Policy, 65 — -Hi* Inlorview with Johnson uf 
Connwiicnl, Sft — lie ijeiuions HulchiasKin. SB — The Massatliiiaetis AssKiobly 
pbin Rasiatance, SB — Their Letter of Insiruutiong, 70 — Tbeir Pelilion to the 
King, 73 — Their Circular to Ibe Sister Colonies, 73. 



Mt.NlBTaiTto» or TJUl col^KiBB CONTUHIED. Feb ruarj"— March, 176S. 

Memorial From the Commis^ioneri of the Revenue, p. 75 — MaasBchusetU 
di9Conraf;ES Importations, 76 — Du Cbiltelet goes to England as Ambassador 
from Fmni:e, 70 — .Mtereations in Maasachusetts, 77 — Bernard and the Com- 
misiionors wish Ihn Aid uf Troop^. 78 — Stale of the Question. 70 — Chamcter 
of iLe TweUtli I'ltliament, 80 --Temper of the Coloniei, 81 — Prophecies, 83. 





HiUibotough orders Messacliu-'ietis lo rfscind iW ReiolTBi, p, 83 — Virgiuia 
appruvBC th^ Moaaures of UosaachiuetU, S4 — The Thirteenth Parllajncut^ 85 
— Frngreu of Opiuiou in the Colouiei, S6 — Freab Allercntioot iu Uuisiibii- 
■etU. S7 — Sliipi HDil KcgimcDU ordered to Boston. 89. 



TisuEB. Jwae — July, 1758. 

The "Romney" in Boslon Harbot, p. 90 — Itiot of the Tenth of June, ao- 
The Comtniationen of the Kevenue wittidraw from Boston, 91 — Boston Town- 
HMtioguid Bernard. 91 — The Crown OtBcere nfin ux luiuntrclioa, 93 — In- 
(tmctiani of the Town of Boslon, 93 — The MiuBai:]iuseIl3 Aisembl; refuses ta 
rucind, M — It dissolved, U-t ^ frogress of Opinion, 94 — Choiieul's Frojccu, 
H — Daplkit; of Bernard and Hilliborough, UQ. 


ms KEGiTLATOBS OT bobth darolua. mLLaBCinotroa'a admimibtbation 

or niE couiMBB co^TlSUEn, July — September, 1768. 

The Ministry iocansad, p. 98 — iatriguea with Coraic*, 89 — Polity of the 
Brilith Cabinet luwiirds America, 100 — Bosloa celebrUus the Fourteenth of 
August, tOl^Choiseurs loquisitiveuess, 1&2 — Advice of MAiinlleld and Cam- 
den, lua — D«fHU in the Judicial SyitciDDl Soath CuoUaa, tOl — The Ragu- 
latun of Mortb Carolina, 1U4. 



AtmUftBTBATIiMi OF tuH couiUXKa coNTrsDED. September, 17fiB. 

Samuel Adams dnlrei tiidependencu, p. 109 — Maisacbngetts without a Log- 
iitalure, UO — The Coming of Troops announced, 110 — Boslon Town-Meeting, 
111 — Utummon* a Convention. Hi — Bernard o*ks (he Council tn quarter 
Ti«np« within the Town, 113 — Meeting of the Convention, 11* — Finnnes* of 
IIh Council, llfi — PrudeBce of the Convention. 115. 



September— Octoher, 1768. 

Bagimetita arrive at Boston, p. LIT — Their Landing. 117 — Dispute* on quai^ 
taring Ibem. 113 — Keluni of the ConunissioQen, 119 — Shelbunie dismisaed. 



190 — Chitliun nsigOB, 120 — Bochford u Secrelar)' u[ Stale. 13] —GreuTilli 
•dvocBie* KfiDrm, 121— Affnlri nt New Orleani, IM — Tba Peupla eipel Uie 
Sposlili Govenuneot, 124, 



bor- Dcceinber, 1708. 

The West, p I2s — Miuonri and niisoia, 13G — ladlank and Micbii^an, 126 — 
Stiiui negolUlC! > Boundary with Ihe Cherokee*, U7 — Trealy with Ihe Six 
Nltloni, 12T — Botetouit in Virginia, 138~M«E[iag of Parliameot, 199 — l^rd 
North will have America alfcis Feet, l.TO- AmoriiMui Petitions rejected, 131 — 
South CaralinB Ma v,'iili Ma-<SBchxuieiti, 131 — Cholacul'a Watchfulness, lil3 
. — The Ministry and Parllainent reaolro to enforce Authority, 134 .— Character 
o[ Boston, 13a. 



Tios i>F THE coLOMES co.NTiNUEn. December, 1718 — February, 176D. 

Choiaeul foretells Ihe New Order of Thini^, p. 133 — Hillsburou(;h tooveti Re- 
■olvei In the House of Lords, 139 — Bedford moves an Addreis, 139 — Finn- 
Qesa of Boston, 140 — Kew Election in New York, 141 — LeILera of Bentard, 
Hntchinrion, lod Oliver, 141 — ^Information against Samuel Adams, H^ — 
Debate in the Hou:^ of Commons, 143 — Speculations of the Statesmen of 
France, 144 — Another Debate In the Commona, 140 — Spain lidea against Ihe 
Coloiiici, 147. 



Spain resolves to recover New Orleans, p. 140 — Du Ch&telet and Cholseul 
wish its Independence, 149 — Contiaat of England and Spain, 160 — Finnnew 
of the Colonies, 152 — TTie Mini»ir\' have no Synlem, 153 — Cbr^iseul warns 
England apiinst the Ambilion of Kussia. IM — The Colonies form Agreements 
for Non-imj>nrlalion, 1S& — Repeal ol the Revenue Act refused, 156 — The 
Aftair of Wilkes, 158 — The (.'ibinel vole to rel.iin Ihe Duty on Tea, 157- 
Meeting of the Legislature of Virginia, 1&8— Its B«wlvn and l^itcular, IfiU — 
Ita Non-impoKalion Coveoant, 100. 


TllATIOS OF THE OOUlStES CONTISUEU. May— Augiist, 1709. 

Diacontcnl of Bosloa at thi Pnnence of Troops, p. 101 — Strife of Bernard 
with the Legislature, 102 — He raniovei it to Cambridite, 103 — It ri'fuses all 


Supplk* to Um Troopa, IG2 — Asnement ot Uie Merahanta not to import, 183 
—Bernard racil led. 163 — AJTuIni it New Orleans IDl — Landing of O'Reilly 
«od hi* Army, lUj — An*-!!.!, 105 — Tfinla and Eseouiium, IflU — Censiii nf 
Kew Orlpina, 16T — Pioni'ers ot the Wo«t, IBT— IllinoiB. IflT— Colonias of 
CooQeetii-'ut, 103 — Boone in Kentucky, IdS. 



IXitALI-Eti IN POWEB. Augiiiit. ITUQ — Jsnuarv, 1770. 

ttutLrhioaan ts Governor, p- tTl — Tfew York enlorces Non-importJitinTi, 173 
— Boiion enforrei the Agreemeiil, 174 — Affruy bctweon Otis aiirl Itjliinaon, 
174 — Butan itAndi lo the Agreement, 174 — Its Appeal to the World. 175 — 
InicliTity of the Troop>, 170 — Dotclnurt lo Virginia proiniius ■ partial Kepeal 
of the Revenue At' t. 17(1 — South Carolinn, 177 — All Paris of the Britlnh Em- 
pire h«v» R Comraoii Cause, 177 — Vuluniaty Asiernblies in England. 177 — A 
Free PtBMi, 178 — Uebalet nn the Popular DiBconteoi in the House gf L'ommons, 
179 — Id Iho House of Lards, 180 — Ff/ah AlUik on the Ministry, 181- fam- 
•len dimibsed. 181- Dosthot Yorke, 131 — Grafton resigns, IBi-Lord North 
Prime Mloistcr. 183. 



HiES coNTIsirED. January— Ukrch, 17T0. 

Biilchimon proro^iet Iha Assembly, p. 1S.3 — He capitulates witli the M*r- 
ebaal>, 1S4 — Trriups supplied with .Ammunition, 184 — .Conllii't with ihe Troops 
in Sew York, 1S5 — Effetl on Dofton. 185- BlOTd ia shed. ISO- Dispute* at 
Boston lietween the Soldiers and the Tntrnsmen. ISlI- The Fifth of Mardh. 1ST 
— The Town-Meeting on the Si.Tth, 191 — Sumuel Adnmi ovenirei Hulthinsofl, 
IBS — The Troops ordered to leave the Town, 194. 



TiON UP THE txiLj>MEi coMTUiUEU. March— July, 1770. 

ChAtham reeommends the Itopcnl of' the Revenue Act. p. 195 — Lord North 
ntaioi the Preamble and the Tax on Tea. IW- By a Small Majority. 1U7 — 
Chanictcr of GcoriR HI., 1U7 — State of Parties in tinuland, lUO — Cbarai'ter 
of Tburloir, 300— New York Plan of Union, 200 — UuH'hinaon meels the 
A j B ua bly at Cambridge, 301 — Proceeding in ParliamEnt, 201 — iTistrueliuus 
of ihe Town of Baslon, 304 — Hutehingun slill nails the Lef^islaturo to Uam- 
hddgc, 9U — Failun of tha Noii-iniporlaiian Aj^reementa, 205. 




Diipulii in Msuachngetli on Premgntive. p. 306 — Tbe Governor lurrendcn 
the Ptuviudal FortrcfiE to the Uritisli GKner«l, aOT — Trinl of Proston, 2011 — 
And of the Soldiers, 309 — Eleclioa of Fcinklin u Ageat, 210. 



ciJLOMKs cuKiisvED. Ocwber, 1770 — June, 1771. 

Virgioi* nnd the West. p. 3U — Waihiiiglon on the Ohio, 212 — RobertBoa 
on tbu WalAuga, 313 — Tbe Ruf^iUfcira of North CarolijiA, 214 — llurbjindd 
espellfd IbB Atjembly, 214 — The Riot Act, 216 — Dunmore in Ni-w York, 
215 — Edmund Burke rbonen A^nt for New York. 215 — Soulb Carolinn. 219 
— Dispuic of England and Spain on the Fultland Islands, 210 — Cironvillo'» 
Friends join tile British Ministry. 217 — Choiseul dismi^aed, 317 — Qriccances 
ol tbe llfigulntorj. 218 — They visit Salisbury, 219 — Tryon marehea flgdlnst 
tiiem, 23} — Buttle of the AJamanpe, ^U — Exeeutioa of Priaonera, 321 — Tbe 
Republic on tlie Wauugi, H'l. 



bobouciii'b At>»i?iisTiuTlo!j Of TOE cc}Lo:<iEa oosTiNnED. June, 1T71 — 
Auguil, 1773. 

BamneJ Adanu stands alone, p. 331 — NeT Altercation Id Mftsaachuselts, 33S 
— Samuel Adanu pltiis Correspondence and Union, 330 — Conduct of Hulcbin- 
WQ, S97 — Jones, of Qeor^a. 323 — Affairs in South Caroliuo, 228^Dii;Gan* 
lent at tlie West, 2211 — Virtjinia protasta ogninsl tbe Slave-Trade, 2^0 — Burning 
uf llie "Giupee," 335 — Protest of tlu MasnachiuiettB Assembly on the Civil 
Liet, 23U — Hilbiborough retiras, 337. 


tHB Towsa ow MASBACHtJBETta iiou) coiutKarusDEwo. Augiut, ITTa — 
January', 1773, 

Tbt Cordial llnderstandinj; twiwoen England and Frani;e, p. 33S -^ Contrast 
with Sew England, 3^ — Samuel Adain-i propoMs Comtuittees of Correapond- 
(pce, 3-10 — His Mwiun, 211 — Committee appointed, 243 — Watrtm, 343 — The 
Itepurt of the Comiaillep, 344 — KFFecIs o[ T>j:Btion by Parliament on lbs 
Britirli Itevy-niie. 244 — Discovery of EliiTcblnson's Secret Letters, 240 — Frank- 
lin senils iliem to the Speaker uf the Stain achusetis Assembly, 340 — Towns of 
HaaiachuscllJ meet and correspond, 347 — Case of the "Gaspee," 249. 




TTBOnnA coKsuLiDATES usios. Juiiuu; — Julf, 1TT3. 

Th« ProQfledin^ of Boston sent to Virginm, p- ^S-'HntchiiuoD clialJflQgn 
the MatMcimwlU Aonmlily io discuM (he Supwms Power of Parliimenl, 253 

— The Towiu rontinaB to mttt, 3b3 — South Carolitis, 354 — Aiuwvr of the 
Cooncil of M»«»«chu»elt«, 2S* — Of the Home, Kll — The ConimimiDnari on 
IIk Abuiof (he "Guspee," 35(i — Dispute in Miu^achnneitt oa (he Di: [Knit mica 
of the Judgeji, 2&7 — Virginia proposes loIercoToliEal Comniitlees. S58 — EHeot 
Of Ihe PTopa*i(ion, 259 — Thti King in Favor of Coercion, a(iO — Leave jjiren to 
the Eoal India Company Io ex[H>rt Teas Duly free, 3B1 — The King rejects (he 
PetitioTU of UuuchuiettB, 303 — HntchiniDD and Oliver unnuilud, 383 — 
BntcUnjou'i Dejection, 364. 


Tax BMToit TKA rABTT. Aoguat— December, 1TT3. 

The Eatt India Company export Tea to America, p. 366 — 3amue1 Adams 
pnparM Resisliioce, 38B — He pious a CotigreM, StJii — Secre( CirtuJur, aall — 
BoolTBS and Proceeding of Ptii lade Ip bis, 360 — SpHt of South Carolina. 370 

— Of the People of Illinois, 270 — The Public Meeting in Boilon, 2*1 — Town- 
Meeting, 372 — Tile Tea Consignees will not resign, 373 — Committees of Five 
Town*, 373- A Tea-Ship arrives, 274 — Great Puhlic Meeting, 374- Two 
more Tea-Ships, 370 — The Bojlon Committee reniiite Ibe Tea-Ships to bo sent 
b«ck, 277 — AClearance refused, 278 — Great Public Meeting, 279 — The Gov- 
ernor refuses a P«m for the Tea-Ship, 37!*- The Tea thrown ovutboard, 280 — 
The Tea-Ship at Charleston, 281- Al Pliiladetpbia, 381 -- The Cry for Union, 



TKS tana ih covxcil. iuBCrtTs tite <ib>ut ahericah plebbiak. 

December, 1773— .February, 1774. 

FnnkUD delivers (ha Address for the Removal of Hutchinson, p, 3S8 — Duel 
between T*mple and Whalely, 284- Smie of Feeling in Englund, 285 — In 
America. 935 — Franklin before the Prify Council, 385 — Speech of Diiniiing, 
385- Of Wedderbum, 280- Franklin and Wedderbiiro, 287- Franklin uiid 
the Lord* of Cnuncil. 380- DeliBia in the House of I>>rds. 289 — Franklin still 
leeki Coociliiition, 3S9 ~ Franklin and (he King, 200. 


tHB CRISIS. February — May, 1774. 

Exi*p«r»lion of the Government, p. 291 — The Bourbon Powen are soothed, 
3SI1 — Foe goet Into Opposition. 291 -Anurchy in the American Colonies, 31)2 
— Spirilot Conneclicul, 293 — Vermont, 2»3 — Massacliiisetts. 203 — Her Ulti- 
matum, 3U1 — Debate of the Seventh of Harch, 294- British People vrith the 




Uinisny, 3W — Unsninioiis Addreu to the King. 3i)0 — Pcnul Measures ii)pila>t 
Botlon. ■am — Dcbale on Ihe Uoston Fori Bill, 23fl -^ Advice of Joniah Tuukcr, 
298 — Of ,JolinCftrlwriyUl,aiia — Of LiTd GeorgB Gcnnaiu, aOO — The Boston 
Port Bill la (he Home of LoTds, SOO — DebaUi on rtpcaliiif; Ibe Duty on Tea, 
300 — GaKB i^> for Botloo, 301 — Hia ln>ITiictium<, 301 — Public Esl«cm for 
SunudAdftins, 3()1 — pDoilioiiDf Edmiuid Borke, SOS — Sew Turk Tu-Sbip, 
30S — The Second Peual Dill, 3D0 — TlieTllird, 306- Bill for quartering Troopi, 
30T — TbeQuebuc KiU, JOT ~ Decline of Liberty in Europe, ;iOa — Fiteilom lo 
b« rBBlond in Auiedi^, 308. 



The Hour uf the Americati Revolution, p. 311 — Its NeceaBlty, 311 — Freedom 
founded on a Uuivoraal Principle, 312 — Most cherifihed in America, 31£ -— Brit- 
ain should hove offered Iiidependeace, 313 — Intaluution of the King and Par- 
liament, 313 — France, 314 — ^ Increase of Monan^hical Power, 314 — Tbe People 
of France, 314 — Ita Unity, 315- Decay of the French Noliility, 315- They 
eieape Military Service and Taxation, 315 — The King Maslfr of the Treaiur;-, 
3IB — Of the Army, 31B — Of the Church, 310 — The MociBLratBS, 31B -Munici- 
pal Charters, 317 — Skepticiim in Frauce, 317 — Degradation of Iha Moiuircby, 
31T — Riling Importance of the People, 319 — The Dauphin, SIS-Marie An- 
toinette, 318 — Accession of Louis XVI., 31B — Voltah^'s Hopes, 31B — Beou- 
marchais, 330- Charles lU. of Spain, 320 — Tho Mourners for Louii XV., 330 
— Jealousy between Britaiu and France, 331 — Port Act received in Boston, 331 

— Meeting of Nine Copimillees, 331- The Tea not lo be paid for, 333- Circu- 
lar lo the Colonies, 322- Boston Town-Meeting, 323- Gage arrivM, 323— Hi* 
Character, 324 — Firmnesa of Newhuryport and Salem, aU— Of Boaton, 335. 



Kew York Sons of Liberty propose a General Congreaa, p. 3211 — FormaOon 
of a Coiuerralivo Patly. 327 — Effect of the Port Act on thu People, 33T — Con- 
necticut, 33T — Prov-ideuee, 327 — New York Committee of Fifty-one, 328 — 
The King approves Two Acts against Massachusetts, 328 — Philadelphia, 320 

— Dickinson moderates Public Feeling, 330 — Hie Measures, 330 — Secoud 
Thought of New York, 330 — Zeal of Coonecticul, 331 — Hutchinson's Addresi- 
cn, :i31 — They are condemned. 331 —Samuel Adams suppresses Murmurs, SS'J 

— Massaehusetti Legislature organized, 333 — Patience of Boston, 333. 


VOICES rjiQK THE SOUTH. Moy, 1774, continued. 

Bolcimart, p. 3B3~IIs Conduct a Model, 331 — New Hampshire, 334- New 
Jersey, 334 — Soulh Carolina, 334 — Its SjTnpalhy tor Boston, 335 — Virginia, 


SS5 — 111 Burgeuea appoiat ■ Fut, 336 — Uodh diualred, iSB — Heating of 
ha Membcn, S36 — Coovention called, 337 — North Cttroluia, 33T — Union o( 
Um Country, 337, 


bliEts. June, ITT-l. 

Blnrkoilc of BosUiD, p. 33B — EfCi'Cti eltewhere, 33(1 — The King mokes a L» I 
of Moitdtmuf CoancillDrs. 339 — Tho Governor of MasBHcbui^etta may order 
TnwpB lo Are on the People, 340 — CoDtrngt becweeo the K.iag and Satnusl 
Adams, 340 — The Kew Leugoe and Covenant, 341 — Non-^ntcrcourac witL 
Brluio, 341 — Tbe Legislature at Saleio, 343 — The Council ftStonU the Gover- 
nor, 3ta — Pofeedin({i of the Hdum, 342 — .Vrrival of More Troops at Boston, 
343 — nrmneo of the People, 343 — Tbe Mafsachunctls Legislature Dppniali 
the Time and Place for the National CoBgresf, 343 — Gage dia^olves tbe Af-sem- 
Illy, a44 — B<HlooTown Meeting. 344 — John Adams enters Public Life, 344 — 
Promptnew of Rhode Itland, 31S — And of Maryland, 346. 



Generous Conduct of 3Iarb1ehead and Salem, p- 34S — Intrigues of Ga^, 
S48 — Botlon Touti Meeting, 347 — Tbe Town approve their Cooimitteo of Cor- 
respondence, 347 — Addreaies to flutcbin^on, 347^Gaj^''s Proclamation, 348 
— Thrents ol Arrest, 348 -Tlu^ais not executed, 348 — Hutchinson reaches 
England, 341J — HJs Interview with tbe King, 349 — Conddence of the King, 
S« — Boiinn minislertd to by tbe CaroUna*, 360 — By Connecticut, 860 — By 
Quebec, 3il — By Deluiraie, Maryland, and Virginia, 3G1. 



Public Spirit in New Tork, p. Ssa-State of Parlies, 354 — Character of Johii 
Jav, 3M -<— Nomination of New Yoric Delegates to Congrefs. 3o&^ Opposition 
Id the Nomination, 356 — Flr«t Public Appearance of Alexander Uamilton, 365 

— Differences of Opinion in the New York Committee, 336'~Fomiation of Two 
Patties, 35li — South Carolina elects its Deputies, 3BT — Tlinidily of Dickinson. 
aST — Penmyivania chooses its Deputies, 358^ New Jersey, 338 — New Hamp- 
shire, 358 — Compromise between the Parties >□ New York, 358 — Virginia 
meets in Con veal ion, 359 — Opinions of Jetlcrson, 359 — Virginia forbids tlie 
Slave-Trade 358 — Opinioni of Washington, SUB — Decisioa at Virginia, 3U0 

— Of North Carolina, 301. 


THB CABurrr or Lotna ivi. July— Angnst, 177*. 

Character of Looii XYI., p. 363 — Choice of Maurepas as Chief Minister, 
Wa— Chaiader of Maorepaa, 303 — Vergennea Miaisler of Foreign Affaln;, 


SM — His Chsmcto, 384 — Tutgol Miniater of Finaooc, 866 — Abimon in the 
Freoch Finances, 3iiS — Turcot plnni Retorm, 366 — SartiuD becamee MiaisUr 
of the Mortuc, 30T ~ Fninue leana U> the Colonies, 367, 


BOW Tax KJiUD/jsna couscillohs webb dealt with. Au^uat, ITTl. 

Gagerecairca the Regulating Act. p. 36S — Cbuucter of tbc .Act, aGS — Ttvo 
other Acts aigaiii't MmsKlimelti 370 — The (JuesUon between America and 
Britaiu changed, 370 — Boaloo canaults Ibo Country Towns, 371 — Answer from 
Pepperell, 371 — Genera! Spirit of Resisianc*, 373 — Thomas Gardner, 372 — 
Niunljer of tbs Militia, 373 — Putnam visits Boston, 373 — Cbarlei Lee, 373 — 
Opinions of Hawiey. 371 — Courta of Hampshire broken np, 374 — ^ Mandamus 
Conneitlura lerrifled. 37S — Rngglea of Hardwick, 375- Timothy Paina, 375 — 
Murray of Rutland, 376 — Wil lard res igne, 376 — And Walaon, 370- 



The MassachujiL'tts Delegalai pa-M through Connccljcut, p. 3T7 — They TL-ach 
the H ml eon, 373 — New York diainclined to War, 37B —Suffolk County Con- 
Tantiou, 379 ^ Convention of Tbree Counties lu Bo«tou, 3B0 — Court at Spring- 
field imerrupted, 380 — Supremi^ Court in Boston, 3B1 — Middlesex Convention 
■t Concord, 381. 


rat BurroLK couwrv costk-tkoi". September, ITTi. 

Gage sdies the Powder of tie Province, p. 883 — Tbo People rise, 383 — 
More Couneillort resign. 384 — Good Conduct of tbe People, 334 — Opimons of 
Cbariea Fox, 38& — Gage requires More Troops, 386 — t^age wishes to raise 
Canadians and Indlau.t, 386 — England sccka Indian Alliances. 38S — And to 
tubdue by Terror, 387 — Rising nf the People, 3S7 — Courage of Putnam, 387 — 
Consequences of the Rising, 338 — Gage fortifies Boston, 338 — The Court at 
Woreotler interrupted, 3Sa — The Sufiolk Convention, 389- Its Resolutions, 
UBS — Fearlasiaess of Warren, 3B0 — MaMachuietta iriahej to revivB iU Old 
Charter, 380. 


SUE cnsTi.iE.'il auFPOBTS iiASSACHuaUTB. September, 1774. 

Spirit of the Deputies to Congress, p. BBS — The Congress organiMd, 399 — 
The Method of voting, 3i>3 — Great Debate, 394 — Congress votes by Colonics, 
3»S — Congrets opened with Prayer, 33S — The Paalin for the Day, 39B — De- 
bate on tbe Foundation of Coloni&l Rights. 3SU — Extent of those Rights, 3DT — 
[Dfluen4:e of Samuel Adams, 3i>7 — Congress approve the Reaolutiona of the 
County of SuSollt. 3i)9 — The King dissolves Parliainenl, 398. 



Jths cosrisKKTAt cosoREaa sehkb to avkbt ikuefendence, Saptem- 
ber— (X'toljer, 17T4. 

Unceruunly of Gape. p. 399 — Dolprmiiiod Refinlanca Df New En([l»inl, 400 
l^Gage fluvf not meeL Ibe MjiaHiii.-bu.ti?(ls Aa^mbTv, 100 — Tha General Con- 
I avoid TbMriD«, 401 — Tlivir Kelrotpcct (ut Urievances. 401 >- John Adams 
Qti to the Aca of NikVJgHtioD, 401 — Coagnwi miLkefl the Cuncgn^JEfii, 402 
F— InMdioui Flu of G*1luvi-uy, 40-i — Hi> Defeat, 403 — Peuiu.vlvuiis cIhU 
fPitkinioB to CongTfiii, 403 — Sympathy of Congresa for Boston, 403 — Sjiiril 
[«! UuyUnd, 404. 


cosauMaa wtix hasg ths last apfkai. ir neckmabt. Oclobar, 1774. 

Firmness of WuhinaMin. P- 405 — ConijreBs approTM tho Rwiataqoe of Mm- 
cbuiclu to Itau Act! of i'arliameol, 4D6~The Dectaratinu uf KiKhls, 406 — 
Oagnas threolons to (top British ImpoMs and Exports, 407 — The SUvt-Trnde 
MrboUy didfondoued, 407 — Addrcea to tho British I'oople. 403 — Con^frflas pclj- 
Udiu the Kiag, 40M — Indepondeiico not yet desired, 410 — Spirit of the Mem- 
Iwn of Congress, 410 — Patrick Henry predicts War, 411. 



I Patrick H«nry'a Opinina af Waihington, p. 41S — The ManEaehuaettB Assam- 
bly fomis iljelf into a Provincjal Con^^^f , 413 — The Trepidation of Gage, 

412 — MeaJun" adopted hy the Pronncinl CnnRTes*, 413 — Acts of Connecticut, 

413 — Ma«?achusett4 cooform» to her Second Charter, 414 — Beginninp; fit the 
Emancipaiion of Catholics, 414 — Canadian Catholics in part cnfraiicliined, 
415 — Restoration of the French System of Ijiw, 415 — C»n»diati Nohllity 
Mndlialcd, 416 — Kstabli«h meat of the Calhotiu Worship, 419— Sulltfactioa of 
tha Cler^, 415 — The American Congreaa get» the better of iti Biiptty ajpiliiHl 
Catholici, 410— Theit Addrcu to the Canadian!, 41B. 


TUX oovcnnon op tibhiiiia ^ul[.ifii» tite qokbec act. 

NoTOoiber, 1774. 

October — 

(Virginia opposes ths Quebec Act, p. 418- Dunmore'a Rapacity, 418- Ha 
tokes posHuion of Plttiburg and its Depeodeiicies, 418 — Di'poled Jurisdic- 
Ijod in the Nnrth-weat, 410^The Backwoodsmen, 411} — Murders by the In- 
dians, 480 — The Backwoud-smcu take Revenge, 4il — Murders near Veliow 
Creek, 431 — BtCT'ininK of the Indian War, 421 — Logan's Revenue, 422 — 
, Pnnmore call] onl the Militia, 422 — The Rally of the South-weil at Lewisburg, 
i — They march on the Mountains, 428- They encamp on Point Pleasant, 



433 — Great Indiiin Bittle, 43* — Vielory a! UiB Virginiins, 12J — TliB Tir- 
gintani cross Ifa« Ohio Kircr, iM — Dumuore concludes n Peaca with tha Sh>w- 
nees, 12S — Spirit of tta« Waslera Vir|riiiiiin«, 435. 




Opinicmi of Wurcn, p. 427 — Frank lin tad George III., UT- The EHeo- 
tious to Parlininenl, 428^ The Freacb Miniiler bargaioi for a Borough, 4^ 

— The General Vtimlity, 428 — Westniinster elects Tories, 439 — Despond- 
ency of Uiirlie, 423 — His Election al Brislol, 429 — William Howe returued 
for NDttin^tiain, 429 — The King decJarefl the Nbv KngluriL^ Gnvemmenrs In 
a Sute of Rebeliion, 4;W — Debate in Ibe Houfe uf Lords, 4.]1 — In the Uouae 
of Contmona, 431 — Lord North wJthea 1o negotiate, 431.— The Kranlcnesa of 
tVnnltUti, 4^^2 — Confiilento of IhB Bliniatry, 4^2 — KinaueiE of the Congress of 
Mnspachu^ells, 43.^ — l^eiaure of Cannon near Newport, 4^4 — UF Anna and 
Fowder at PurtimoutU, 434 — Couditiau of MaauctausetU, 43S — Its Cleigy, 
495 — UagDUiimity of BoetOD, 43S. 


THK KCIG REJECTS THE ofeEBB OP cuMGRESS. Decamber, 1774 — 
January, 1T76. 

Franklin preaenCs the Petition of Congreai, p. 437 — Tlie hlinister at War 
diBheartencd, 4.37 — Lord Howe negoliBlcs with Franklin, 438 — Franklin's 
Proposal rejeeied, 430 — Juiuaiea olfera its Mediation, 4-3B — Vic«» of the 
Frencli MiuLelry, 4^ — L'batbaui'a Position, 440 — His Inteniew with Franli- 
lin, UO~(Jninden'B Opinion, 441 — Chatham and Bockingham differ, 441 — 
A Cablnst Counctl rejecla the Proposals of Congreis, 443. 


CUATOAM UAra TBS PowiDATloM OP FKAcE. January 20, 17T5. 

American Papen laid before Parliament, p. 443 — Virginia Presbyteriana in 
Conneil, 443 — Their Deciiiou, 444 — Cliathaia proposes to remove the Army 
from Boston, 444 — His Speech, 445 — His Eulogy of the American People, 443 

— Tbeir Union, 44B — Their Independence, 440- Their Spirit of Litwrty, 447 — 
Wisdom of Congress, 447 — The King's Anger at Chatham, 44S — The Debate 
In the House of Lords, 44!> — Good EitccU of ChAlhuii's Speech, 4M). 


THE rEOPij: OF XEVf fOiiit TitUE TO UMiis. January— February, ITTS. 

Finn Union of the Contiaenl, p. 451 — Accession of a Part of Georgia, 452 — 
Movements in Tirginia, 4119 — Marylantl and Delaware, 4&4 — lutriguea in New 


, 151 — Thi Hopes of Roj-allsM incressfl, lSt> — Tha New Tork Asumblj 
Pibg to the Congreu. 45fl — Tlie Couflict in Penni-jlvanlB sod New JerMy, 
IM — The New York Aaicmbly retusn to it^uJ Del^galci lo the next Coognu, 
457 — Th* Presi of Niw York, *58— PimphleW ot HsmUlOD, *58. 



Febriuiry Oi 1T76. 

Plaiu al the Uiaistiy, p. 483 — Parliament anrelentinK, 163 — Inatnictioni la 
Gage 10 act nfleiuivulT. 1S3 — (Ihalhaiii inlerpotiss, 463 — Debate in Ihe Uouie 
of Lords, 464 — ^CbalhjiDi's Tribute rci Franklin, M\i — His Inveclive a^inibt 
the Min^jten, 465 — Hi« BiU for Conciliation rejecieilf 466 — The Houieof Co(n< 
moos in CommJCtee declare Mu4&achuHCIt->< in Rebellion, 4tiG — Rtinewpd Nego- 
tiation with Franklin, 467' — Renewed DeliaLe in ti^e Hou?e of Commons, 467 
— Asgr/ Debate in tbe Houae o[ Lords, 4SD — Joint Address of Parliarneut, 


THK SPIRIT or MBW Ki(Gi.A:ii>. February, 177B. 

Hunchusetta appoinia its Commiltee ot Safety, p.lTO — Their Firmneii, 470 
— TIwIt Measure* for Defence, 471 — Military Prepnrntion, 471 — Leonard 
racODunends Submiesion, 472 — The Reply of John Adams, 47li. 



February, 177B, 

Lord North proposes to excJuda New England from the Flsharies, p. 4T8 — 
CoQOesskitu to tbe Ffeoch, 470 — Lord North in Favor of sendinj^ Commission- 
en la America, 479 — Consultation with Kraitklin, 430 — Lord North proposes 
a Plan of Contillntion, 480 — He l(>^e9 his Control of the Huusu of Coniinons, 
441 — Inadequaleness nf hie Offer, 481 — Appointment of Howe as General, 181 
— Of L«rd Howe as Admiral and Cnmmiasiouer, 482 — Clinlon and Burgiiyne, 
483 — Bnrgorne rebuked, 480— UoUand menaced, 48a — Opinioos dd Ldrd 
North's Proposal, 4S3. 

ASHivRitaABr or tbs: bobtos UASsActm. February — Marcb, 1T7B. 

it of the Dutch Americans, p. 485- Of Weslem Vir^nia, 460 — Of 
Sontb Carolina. 188- Of Boston, 487- Expedition lo Salem, 187 — Confldenee 
<il the King. 487 — BdsCoo comineiDoralcs the Mnaaacre, 438 — Speech of War- 
ren. 189 — The Army in Boston becomes incensed, 190. 

VOL. IV. i 




Ohanclcr of Sniuuvl Jolineoti, p. 481 — Hii "Taxslion no Tyranny," 4SS — 
Johiltao gn liis DpBlh-beil. 193 — Wealey for the Court, 494 — ClUiidcn apeHkj 
fnr Anierk'n. 41)4 — SBniiKkii I'ttlls Ihe Ajuericsas {Jowards, 495 — Iiidignaiiun 
of Franklin, *9a^t'ninkliii's Inifrvie* Willi the French Miiiiater, 485 — His 
Interview with Burke, 41)0 — He ««ila for America, 499 — Franklin's Sincerity, 
49S — Ue retains [he ConHdenca d( Ihi Liberal Slilesinen, l^T-'Edmuud 
Bucks pro pOBSB Ilia Plan at Conciliation, 49S — Itii rejected. Ml. 

vii((ii:i[A FHKPABia TOB aELF'DBFimcB. Hafcli — April, ITTS. 

VcnnDIiC. P' 502 — Delaware, fi03 —.• Conservative Character of VirginiB, A04 
— Its Want of Defence*, 60j — Meeting of itt Convtniicyn, 603 — Patrick 
Heiir*' propose* a Postnre of Defence, S05 — Objections, BO<i — Reply of Patrick 
Henry, SOfi — Of Lee, 506 — Patrick Hnnry's Flan adopii'd, 506 — Dunoiore 
farricfi off the GunpowJer in the Colony'! Magaiine, 507 — The People threaten 
[0 rise, 507 — Dunniore ihroatens lo free and arm the Slaves, MI7 — The Spirit 
of VirginU, 507 ^ Moderating Advice, SOB. 



April— May, 1776. 

Man?<achusfltla hears of the Mcaanres adopted in England, p- 509 — Warren 
confiilcijt of Sueeesi, 509 — Meiiiires of PrBCaution [uwards the Indians, SIO — 
Preparalions of ManfacliusoltB for the War, 510 — Confidence of Gage, 511 — 
I'be Citizens of London intercede for America, 511 — ConAdenl Ptoiuises of 
HutclmiRon, &1S — Mcniiuiwi of the Kiny in North Carolina, 512 — State of 
Things in Xew York, 512^ The King confident of winning Kew York, 5111 
— Sagncity of Vergcnnef, 513 — Fresh Orders lo GngB lo »cl on the offensive, 
513 — Dalrj'm pie's Faraphlot for America, 514^ How far Lord North was false, 
614 — fncrensing Confidence of the King, 615 — Great Expectation throughout 
Europe, 515. 


LaxisoTon. April 19, 17T6. 

Oage Mnds an Expetlillon lo Concord, p. 51S — Messengers sent in Advance 
from Boston, 510 — The Country roused, 517 — The News received at Concord, 
517 — At Acton. 5IS — l^xingtan, 513 — Its Militia and Alarm-Men turn ODt, 
61B — Pitcaim approaches the Cominon, 519 — Tlie hlinule-Men paraded, 519 — 
The British begin Iho Attack, 519 — The SUnnte-Men disperse, 590 — Some 

tralnrD (he Fira, G30— Tbn Vkliiiu, S9D — Daybreak, B91 — FaremUDere of llie 
[TillkgcBcnK*. aai — Prophicjot Samuel Aduna, (tSS. 



The British inarch (or Coatord, p. &2:l — FJrfl Rally of ilie People, iS3 — 
They ntrut beyond IhB River, *il — The Brilbh «nUT Coiicon!, 62-1 — The 
Men ol Acton, !i2A — The Hally of Ihe Amcricadi, 524 — Deilriiction of Slorca 
bv the British, 6^ — DtltheratioD of tht Anipricana aheut re»isliiifi;, 525 — 
Origin of the Kei^olulinn, [j90 — The Anmrii'ans sdrance, 520 — The llritisb 
Brt, sal — The Finl Hanyn si Concori!, 52T — The Bailie, 527 — Tlie Bdlisb 
retreat, &38 — The Americans (pveChniw, 628 — Punuil through Linttiln, 529 — 
And Lexmgton, 529 — Arrival of Lord Percy a-ilh Re-enforeeineBis, 529 — Fur- 
IhirRetnat of the British, saO —Their Pursuit, fi30 — Incidents in L'uinbridg*, 
, Ml — The British reach Charlestown, 533 — Tba King's Army besieged, 532- 
tm[iuTtaace ot Ibe Day, 532. 


irrBcra or tkb oxr or t-ExuiGi-oN aso cosoord. ths ai^rii. 
April. 1T75. 

The Alarm spreads over the Country, p. 533 — Beyond the Allegbaniei, 634 — 
The People of Massachusetts rush to the Cauip, 634 — Men of New Hampshire, 
53i — John Stark, 535- The Men of Conneclicul, 530- Israel Puiimm, 53B — 
Moveioenis in Rhode Island, 63T — Character of the Army, 537 — MortiUcation 
dI the British Officers, KSS — How far Percy lorgol hituiElf, 638. 



cutr OF LiBEHTT. April — JUy, 1775. 

SoSerings o( the People of Boston, p. 540 — Conneclicut oflers Medialion, 
510 — The Camp of Liberty, 611 — Want of MiUtary Stores, fill — Proposed 
Eipediiion against Quebec, 542 — Waul of Money, 512 — State of [lie Currency, 
543 — Masiacliusetla desires to take up (lorcmmenl, 513- Fnnnatiga ot 1^ 
American Anay, M3 — Greene of Rhode Island, Gil — His Character, Ml. 


irrECTa or ihb hai of LEiiNaroN and coscobi) coBTJitoito. thi! 
QKXEItAL BtBINO. .^pri] — May, 1776. 

Excitement at New York, p. 540 — A Nen Coouniltee, 510 — And Aj^ocintion, 

UT — Address from New York to London, 547 — Reception of the Delegates 

(niip Masi-achuselta ami Connecticut. 51S — Spirit of New .lortey, 549 — Of 

P«iiiu>'|Tania.64tt — OI Maryland, 660 — The Risiagm Virginia, SMJ-Triumpfa 

, gf htrick Henry, fifil. 




DEROOA take:(. May, 1TT6. 

ProcMding* in South C»ro1ln», p. BftS — In Gtorgia, 5B3 — BisiDg of Ihe Men 
ol VerniDiil, 554 — Tbey cni»« Luke ChBiniilain, 6M — Surprise of Ticonderoga, 
656 —The Commander nurrenilera, 558, 


BFrEcra of the dat or umxisaiou ahd concobd w kubope. Miy— 

Jul/, 1776. 

The Nsiri from LaslngUia at London, p. 658 — Expre»ioiiji of Sorrow, 6GS — . 
Hulchinsrm'a False InlonnaliDn, 559 — How the French viewed the EvunI, 558 
— The Conduct of Gage condrnined, 559 — Society for ConstilutioiisI lufonua- 
tiOD, 500 — Diicontent of Lord North, Ml — Meetiiur of the Cabinet, 5tit — Ad- 
dress of the Citizens of Londou, 5G2 — Various Propo^aJe, 563 .— The Kiug 
resolves to apply for Russian Troop?, 5H^ — Arms Kent oui for Indians and 
Negroes, 603 — The Kiug calld on hin Allies the Six Nations, 584 — The K.iit|!'i 
Brother at Melz, 564 — A Yonog Enthusiast for America, 504 — State of 0|)iiiic»tl 
in Paris, 505 — Opinions o( Turgeunos, 5115 — French Emissary to be sunt to 
America, Gflfi. 



Heeting of Ihe Second CongTens, p. 607 — Its WeikneeB, 667- Ori^ of 
American Public Law, 568 — DiRiculty of ^tlin)^ an Expression of Public 
Opinion, 608 — Continued Attachment of the Americana to England, 56M — 
Irdcciaion of Congress, 5711 — First Deputy from Georgia, 670 — Congresa in- 
fltructB New York to permit the Lauding of Bntr?ih Troops, 570 — Consequence* 
ot this Advice, 671 — Couduet of New York, 6T1 — Jay propoeos a Second 
Pelidoa to the King, 671. 



Congress hesitates lo approve the Taking of Ticonderoga, p. 573 — The Affair 
On Grape Island. 57 fl — Skirmish near Noddle's L^Iand, 573 — Success on the 
Northern Frontier, 574 — Ticonderoga ami t.'rown Point garrisoned, 574 — Ken- 
tucky wittleii, 575 — Further Career ot Deuiel Boone, 57'l -Spirit of the County 
of MecklcnbuTR, 677 — They declare Independence, 578 — They establish a 
Qovemmeul of tlieir own, 678 — They publieh their liesolTcs to the World, 5TB 
— Alarm of Governor Martiii. 570. 






Spirit of Cotigrei"*, p. 530 — Conduct of WnshJnfjTnn, &80 — ■ Of New Kngland, 
180 — Of Franklin, 581 — Of Bitkii.Boii. 581— Of IVimsylvsnia, 581 — Dick- 
irtiwn ■flrtH-flrc4 A Se^^ond Petili<m to The Riii^. A&l — Buntotk chosen Preiident, 
&K! — Mewun^ '•( Defence, 582 — llusue propOHO? ■ Nfpiiiaiiuii, 582 — Con- 
IgrvBB Cdnvidm NortZi'i Prnpoflition, SSS-'The ComprotnlHc, 553 — I)uAno'» 
MoCion cmiricd, 583 — lit ConfcqufiicH, 583 — MisHivinf;" of Congress, 68^ — 
Addfvu lo the CunsdiBiu, 584 — The Addceii lueFFn'tui!, 584 — PrupDiitioDi 
fMeivedfromUrdNortli. 684- Theyirf laid on the Tiible, 685. 



Junc J-n. 177S. 

Dunmore conTcnEs Ihc Virginio Legislalure, p. 58a — Opinions of Jefferson, 
58Q — L»sl Uif of tbe King's Velo Power, 53T — Tlie Goveroor lemporiiea, B8T 

— He wiChdrAt* R, 5BT — Answer of llie Bur^»se9 to Lord North's Propofition, 
588 — Sbelburne't Opinion on tbe Answer, 5B8 — Vei^nnep, 589 ^ MiLsiachu- 
stUt ttkt of Conyre!>! lenve Co lake up Ggvenimeni, SSM — Congr««> to aniume 
Ihp Anny. 589 — And elect B Generaliifiino. 6U0 — John Aduinn and Samuel 
Artuns Bilviie ihe Clioice nf Wssbinjflon. 5ltO — CocifjiTsi Itorniws Money, BBI 

— tu Foliey, 581 — The Twelve United t^olonies, 591 — Advice lo Massac buiett«, 
591 — ProL'lHRiiiI ion of Gage. 531— Martial Law eilablished, 591 — His Advice to 
theHioiflry. 5Ua — New York diiclaiins tht Ue-ire of Inrttpendeiict, 692 — The 
General Congress Bp^iojnt" a Fast, 592 — Tbe .^mericnn Continental Army, 593 

— Washington chosen General, 69-T — His Person, 598 — His Rducation, 598 — 
Hi«&rly Life, 59*- His Cpiirage, 591- CbeerdiliicsB, 595 — Liberality, 595 — 
9n Di^inlervfti-dness. 595' — His Pa^s^ionsaDd his Judgment, 595 — Hi> Secrecy, 
»»- Hln Aileniion lo Details 5UU — Hi* Coin pre hensive nets, 596 — Hia Mod- 
cratioa, 596 — Washinfr:ton a ^ouli^emer, 59B — ^Vashillf^on ihe KepTesentaliTt} 
at hie Country, 697 — His Chanicier Religious, 597 — Hi* Goodness, 597 — Hia 
Ambition, 598 — His Love of Fame, 698 — His Greatness, 598 — He commnndi 
L'nlTinal Conlldence. 59B — Tlie DitRciillies before him, 599 — He aciepla, 5S0 

— ConpTMf atlberrs to him, 599 — Ilia C"nimi«"ion, 690 — His Tmet in Prgvi- 
dcD«, 600 — Good Effect of his Appointment, 6D0. 


FBUCOTT OCCUPIES bheed'b HILL. Juns 16-17, ITTS. 

Condition of the Anny round liniton, p. flOl — Wnnl of Order, BOl — And 
at Subordination, GO] ^Prudence of Ward, 60-i — Expectations in England, 
Ml — Ueighti of Borchesier, and Charlentuitn, fiO.l — Gage dcsigits lo occupy 
ai«rl«ato«n, OOa — The Committee of Safely aniieipale him, U03 — PrescoW 
suux'be* to ChaTleilown, 001- Breed'a Hill forlilied, 605 — Daybreak, SOS — 



Surprise of the British, R05 — Preecolt strengthnnii hia Defences, (106 — Gsgs 
orders an Allack, 606 — Courage of Prescolt and his Band, fl<)6 — rmuam on 
Breed's HUl, HOT — Embarkation of Britbh Treopr>, 607 — They land in Charlce- 
totra, 008 — Preecutt prepares la oppnsD them, SOS — Stale of hii Defences, BOB 
—The Confusion at Head-quarters, 609. 



Ward avoids ■ General Action, p. 610 — Spirit of the Army, SIO — Bfth 
Pomeroy volunteers, 610 — Joseph Warren, 911 — Men of Worcester, Middli^- 
sex, and Cssex Counties, Gil — Stark marches ^to Charles town, €12 — He com< 
pleles the Line to the Klyatic, 612 — Putnam ^ves Orders to Chester's Company 
to march, 613 — Number of Howe's Forces, 613 — Further Orders of Ward, 
613 — ^Number of llie Americans, 6M-^Free Ne^ncs in the Battle, 61-1^ 
Cbarleelnvru burned, 614 — Howe's First Attach, 614 — Conduct of Preecott, 
615 — The British advance, 615— Their Reception, 615 — Their Retreat, 016 — 
The British at the Rail-Fence, GIB- Joy of the Americans, 616 — Second At- 
tack of the Brilisli, 617 — They are driven a^in from the Redoubt, 617 ^ Great 
Slnugliler of tlie Brilish RifbtViDg, 017 — The Speclalora of the BaUle, SIB — 
PiMcott has no More Powder, 618. 

THE hesuIaT or bithkib hill battle. June IT, ITTS, 

The Third Altacli on the Redoaht, p. 619 — Resistance of the Americans, 6S0 
-Fall uf Pitenirn, 620— Prescott gives the Word lu retreat, 620 — Kiiowllon 
and Slark retreat, 631 — Putnam takes Posfcssion of ProE|)ecI Hitl. 031 — Pres- 
cott at Htsd-J|unriers, 031 — The British malte no Pursuit, 621 — The British 
Loss in [be Battle, 022 — Howe not wounded, 622 — Loss of the Americans, 
93i — Parker, Moore, Buckniinstor, Nixon, McChiry, Gardner, 622 — ^ Death 
and Character uf Warren, 633 — Gage's Opinion of the Battle, 631 — Opinion 
of Word, Washington, and Franklin, 631. 









May— July, 17G6. 

The Batisfaction of America waa not suffered to continue 
long. The king, regarding tlie repeal of tiio stamp 
act 88 "ft fatal compliance," wbicli liail "planted ^^■ 
thorns" under hia pillow and for ever "wounded 
tlie majesty " of England, preferred the hazard of losing 
tie colonies to tempering tho British claim of absolute 
authority. Their denial of that claim and iheir union wore 
ascribed by his friends to the liesitation of hia ministers, 
whose measorcs, they insisted, Lad prevailed by " artiiices " 
against the real opinion of parliament; and "the coming 
hour" was foretold, "when the British Augustus would 
grieve for the obscuring of the glories of hia reign by tho 
loss not of a province, but of an empire more estensivo than 
tiiat of Rome ; not of three legions, but of whole nations." 
A reaction necessarily foliowcd. Pitt bad erected no 

rWronger bulwark for America than the shadowy partition 
which divides internal taxation from imposts regulating 
commerce ; and Rockingham bad leapt over this slight 
defence, declaring tho power of parliament to extend of 

I right to all cases whatsoever. But tliey who give absolute 
power give tho abuse of absolute power; thoy who draw 
the bolts from the doors and windows let in the robber. 

, Wbeii the opiuiona of Bedford and Greiiville became eano- 




tloned 03 just princlplca of conBthatlonal law, no question 
respecting their policy remained open but that o( its ex- 
pediency; and country gentlemen, if they had a right to 
raise a revenue from America, were sure that it waa 
expedient to case themselves of one fourth of their 
land-tax by exercising the right. " The administra- 
tion is dead, and only lying in stale," was the common re- 
mark. Conway was eager to resign ; and Grafton not only 
threw np hia office, but, before the house of lords, called on 
the prime minister, who regarded the ascendency of the old 
whig aristocracy as almost a part of the British constitution, 
to be content with an inferior station, for the Boke of accom- 
plishing a junction with Pitt. 

On ihe resignation of Grafton, Conway, with his accus- 
tomed indecision, remained in office, but escaped from the 
care of America to the northern department. There ap- 
peared a great and general backwardness to embark with 
Rockingham, Lord North had hardly accepted a lucrative 
post, before ho changed bis mind and excused hunself. 
Lord Howe would not serve, unless under Pitt. Lord 
Ilardwicko refused the place left vacant by Grafton; so 
did hia brother, Charles Yorko; and ao did Egmont; till at 
laat it fell lo the husband of Conway's step-d.iughter, the 
liberal, self-confident DuliO of Richmond, who added grace 
and courtesy of manners to firm afEections, but was swayed 
by an ambition that far outran his ability. Ho, too, ahunned 
the conduct of American affairs; and they were made over 
to a new department of state, which Dartmouth was to 
accept. Once, to ilelay bis fall, Rockingham suggeatod a 
coalition with the Duke of Bedford. Female politicians, at 
their game of loo, divined the ruin of the ministry, and 
■were zealots for governing the colonies by the hand of 

In America, half-suppressed murmurs mingled with its 
transport. Taxation by parliament began to be compared 
with restrictions on industry and trade ; and the latter were 
found to bo " the more slavish thing of the two," and " the 
more inconaLstent with civil liberty." The protesting lords 
had affirmed that, if the provinces might refuse ubedienoe 




to one Btatnte, they might to all ; that there was no abiding 
place between nneonditional universiU submisHioD and bde- 
ji^nilenee. Alarmed that so desperate an alternative should 
be forced upon them, the colonists, still professing loyalty 
to a common sovereign, were driven nearer and nearer to a 
total denial of the power of the British legislature; but, for 
the present, they confined their case to the power of tax- 
ation, " I will freely spend nineteen ebillings in the pound," 
Slid Franklin, " to defend my right of giving or refusing 
the other shilling; and, after all, if I cannot defend that 
right, I can retire cheerfully with my tittle family into 
the boundless woods of America, which are sure to afford 
freedom and subsistence to any man who can bait a hook 
or pull a trigger." " The Americans," said Thomson Mason, 
the ablest lawyer of that day in Virginia, " are hasty in 
exprcsHing their gratitude, if the repeal of the stamp act is 
not al least a tacit compact that Great Britain will never 
again tar ns. The different assemblies, without mentioning 
the proceedings of parliament, sboald enter upon their 
journals as strong declarations of their own rights as words 
can express. Thns one declaration of rights will stand 
riflgainst another; and matters will remain as they were, till 
tome future weak minister, equally a foe to Britain and her 
colonies, shall, by aiming at popularity, think proper to 
revive the extinguished flame." 

To the anxious colonies, Boston proposed union as nea, 
the means of security. While within its own borders *'''^- 
it soug^bt " ibe total .abolishing of slavery," ami encouraged 
Ii'uming, ns the support of the constitution and the hand- 
maid of liberty, its representatives were charged to keep up 
a constant intercourse with the other English governments 
on the continent, to conciliate any difference that should 
arise ; ever preferring their friendship and confidence to the 
demands of rigorous justice, ilenceforth its watchword ivaa 
nnioa, which the rash oonduct of the dismayed otEccrs of 
the CTOwn contributed to establish. Bernard was elated at 
having been praised in the bouse of lords by Carnilen for 
nne eet of his npmions, and quoted as an oracle in the Bed- 
ford proletit for the other. There was even a rumor that 


he was to be mnde a baronet. Hib snperciliousness rose 
with his sense of pereooal safety ; and he boaatod that, on 
the meeting of the legislature, be should play out his part 
as governor. 

In choosing the new house in Miwaachusetts, many towns, 
stimulated by the " rhapsodies " of Otta, pot firm patriots in 
the places of the doubtful and the timid, PI j-mouth .sent 
James Warren, the brother-in-law of Otis ; and Boston, at 
the suggestion of Samuel Adams, gave one of its seats to 
John Hancock, a popular young merchant, of lai^ fortune. 
At their organization, on the last Wednesday in M;iy, the 
reprcB en ta lives elected James Otis Iheir speaker, and Sam- 
uel Adams their clerk. Otis waa still the most intluential 
member of the house ; hail long been held in great esteem 
throughout the province ; had been its delegate to the New 
York congress, and had executed that trust to universal 
acoeptance. Though irritable, he was placable, and at heart 
was truly loyal. Bernard ostentatiously negatived the 
choice. The negative, as unwise as it was unusual, excited 
undefined apprehensions of danger; but the house, defer- 
ring to legal right, acquiesced without complaint, and snb- 
alituted as its speaker the respectable but irresolute Tliomaa 

iTSB. In the afternoon of the same day, at the choice of 

^ ^^" the council, the four judges of the supreme court, o£ 
whom Hutchinson was the chief, the king's attorney, and 
Oliver, the secretary and late 8tam|>-maatcr, all members of 
the last year's board, were not re-elected ; for, said Samuel 
Adams, " upon the principle of the best writers, a union of 
the several powers of government in one person is dangeroua 
to liberty." The ballot had conformed strictly to the charter 
and to usage, and the succosstu! candidates were men of pru- 
dence, uprightness, and loyalty. But Bernard " resented " 
the eucluaion of the crown officers by negativing six of the 
ablest " friends of the people in the board." He had tha 
legal right to do so ; and the legislature submitted without 
a murmur. 

Hero the altercation should have terminated. Bat, on 
the following day, Bernard, an "abject" coward where 




I conrage was needed, and now insolent when he Bhotild liave 
'been conciliatory, undertook to force the election of Hntch- 
insoQ and Oliver, as the condition of an amnesty; and 
accn«ed the honse of having determined its votes from 
"private interests." 

Concurrently, Rijcby, ns the leader of the Bedford 
ty, on the third of June, proposed in the British 
hon§e of commons an address to the king, censuring 
America for its " rebellious diapnsition," and pledging par- 

lliament to the coercion of the colonics. 

From the ministerial benches, Charles Townshend, profesa- 

[inji to oppose the motion, spoke Bubstnnti.illy in its favor. 

'"It has long been my opinion," said ho. in conclusion, 

' " that America should be deprived of its militating and con- 
tradictory charters, and its roynl governors, judges, and 
attorneys be rendered independent of the people. I thero- 

Ifore eipect that the present administration will, in the 
recess of parliament, take all the nece**ary previous stcpH 
for compassing so desirable an event. The madness and 

I distractions of America li.ave demanded the attention of 
the supreme legislature ; and the colony charters have been 
considered, and declared by judges of the realm ioconsia- 
tenl and actually forfeited by the audacious and nnpiirrlon- 
ahlc resolves of subordinate assemblies. This regulation 
must no longer be trusted to accidental obedience. If I 
should differ in judgment from the present adminislrntiou 

I on this point, I now declare that I must withdraw, and not 
lontrcr co-operate with persons of such narrow views in gov- 
ernment ; bat I hope and expect otherwise, trusting that I 
bUoU be an instrument among them of preparing a new 

Rigby was ably supported by Lord North and Thurlow ; 

f«nd especially by Wcdderbum, who railed mercilessly at 
tho ministers, in a mixed strain of wit, oratory, and abuse : 
so that, notwithntanding n spirited speech from Conway, 
and a negative to the motion without a division, America 
was taken out of their coni rol and made the sport oE faction. 
The very same day on which Townshend proclaimed a 

I Tar of extermination against American charters, similar 



J una. 


threate were uttered at Boston. In communicuting the 
circniar letter from Conwny, proposing " to forgive and 
forget" the incidents of the stnmp act, and directing the 
neveral governors to "recommend" to the colonial legisla- 
lurea nn indemnification of all sufferers by the riots which 
it occasioned, Bernard renewed his complaints that the 
principal crown oiEccrs had been dropped from the council, 
and held out a menace of a change in the charter of the 
province, if Hutobinson shoiild not be elected to the board. 

" The requisition is founded upon a reaolutloo of the 
house of commons," he continued, employing the 
word which that body, after debate, as well as Con- 
way, had purposely avoided. "The authority with 
which it is introduced should preclude all disputation about 
complying with it." 

Bernard's speeches fell on the ear of Samuel Adams as 
not leas "infamous and irritating" than the worst "that 
ever came from a Stuart to the Enghsh parliament;" and, 
with sombre joy, he called the province happy in having 
for its governor one who left to the people no option hut 
between perpetual walchfulnena and total ruin. 

" Tbt! free exercise of our undoubted privileges," replied 
the house, "can never, with any color of reason, be adjudged 
an abuse of our liberty. We have strictly adhered to the 
directions of our charter and the laws of the land. We 
made our election with special regard to the qualifications 
of the candidates. Wo cannot conceive how the assertion 
of our clear charter right of free election can tend to im- 
peach that right or charter. We hope yonr escelleney does 
not mean openly and pubUcly to threaten us with a depriva- 
tion of our charter privileges, merely for exercising them 
according to our best judgment." 

" No branch of the legislature," insisted the council, " has 
usurped or interfered with the right of another. Nothing 
has taken place but what h.ia been constitutional and accord- 
ing to the charter. An election duly made, though disa- 
greeable to the chair, does not deserve to bo called a formal 
attack upon government or an oppuguation o£ the king's 


Mayliew, of Bostun, mused anxiously over the danger, 
which was now clearly revealed, lill, in the morning watches 
ti the ncKt Lord's Diiy, light d.twnod iijion his excited 
D-ind, and the voice of wisdom s]>ol{e from his warm heart, 
waiuh was so eoon to cease to bout, "You have heard of the 
coBimunion of churches," he wrote to OtU ; " while I was 
thitilcing of this in my bed, the great use and importance of 
a cntimunion of colonics appeared to nto in a strong light. 
WouW it not be deooroiaa for our assemWy to send circulars 
to all the rest, expressing a desire to cement union among 
ourselves? A good foundation for this has been laid by tlio 
congresi at New York; never losing Bight of it may ba 
the only means of perpetuating our liberties." The patriot 
tittered this great word of counsel on tlie morning of bia 
last day of health in Boston. From his youth, be had con- 
secrated himself to the service of colonial freedom in tbo 
and church ; he died, overtasked, in the uiiblemisbed 
^iMButy of manhood, consumed by Ids fiery zeal, foreseeing 
independence. Whoever repeats the story of American 
liberty renews his fame. 

The time for intercolonial correspondence was not eome ; 
hut, to keep up a fellow-feeling with its oivn constituents, 
the bouse, setting an example to be followed hy all repre- 
loitative bodies, opened a gallery for the public to attend 
its debates. It sent a grateful address to the king, 
and voted thanks to Pitt and to Grafton ; and, among j'J^ 
maoy others, to Conway and Barri.-, to Camden and 
Shelbume; to Howard, who had refused to draw his sword 
against the colonics ; to Chesterfield, who left retirement for 
their relief. But, as to compensating the sufTcrcra by the 
late disturbances, it upheld its right of deliberating freely, 
and would only promise at its next session to act as should 
then appear just and reasonable. 

Connecticut, overjoyed at the repeal of the stamp act and 
expressing satisfaction at beuig connected with Great Erit- 
lUD, took the precaution to elect as its governor the discreet 
and patriotic William Pitkin, in place of the loyalist Fitch. 

The legislature of South Carolina, retaining, like Georgia, 
its avowed sentiments on internal taxation, marked its 



loyalty by graDling every rcquUition, even for doiibtfal 

purposes; at tbi; same time, it usked for the pictures of 
Lynch, Gadsden, and Riitlodge ; nnd, on tlie motion ot 
Rawlins Lowndes, remitted a thoaannd pounds townrds a 
Htatue of Pitt. Still thi?y felt keenly that they were nn- 
deservedly distinguished from their happier fellow-aubjaits 
in England by the uneonstitiitlonal tenure of their judges 
during the king's pleasure. They complained, too, that 
ships laden with their rice for ports north of Cape Finis- 
terre were compelled, on their outward and return voyage, 
to touch at some port in England ; and thoy prayed for 
modiUcations of the navigation act, which would equally 
benefit Grunt Britain and theraa elves. 

At New York, on the king's birthday, the bells rang 
merry peals to the stniins of martial music and the i>ooming 
of artillery ; the Fields near the Park were spread fur 
Jmb. feasting ; and a tall mast was raised to George III,, 
William Pitt, and Liberly, At night, enonuoua bon- 
fires blazed ; and all was as loyal and hap[iy as though free- 
dom had been brouglit baek, with ample pledges for her 

The assembly came together in the best spirit. They 
passed over the claims of Golden, who was liold to have 
been the cause of his own griefs ; but resolved by a majority 
of one to indemnify James, who had given impartial testi- 
mony before the house of commons. TUey also voted to 
raise on the Bowling Green an equestrian statue of George 
III., and a statue uf William Pitt, twice the preserver of 
his country. But the clause of the mutiny or billeting act 
directing colonial logisl.itures to make specific cnntributiona 
towards the support of the army, placed New York, where 
the head-quarters were established, in the dilemma of sub- 
mitting immediately and iincouditionally to the authority 
of parliament, or taking the lead in a new career of resist- 
ance. The rescript was, in theorj', worse than the stamp 
act. For how could one legislative body command wliat 
another legislative body should enact ? And, viewed as a 
tai, it was unjust, for it threw all the burden on the colony 
where the troops chanced to be collected. The rcquUition 



of the general, made through the governor, "agreenbly to 
the act of parliament," was therefore declared to be 
unprecedented in its chnracter and unreasonable in j',^ 
ils anionnt ; yet, in the exercise of iIjc right of free 
deliberation, every thing naked for waa voted, except such 
articles as were not provided in Europe for British troops 
which were in barracks. 

The general and the governor nnited in accepting the 
grant ; hot, in reporting the affair, the well-meaning, indo- 
lent Moore reflected the opinions of the army, whose officers 
BtitI compared the Americans to the rebels of Scotland, and 
wished them a defeat like that of Culloden. "My message," 
said ho, at the end of his narrative, " is treated merely as a 
requisition made here; and they have earcfnlly avoided tho 
least mention of the act on ivhich it ia founded. It ia my 
opinion that every act of parliament, when not backed by 

I* rafficient power to enforce it, will meet with the same 


From Boston, Bernard, withoat any good reason, chimed 
in with the complainers. "This government," said he, 
" quickened and encouraged by the occurreneea at New 
Tork, cannot recover itself by its own internal powers," 
" The making the king's council annually elective is the 
fatal iDgredient in tho constitution. The only anchor of 
hope is the sovereign power, which would secure obedience 
to its decrees, if they wore properly introduced and effectu- 
nlly supported," And he gave himself no rest in soliciting 
the interposition of parliament and the change of the char- 
ter of Massachusetts. 



coalitiojt of toe kixg ast) tfik great commoner aoanfst 
the abistocbact. the administration of ciiatiiak. 

July — October, 1766. 

Tub obnoxious clauses of the billeting act had bcpn re- 
newoc! inailvertently by Diinistcrs, who Iiail designed 
y^ to adopt 11 system of lenity. They proposed to remove 
Bernard from Massachusetts, in favor of Hutchinson, 
whom Conway had been dnped into believing a friend to 
colonial liberty. Reviving against Spain the claim for the 
ransom of the Manillas, they suggested in lieu of it a cession 
of the island of New Orleans ; though the Spanish ambassa- 
dor took fire at the thought, saying : " New Orleans is the 
key to Mexico." With equally vain endeavors, they were 
forming new and miliJcr instructions for the government of 
Canada, in the hope to combine respect for the municipal 
customs and religion of its old inhabitants with the safe- 
guards of the English criminal law. The conquest of New 
France subjected to England one more country, whose 
people had not separated from the church of Rome ; and 
the British government was soon compelled to take initia- 
tory steps towards Catholic emancipation. Canadians, 
without altering their faith, were permitted to serve as 
jurors; and It was proposed to make them eligible as jus- 
tices of the peace and aa judges. But Northington, in very 
ill-humor, thrust forward vague objections; and, as bla col- 
lengues persevered, he repaired to the king to advise their 

Tlie time was now come for the eclipse of the genius and 
of the glory of William Pitt. Unrelenting disease and the 
labors of the winter session had exhausted bis little strength, 




iind irreparably wrecked hU constitulion. Ilad he remaiuod 
out o( jilace, and appeared at iutervals Id tho house of com- 
mons, he would have left a niirae needing no careful and 
imparlial analysis of fa^ta for hia apology. As it ia, I have 
to record how unsuccessfully he labored to diminish tho 
aristocratic ascendency in England; to pcrpeluale colonial 
liberty; to roacuo India from the misrule of commercial 
cupidity; how, as he rose to guide tho destinies of a great 
people in the career of freedom, be appeared 
Like one who had been led astray 
Tlirougli tlic heaven's high pathless way. 

Fanning, grazing, haymaking, and all the charms of niral 
life In Somersetshire, could not obliterate from his mind 
the memory of days of activity, when, as he directed 
against the Bourbons the treasure and the hearts of the 
united empire, his life was the life o£ the British people, his 
will was their will, hia uncompromising haughtiness the 
image of their pride, his presumptuous daring the only 
adequate expression of their self-reliance. His eager im- 
a^nalion bore him back to the public world, though to 
liim it was become a riddle, which not even the wisest inter- 
preter could solve. 

While he was in this tumult of emotions, a letter was 
brought from the king's own hand, reminding him that his 
last words in the house of commons had been a declaration 
(tf freedom from party ties, and inviting him to form an 
independent ministry. The feeble invaUd, whose infirmities 
inflamed Ids constitutional hopefulness, hounded at the sum- 
mons of his sovereign, and flew, as he expressed it, " on ivings 
of expedition, to lay at the king's feet tho poor but sincere 
rjffering of the remnant of his life, body, heart, and mind." 

lie arrived in London on Friday, the eleventh of July, by 
no means well; but his feveriahness only bewildered his 
judgment ."md increased liis self-confidence. On Sat- 
nr<lay, he was barely able to have a short interview jjj?; 
with the king, and obtain consent to lake the actual 
administration as the groundwork of his own, even though 
Newcastle and Itockinghnm should retire. True to Lis alTec- 
tiuna, he next invited Temple, the beloved brother of his 




■wife, the head of her family, and their common tencfactor, 
to become tlie first lord of the treiisurj-. But Temple, who 
had connectoil himself with GrenviJle aud tlie parly of Bed- 
ford, refused to unite with the friends of Rockingham ; and, 
having told the kiug "he ipould not go into the ministry 
lite a child, to come out like a fool," he returned to Sloive, 
repeating this speet-h to the world, dictalijig a gcurriloua 
pamjiUet against hiis brother-in-law, and enjoying the noto- 
riety of having been aoUdled to take office and been found 
The disciiBeion with Temple and its issue aggravated the 

malady of Pitt. Ho was too ill, on the eighteenth, 
JqW ^^ ^^^ ^^^ '''"g, or even the Duke of Grafton ; and 

yet, passing between all the factions of the aristoc- 
racy, he proceeded to form a ministry. Grafton, to whom, 
on the nineteenth, he offered the treasury, without consulta- 
tion went directly to Charles Townshend, by whose assid- 
uous court and rare abilities he had been "captivated," and 
foimd him " eager to give up the poymaater's place for the 
office of chancellor of the eKtbef|uer," which must have 
seemed to him " ihe readiest road to the upper seat." 
When informed of this proposal, Pilt said every tiling to 
dissuade him from taking such a man as his Bcconj, warning 
him of the many unexpected disappointments which he was 
preparing. Bui "I was weak enough, very univisely, to 
persist in my desire," Grafton afterwards wrote, more anx- 
ious to manifest the intogi-ity of his intentions than to con* 
eeid the consequences of hta advice. Pitt loved to oblige 
those in whoni ho confided, and at last gave way, tliough 
much against his inclination, aa well as his opinion ; insist- 
ing, however, that Townahond was not to he called to the 
cabinet. On learning this exclusion, Townshcnd hesitated ; 
but finally, on the twenty-atxth, pleading " the express com- 
mands " of the king, he acquiesced. " I sacrifice," said he, 
"with cheerfulueaa and from principle, all that men usually 
pursue." Affecting to trust that this merit would be ac- 
knowledged by posterity, he pledged himself, in every 
measure of business and every act of life, to cultivate 
Pitt's contidcuce .ind esteem; and to Grafton he aaid : '^M; 



plan ia a plan of imioQ vdth your grace j words nre ufie- 
Icss; God prosper our joint labors, and may our mutual 
trust, affeotion, anil friendship grow from every act of our 
lives." Thus Uc profossed bimaulf a devotee to Pitt and 
Gniftan, being sure to do Lis utmost to thwart the one aud 
to supersede the other. 

The lead in the house of commona was assigned to Con- 
Tvay, as one of the secretaries of state ; the care of Amcriea, 
to the Eiirl of Shelbume. The seals of the highest judieial 
offiee were confided to Camden, who had called taxing 
America, by act of parliament, a robbery ; the former chan- 
cellor became president of the council; while the prime 
minister's own inlirmities, which should have furbiddeti him 
to take office at all, made him reserve fnr liimsclf the quiot 
custody of the privy seal. Taken as a whole, the cabinet, 
of which the members were Pitt, Camden, Grafton, Conway, 
Shelburne, and the now inactive Northlngton, was iho most 
libenl that had been composed in England. "If ever a 
cabinet," wrote a sagacious observer, " can hope for tlie rare 
privilege of unanimity, it is this, in which Pitt wiil see none 
but persons whose imagination he bus subjugated, whose 
premature ndvaneomcnt is duo to his choice, whose expecta- 
tions of permanent fortune rest on hinj iilcme." 

Of the friends of Rockingham, Lord John Cavendish sot 
the esamplo of refusing to serve under Gnifton ; but he 
iiudsted to Conway that acts of civiUty would satisfy the 
lieads of his psuly. At this suggestion, Pitt, on the 
twenty-aeve-nth of July, went to pay Rockinghiun a y^j\ 
visit of respect; and had passed the threshold, when 
(he young chief of the great whig families refused to receive 
thi* venerable man of the people. But he was never after- 
wards able to resume office, eiccpt with the friends of the 
minister he now insulted. 

The old whig party, which in 1746 deserted the public 
»ervice only to force their restoration on their own terms, 
which eleven years bter kept England, in time of war, in a 
iitale of anarchy for ten weeks, till their demands could bo 
tuitisfactorily compromised, had, in 17(i5, owed office to the 
king's favor, and now fell powerless, when left to them- 



Belveg. Tlie admiuistration of Rockingham Lrnitglit Curaber- 
laml into the cnbinet ; took their law from Mnusfield ; restored 
Lord George Germiun to public life; and Avould willingly 
have coalesced with Bedford, Yet a spirit of humanity 

ruled their intentions and pervaded their nicaBUrea ; 
"^j_ while their most pernicious errors epruug from ilieir 

attempt at a compromise with the principles of their 
predecessors. They confirmed the rights of persons by 
condemning general warrants, and adhered to those friends 
of liberty who had run hijzards in its cause. They abstained 
from some of the worst melhoda of corruption usual to their 
party in its earlier days; ihey sold no employments and 
obtained no reversions. Opposed by place-men and pen- 
sioners, they had support in the increasing confiileuce and 
good-will of the nation. Still, they had entered the cabinet 
in violation of their essential doctrine, at the wish of the 
king superseding men who were dismissed only for main- 
taining privilege against prerogative ; and, if they mitigated 
taxation in America by repeabiig the stamp act, ibey boasted 
of having improved the revenue raised there from trade, 
renewed the unuonslitulional method of making parliamen- 
tary requisitions on colonial aasemblief, and in the declara- 
tory act introduced into the statute-book the worst law that 
ever found a place there, tjTanuical in principle, false in 
fact, ami impossible in practice. 

The incapacity of Pitt's new administration was apparent 
from its first day, when he annoimced to his astonished and 
disheai-tened colleagues his purpose of placing himself as 
the Earl of Chatham in the house of lords. Dnring the 
past j-ear, such an elevation in rank had often been suggested. 
He was too much " shattered " to lead the commons ; and 
he might wisli to secure dignity for his age. But, in censing 
to be the great commoner, he veiled his superiority. " My 
friend," said Frederic of Prussia, on hearing of it, "baa 
harmed himself by accepting a peerage." " It argues," said 
tlie king of Poland, "a senselessness to glory to forfeit tho 
name of Pitt for any title." " The strength of the admin- 
istration," thought all his eolleagnes, " lay in his remaining 
■with the commons." " There was hut one voice among 




OS," said GraftQn, " nor, indeed, throoghont the kingdom." 
The lion had left the forest, where he roiimecl na monarch, 
and of himself had walked into a cage. His popiilarily 
Vanished, and with it the terror of his name. He was but 
an English earl and the shadow of a iirlmo minister; he no 
lonyer represented the nationality of the British people. 
He had, moreover, offended the head of every faction, whoee 
asauitanci; he yet required ; Camden hail not the qualities of 
a great statesman ; Grafton, on whom he leaned, indolent 
and easily misled ; Conw.ay always vacillated ; Shelburne, 
his ahle and sincere friend, was regarded at court with 
dislike ; and the king agreed with his minister in nothing 
bat the wish to humble the aristocracy. 

In August, just at the time of Chatham's taking nen, 
office. Choiseul, having assigned the care of the navy *"*■ 
to his brother, had resumed that of foreign affairs. Ho 
knew the gipintic schemes of eoloni;il conquests which Pitt 
had formerly harbored, ,ind weighed the probabilities of an 
attempt to realize them by a new war against France and 
Spain. The agent whom he had sent, in 1764, on a tour of 
observation through the British colonics, was just returned, 
and reported how tliey abounded in corn, cattle, flax, and 
bon ; in trees fit for masts ; in ])ine timber, ligliter than 
oak, easily wrought, not liable to split, and incorruptible ; 
how the inhabitants, already numerous, and doubling their 
nnmbers every twenty years, were opulent, wavlike, ami 
conscious of their strength ; how they followed the sea, 
especially at the north, and engaged in groat fisheries; how 
they built annually one hnndrdl and fifty vessels to sell in 
Eurfi])e and the West Indies, at the rate of seven pounds 
BtiTling the ton; and how they longed to throw off tbo 
h-slntints imposed on their navigation. New York stood 
at the confluence of two rivers, of which the East was the 
(belter to merchant vessels ; its roadstead was a vast harbor, 
where a navy could ride at anchor. The large town of 
Vhilfwlclpliia had rope-walks and busy ship-yards; manu- 
factnres of all sorts, especi.illy of leather and of iron. In 
the province to which it belonged, the Presbyterians out- 
niuniiercd the peaceful Quakers; and Germans, weary of 
rofc. IV. 2 





Buborclinntion to En^Innd and unwilling to serve nntJer 
Kngligb offieera Jig;iin3t Fniiice, openly dedarecj that Penn- 
sylvania would one day be called Little Germany. Tn all 
New England, there were no citadels, from the people's fear 
of their being used to compel Bubtnission to acts of parlia- 
ment infringing colonial privileges. The garrison at Boston 
■was in the service of the colony. The British troops were 
BO widely scattered in little detachments as to be of no 
account. " England," reasoned the obacn-er, " must foresee 
arevululion.and has hastened its epoch by emancipating the 
colonies from the fear of Franco in Canada." 

Simnltiincously, Clioiscul read in the " Gazette " of Leyden 
the answer lately made by the assembly of Massachusetts to 
its governor, and learned witli astonishment that colonies 
which were supposed to have no liberties but by inference 
spoke boldly and firmly of rights and a constitution. 

Could Chatham have regained health, ho would have 
mastered all diflioulties, or fallen with dignity. Jealous of 
the Bourbon courts, he urged the improvement of the harbor 
of Pensacola, whieh, it was said, could Bheltor at least forty 
ships of the line, and hold in check the commerce of Vera 

The rival statesmen, with eyes fixed on America, com- 
peted for European alliances. No sooner had Chat- 
^^ ham entered on the ministry, than he rushed into 
the plan of a groat northern league to balance the 
power of the Bourbons, and hastily invited Frederic of 
Prussia and Cntbarino of Russia to connect themselves 
intimately with England ; but Frederic, doubting the fixed- 
ness of hia ministry, put the invitation aside. Choiaeul was 
as superior in diplomacy as his opponent had been in war; 
and was establishing such relaliona with every power of 
Europe that, in the event of new hoBtilities respecting 
America, France would have Spain for its partner, and no 
enemy but England, 

Chatham grow sick at heart, as well as decrepit. To be 
happy, ho needed the consciousness of standing well with 
hifl fellow-men ; but ho whose voice had been a clarion to 
the Protestant world no longer enjoyed popul.irity at home 





or inflaence nbroad or the trust of the colouiea. The sense 
of his lonelinese, on hia return to power, crushed his vigor 
of will. He who had been most imperative in conim.iQd 
knew not how to resolve. Once, at Griifton's enrncet solici- 
tution, Charles Townshend was permitted to attend a con- 
Eult-ttion on European alliances. The next day, Chalhain, 
wiih the cheerful consent of the kinjr, retrenicd to Biilh ; 
hut its springs lind no healing for him. IIo desired to 
control France by n northern union, and stood before 
Europe without one power as an ally. He loved to give 
the law to the cabinet, and was just admitting into it a 
restless intriguer, who would traverse his jtolicy. Ho gloried 
in the unbounded confidence of hia sovereign ; and the king 
wanted nolhin" of him but "his name." He lontjed for the 
love of the people of England; and ho had left their body 
for an earldom. He would have humbled the iiristocrncy ; 
ond "the nobility" not only "hated him," but retained 
Btrengtb to overwhelm him. 

Yet the cause of liberty was advancing, though Cliatham 
had gone astray. Philosophy spread ihe knowledge of the 
laws of nature. The empress of llussia with her own hand 
minuted an edict for universal tolerance. " Can you 
tell me," writes Voltaire, in October, to D'AIembert, 
" what will come, within thirty years, of the revolu- 
tion which is taking ofFoct in the minds of men from 
Xaples to Moscow? I, who am too old to hope to see any 
thing, commend to you the ago which is forming." But, 
though far stricken in years, Voltaire Bh:ill himself witness 
and applaud the greatest step in this progress; shall see 
iosuT^nt colonies become a republic, and welcome before 
Paris and the academy of France a runaway appretniec as 
its envoy. 

Meantime, Choieeul dismissed from the council of his king 
ktl former theories about America, alike in policy and war ; 
nnd looked more nearly into the comlition of the British 
nilouies, that his new system might rest on the surest 



chablbb t0ws8hknt) psitrpg the lead ix qotkesnkkmt. 

Chatham's administration costinced. 



October, 1766 — JAUOARr, 1767. 

TuE people of MassaelinHetts lulled themselyee into the 
belief Ihat they were "restored once more "to the 
secure enjoyment " of their rights Hnd liberties ; " 
but their secret encmieB, Home from a lust of power, 
others from an inordinate lovo of money, combined 
to obtain an American army and an American tribute, aa 
necessary for the enforcement of the navigation acta, and 
even for the existence of government. Wlien the soldiers 
stationed in New York had, in the night of the tenth o£ 
August, cut down the flagstail of the citizens, the general 
reported the ensuing quarrel as a proof of " anarchy and 
confusion," and the requisiteness of troops for the support 
of " the laws." Yet the New York association of the Sons 
of Liberty had been dissolved ; and all efEorts to keep up 
" its glorious spirit" were subordinated to loyalty, " A few 
individuals" at Boston, having celebrated the anniversary 
of the outbreak against the stamp act, core was taken to 
report how healths had been drank to Otis, " the American 
Hampden, who first pro])oaed the congress ; " " to the Vir- 
ginians," who sounded tho alarm to the country ; to Paoli 
and the struggling Corsicans; to the spark of liberty that 
was thought to have been kindled in Spain. From Bernard, 
who made tho restraints on commerce intolerable by claiming 
the legal penalty of treble forfeits from merchants whom 
hia own long collusion had tempted to the infraction of a 
revenue law, came unintermitted complaints of illicit trade. 
At Falmouth, now Portland, an attempt to seize goods, 


under the dispnteil authority of writs of asBistance, had 
been defeated br a mob ; and the diaturbancc ivaa made to 
support a general accusation against the province. At 
Boston, Charles Paston, the marshal of the court of ad- 
miralty, came, with the Bheriff and a eimihir warrant, to 
Bearch the house of Danit'I Malcom for a eecond time ; but 
the gtabbom patriot refused to open his doors, which they 
dared not break down, so doubtful were they of their ri^ht ; 
and, when the altercation attracted a crowd, they withdrew, 
jiret'jnding to have been obstructed by a riotous aaaeaiblage. 
These incidents, by themselvea of httie moment, were secretly 
reported aa a general rising against the execution of 
the laws of trade. But the cabal relied most on per- '^ 
sonal importunity ; and the untiring Puxton, who had 
often visited England, and was known to possess as much of 
the friendship of Charles Townehend as a selfish client, may 
obtain from an intriguing patron, was sent over by the oolo- 
nial crown officers, with special authority to appear as the 
friend of Oliver and of Hiitehinaon. 

We are drawing near the measures which compelled the 
Insorroction o£ the colonies ; but all the stars in their courses 
were harbingers of American independence. No sooner 
were the prairies of Illinois in the possession of England, 
than Croghan, a deputy Indian agent, who from personal 
observation knew their value, urffed tlioir immediate coloni- 
s.ition. Sir William Johnson, William Franklin, the royalist 
governor of New Jersey, several fur-traders of Philadelphia, 
even Gage himself, eagerly took part in a project by which 
they were to acquire vitst estates in the most fertile valley 
of the world. Their proposal embraced the whole western 
territory bounded by the Mississippi, the Ohio, a line along 
tho Wabash and Maumee to Lake Eric, and iheni'c across 
Michigan, Green Buy, and the Fox River, to the moutli of 
the Wisconsin. The tract was thought to contain siity- 
Uirce millions of acres, the like of which could nowhere be 
found. Franklin favored the enterprise, which promised 
fiirtune to its undertakers, and to America some new aeou- 
rily for a mild colonial administration. It was the wish of 
Shelbume, who loved to take counsel with the great phil- 


osophcr on the interestB of humanity, that the valley of the 
Mississippi might be occupied by colonics enjoying English 
liberty. But the board of trade, to which Ilillsborough 
had returned, insisted that emigrants to ao remote regions 
would esliiblish niimufaatarea for themselves ; and, in the 
very heart of America, found a power which distanre must 
eniiincipato. They adhered, therefore, to the proclamiition 
of 1763, and to the range of the Alleghanies as the frontier 
of British settlements. 

But the prohibition only set apart the great valley as the 
Banctuary of the unhappy, the ndvcnturoiif, and the free; 
of those whom enterprise or curiosity, or disgust at 
^"- the fontig of life in tlio old jilanlationa, raised above 
royal edicts; of those who had nowhere else & home; 
or who would rnn nil risks to take possession of the soil 
between the Alleghanies and the Ohio. The boundless west 
became tlie poor man's city of refuge, where the wilderness 
guarded his cabin as inviolably as ihe cliff or the cedar-lop 
holds the eagle's eyrie. The few who occupied lands under 
grants from the crown could rely only on themselves for the 
protection of their property, and refused to pay quit-rents 
till their legal right should be acknowledged, Tlie line of 
"straggling settlements" beyond llie mountains ostended 
from Pittsburg up the Monongahela and its tributaries to 
the banks of the Grcenbriar and the New River, and to the 
well-known npper valley of the Ilolston, where the military 
palli from Virginia led to the country of the Cherofcees. 
Explorers or hunters went still farther to the west ; for it is 
recorded that in 1706 "eight men were killed on Cumber- 
land River." 

In North Carolina, the people along the upland frontier, 
many of whom had sprung from Scotch-Irish Presbyterians, 
suffered from the illegal exactions of sheriffs and officials, 
whose pillaging was supported by Ihe whole force of gov- 
ernment. To meet this tlood of iniquity, the most approved 
advice came from Herman Husbands, an independent 
farmer, who dwelt on Sandy Creek, where his fields of 
wheat and his " clover meadow " were the admiration of all 
observers. Each neighborhood throughout Orange county 


crime together and eleeteil delcgjites to a gonernl meeting, 
wlio were to " exiimine " into " abuses of jiower and into the 
public taxes, and inform themaelvca by what lawa and for 
what uses they are hiid." 

In October, " the honest freeholders," abont twelve nsa. 
iu number, assembled on Enoe River, just outside of '■"^ 
IT ilUbo rough. But, to their repeated invitations to the offi- 
cers to meet them, no answer enrae, except from Ednmnd 
Fanning. A favorite of Governor Tryon, he was at that time 
the representative of the county, one of ha magistratea, hold- 
ing the highest coramisaion under the crown in its militia; 
rjnd was amassing a fortune by oppression as an attorney and 
extortion aa registrar, loading litlea to ealatea wilh doubts, 
and charging illegal prices for recording deeds. He was, 
above nil others, justly obuosjoua to the people ; and his rnes- 
Mge to them ran that their proposition to inijiiire "judi- 
ciously" looked more like an insurrection than a aettlenient. 
"We meant," replied the meeting, "no more than wise- 
fnlly, carefully, and soberly to examine the matter in hand." 
Their wrongs were flagrant and undeniable ; and, since 
llieir "reasonable requt-st" for explanationa waa unheeded, 
they resolved on "a meeting for a publie and free confer- 
ence yearly, and as often as the case might require," that 
»o they might reap the profit of their right, under " the con- 
BtitDtion, of choosing ropresentativea and of learning what 
n§es their money waa called for." Yet how could unlet- 
tered fanners succeed against the nndivided administrative 
jiower of the province? anil how long would it bo before 
some indiscretion would place them at the mercy of their 
oppressors ? The apportionment of members of the colonial 
legislature waa grossly unequal ; the governor could create 
borottghs ; the actual legislature, whose membera were in 
part unwisely selected, in part unduly returned, rarely 
called together, and liable to be continued or dissolved at 
the pleasure of the executive, increased the poor man's 
burdens by voting an annual poll-tax to raise five thousand 
[loiinds, and the next year ten thousand more, to build u 
iiouse for the governor at Newbem. 

Moflat, of Khodo Island, asked of its legislature relief for 



hia losses by the riot against the stump act ; founding his 
claim on the resolves of the British bouse of commona 
and the king's recoinmemlation. " Neither of them," said 
the speaker of the assembly, "ought to influeneo the free 
and independent repreaentativeB of Rhode Island, colony." 
Moffat had leave to withdraw his first petition and substi- 
tute an inoffensive one, which was received, but referred to 
a future session. 

In Boston, the general court received like petitions. The 

form of its answer was suggested by Joseph Hawley, 
jl"- the member for Northampton. He was the only son 

of a schoolmaster, himself married, but childless ; a 
very able lawyer, of whose singular disinterestedness his 
native town still preserves the tradition. Content with a 
small patrimony, he lived in fnig.d simplicity; closing his 
houBO door by a latch, without either bar or bolt. Inclined 
by temperament to moods of melancholy, his mind would 
again kindle with a brighter lustre, and be borne onwards 
bv resistless impulses. All parties revereil his purity of life 
and ardent piety ; and no man in his neighborhood equalled 
him in the public esteem. He opposed relief, except on 
condition of a general amnesty. " Of those seeking oom- 
pensation," said he, "the chief is a pcrwn of nneonstitn- 
tional principles, as one day or other he will make appear." 
The resolves of parliament were cited in reply. " The par- 
liament of Great Britain," retorted Hawley, " has no right 
to legislate for us." At these words, Otis, rising in his 
place, bowed, and thanked him, saying : " He has gone fur- 
ther than I myself have as yet done in this hoase." It 
was the first time that the power of parliament had been 
totally denied in a colonial legislature. " No representa- 
tion, no taxation," had become a very common expression; 
the colonies were beginning to cry : " No representation, 
no legislation." Having never shown bitterness of party 
spirit, Hawley readily carried the assembly with hitn, from 
their great opinion of his understanding .ind integrity ; and 
a bill was framed, " granting compensation to the sufferers 
and pardon to the offenders," even to the returning of the 
£nes which had been paid. A recess waa taken, that mem- 




bera miglit conRnlt their conatituents. Before the adjourn- 
ment, complaint woe made of the new zeal of Bernard in 
enforcing the navijjation acts and sending to Eng- 
land injurious affidiiviu secretly taken. " I know the ^™ 
time," interposed a member, " when the house would 
have rejidily assisted the governor in executing the laws 
of trade." "The times," replied Otis, "are altered; we 
now know onr righls." 

Meantime, Shelhurne sought to recover the affections of 
the Cdlonies by actjuiring and deserving their confidence, 
"Assure the assembly of Massftchuselts," he said with 
"frankness" to their eorrespondcnt, "they may be per- 
fectly easy about the enjoyment of tlieir rights and privi- 
leges under the present afl ministration." lie enjoined 
moderation on every governor, and was resolved to make 
no appointments but of men of "the most generous prinoi- 
ples." Through a lett-er to Bernard, whom he directed to 
pursue oonciliatory measures, he invited the colonial legis- 
lature of itself to fall upon measures for terminating all 
local difficulties. The country people, as they read hia 
words, agreed with one another that the compensation 
which he recommended should be made. "The king," 
said they, " has asked this of us as a favor ; it would be 
UDgenerous to refuse," 

On the reassembling of the legislature, Hawley's bill 
prevailed by large majorities ; yet it was also voted that 
tlie sufferers had no juat claim on the province, that the 
grant w,ih of their own " free and good will,"' and not from 
deference to "a requisition." The governor assented to 
sn act in which a colonial legislature exercised the prerog- 
ative of clemency; and Hutchinson, saying, " Beggars must 
n<Jt be choosers," gave thanks at the bar of the house. But 
he treasured up the feeling of revenge; and the nest year, 
taking offence at some explanatory publication by Ilawley, 
expelled him arbitrarily from the bar of the superior court. 

The patriots of New England did not doubt Shelburne's 
sttention to its interests and respect for its liberties ; but 
they were exquisitely sensitive to every thing like an ad- 
mission that the power of taxing them resided in parliai- 




mcnt. Bernard was rebuked, because, irith consent of 
cnuncil, !io bad caused the billeting act to be printed by 
the firiiitor of the colony laws ; and had made that act hia 
warrant for furnishing supplies at the colony's expense to 
two companies of artillery, who, in stress of weather, bad 
put into Boston. Otis attributed the taxing of America by 
parliament to Beniard's adrice. The jealous legislature 
dismissed Richard Jackson from the service of the prov- 
ince ; and the house elected the honest but aged Dennya 
de Berdt as its own particular agent. 

This is the time from which lliitcbinson dated the revolt 
of the colonies; and his correspondence and advice con- 
formed to the opinion. Samuel Adams divined the evil 
designs, now so near their execution. He instructed Do 
Berdt to oppose the apprehended establishment of a mili- 
tary force in America, as needless for protection and dan- 
gerous to liberty. "Certainly," said he, "the best way for 
Great Britain to make her colonies a real and lasting benefit 
is to give them nil consistent indulgence in trade, and to 
remove any occasion of their suspecting that their liberties 
are in danger. While any act of parliament is in force 
which h^s the least ayipearanco of a design to raise a reve- 
nue out of them, their jealousy will be awake." 

At the same time, he wrote to the patriot most like 
himself, Christopher Gadsden, of South Carolina, in- 
quiring whether the billeting act " is not taxing the colonies 
as effeclually as the stamp act ; " and protesting against a 
standing army, especially in a time of peace, as in every 
respect dangerous to the civil community. " Surely," said 
he, " we cannot consent to their quartering among us ; and 
how hard is it for ua to be obliged to pay our money to 
subsist them 1 " Gadsden had already met patriots of 
South Carolina under the Live Oak, which was named their 
Tree of Liberty ; had set before them iho declaratory act, 
exjilained to them their rights, and leagued with them to 
oppose all foreign taxation. 

At New York, the soldiery continued to irritate the 
peojtle by insolent language, and by once more cutting 
down their tlugstaff. Shelburue sought to reconcile their a»- 



eembly to obedience to the billeting act, holding forth hope 
of a i-hauge of the law on a well-grounded represent.! tioa 
of its Lardahip ; and a prudent governor could have avoided 
a collision. But Moore was chicHy bent on establishing a 
plav-house, againat the wishes of the Presbyterians; and 
hi§ thoughtless frivolity drove the house to a categorical 
conflict with the act of parliament, when they had really 
as an act of their own made "provision for quartering two 
battalions and one company of artillery." Their prudence 
eecwred nnanimity in the assembly and among their constit- 
uents. In New York, as well as over all North America, 
the aet declaratory of the absolute power of parliament waa 
met by "the principle of the supreme power of the people 
in all cases whatsoever." 

In England, a spirit was rising very different from that 
which ha<i prevailed in the previous winter. " So long aa 
I am in oflico," said Charles Townshend, on the floor of the 
house of commons, "the authority of the laws Bhnll not be 
trampled upon." He did not feiir to flatter the king, and 
court Greuville and Bedford; for Chatham was incurring 
the hatred of every branch of the aristocracy. Eight or 
nine whigs resigned their employments, ou account of hia 
headstrong removal of Lord Edgecombe from an unimpor- 
tant post. Saundera and Keppel left the admiralty, and 
Keppel's place fell to Jenkinson. The Bedford party knew 
the weakness of the English Ximenes, and scorned bin mod- 
erate bid for their support; but the king cheered 
him on "to rout ont" the grandees of England, now 'i^' 
" banded together," "Their unions," said Cliaiham, 
"give me no terrors;" "the king ia firm, and there is noth- 
ing to fear." 

To Shelbume, who was chained with the care of the col- 
onies, he gave his confidence and his support. He claimed 
for the Hn|ireme government the right of dominion over the 
eonquests in India, and the disposition of its lerrilorLol rev- 
enue; and, as Townshend crossed his plans by leaning to 
the East India company, he proposed to Grafton the dis- 
missal of Townshend as " incurable." Burko indulged in 
larcasm at "the great person, so immeasurably high" aa 


not to be readied by argiiraont, and travestied the Htany in 
B solemn invocation to "the minister above." And the next 
day, in the house of lords, Cliatham marked his contempt 
of all Bucb mockery by saying to the Duke of Richmond : 
" When the people shall condemn nie, I shall tremble ; but 
I will set my face against tbc proudest connection of this 
country." "I hope," cried Richmond, "the nobility will 
not be browbeaten by an insolcut minister;" and Chatham 
retorted the chiirge of insolence. 

But it was tha lust time during hia ministry that ha 
appeared in the house of lords. His broken health was 
unequal to the conflict which he had invited. On the eigh- 
teenth of December, he repaired to Bath, with a nervous 
system so weak that he was eiisLly fluttered and moved to 
tears; yet still he sent to the representatives of Massa- 
chusetts hia friendly acknowledgment of their vote of 

ifei. Townshend »aw hia opportunity, and no longer 

■''^ concealed his intention. Knowiug the king's dislike 
of Shelbume, he took advantage of his own greater age, bis 
authority as the ablest orator in the house of commons, hia 
long acquaintance with American affairs, and the fact that 
they turned chiefly on questions of finance, to assume their 
direction. His ambition deceived him into the hope of suc- 
ceeding whore Grenville had failed ; and in concert with 
Paxton, from Boston, he was devising a scheme for a board 
of customs in Americn, and duties to be collected iu its 
ports. He would thus obtain an American fund for a civil 
list, and concentre the jKiwer of government, where Gren- 
ville looked only for revenue. He expected his dismissal, 
if Chath:un regained health ; and he also saw tlm clearest 
prospect of advancement by setting his colleagues at defi- 
ance. He therefore prepared to solve the questions of Asia 
and America in his own way, and trod the ground which he 
had chosen with fearless audacity. On the twenty-sixth of 
January, the house of commons, in committee of supply, 
considered the estimates for the land forces and garrisons 
in the plantations. GrenvUle seized the occasion to declaim 
on the repeal of the stamp act. He enforced the necessity 



of relieving Great Britain from a burden whith the colo- 
nies ought to bear, and which with contingencies 
exceeded four hundred thousand pounds ; reminding j^; 
the country gentlemen that this sum was nenrly equal 
to one Bliilling in the pound of the land-tax, lie spoke 
elaborately, and against Chatham was even more rancorous 
than nsual. 

" Administration," replied Townshend, " has applied ita 
ftttcntiOD to give relief to Great Britain from bearing the 
whole expense of securing, defending, and protectbg Amer- 
ica and the West India Islands ; I shidl bring into the house 
some propositions that I hope may tend, in time, to ease the 
people of England upon this head, and yet not be heavy in 
any manner upon the people in the colonics. I know the 
mode by which a rcvc-nue may be drawn from America 
without offeuoo." As be spoke, the house shook with ap- 
ptanse; "hear himl" "hear him!" now swelling loudest 
from his own side, now from the benches of the opposition, 
"I am still," he continued, "a firm advocate for the stamp 
a''t, for its principle, and for the duty itself, only the heals 
whjfh prevailed made it an improper time to press it. I 
laugh at the absurd distinction between inlemal and exter- 
nal taxes. I linow no such distinction. It is a distinction 
without a difference; it is perfect nonsense ; if wo have a 
right to impose the one, we have a right to impose the 
other; the distinction is ridiculous in the opinion of every- 
h<)dy except the jVmericans." Looking up where the col- 
ony agents usually sat, he added with emotion ; " I speak 
this aloud, that all you who are in the g.allerics may honr 
me; and, after this, I do not expect to have my statue 
erected in America." Then, laying his band on tJie table in 
front of him, ho declared to the house : " England is undone, 
if this taxation of America is given np." 

Gn'nville at once demamled of him to pledge himself to 
his declaration : he did so most willingly ; and his promise 
received a tumultuous welcome. 

Lord George Sackville pressed for a revenue that should 
be adeqnalo ; and Townshend engaged himself to the bouse 
to find a revenue, if not adequate, yet nearly sufficient to 




meet the military expenses, when properly rednced. The 
loud buret of rapture diBniiiycfl Conway, who 6:it in silent 
astouiabmt'ut at tbe tin^uLhorized but premeditated rashness 
of bis presumptuous coUougtie. 

The next uigbt, the cabinet qucBtloaed the insubordinate 
minister, " how he had ventured to depart, on so essential a 
point, from the profession of the whole ministry ; " and ha 

browbeat Ihera all. " I appeal to you," said he, tuni- 
Jbu'. ^^S ^^ Conway, "wbethur the house is not bent on 

obtaining a revenue of fiorae sort from the colonics." 
Not one of the minislry then in London had sufficient au- 
thority to advise his diamisaion ; and nothing loss could 
bare stopped hla measurca. 








Januaet — Mabch, 1767. 

The day after Townsbeud braved liis coUeagitea, the 
legislature of M.iasachusclts convened. IIutcliiiiBoii, 
Laving received h'la compensation as a sufferer by "^ 
the riots, restrained liis ambition no longer, and look 
a seat in the council aa though it of right belonged to the 
lieutenant-governor. The house resented his intrusion into 
nn elective body of which he had not been chosen a member. 
The council, by a unanimous vote, denied his pretensions. 
The language of the eharter waa too explicit to admit of a 
doubt ; yet Bernard urged the interposition of the central 

Willi unshaken confidence in Hawley, Otis, and fqu 
Ramuel Adams, the people scanned every meaRure 
[hat could imply consent to British taxation. When the 
governor professed, " in pursuance of the late net of parliit- 
lufiit," to have made provision at the colony's expense for 
troops which bad recently touched at Boston harbor, they 
did not ce-ase their complaints till they wrung from him the 
dccluration that bia supply " did not include articles pre- 
si-ribcd by that act," but was " wholly cnnforraable to the 
of the province." Upon this concession, the house 

jnieaced in an expenditure which no longer compromised 
their rights ; and declared thetr readiness to grant of their 
own free accord such aids as the king's scrvioo should 

By the antliority of the same act of parliament, Gage 



demanded quarters for one handrcd and fifty-eight recruits, 
of the governor of Conpectictit ; hut that magistrate refused 
coni|jli;iQce till he should be duly authorized by the coloniiil 

To check every aspiration after independence, Carleton, 
tlie able governor of Canada, adviaed to grant no legislative 
immunities to its people ; to keep Crown Point and Ticon- 
dorogft in good repair ; to have a citadel and place of arms 
in New York, as well as a citadel in Quebec ; and to link 
the two provinces so strongly together that, on the com- 
mencement of an outbreak, ten or fifteen thousand men 
could be moved without delay from the one to the other, or 
to aay part of the continent. No pains, no address, 
P^l no expense, he insisted, would be too great for the 
object, wbieh would divide the northern and south- 
ern colonies, as well as secure the public mag^izines. 

Chatham, who wished to keep the affections of the colo- 
nists, could not suspend the act of parliament ; but, through 
Sbolhumc, he enjoined the American commander in chief to 
make its burden aa light, both in appearance and in reality, 
as was consistent with the public service. lie saw that the 
imperfect compliance of Now York would open a f^ir field 
to the arraigncrs of America ; and, between his opinions as 
a statesman and his oblig.itious as minister, ho knew not 
what to propose. The declaratory act was as a barren fruit- 
tree, which, though fair to the eye, only cumbers the earth, 
and spreads a noxious shade. 

Shelburnc was aware also that, if the Americans " should 
be tempted to resist in the last instance," France and Spain 
would no longer defer breaking the peace of which they 
began to number the days, Spain was resolved not to pay 
the Slanila ransom, was planning how to drive the English 
from the Falkland I^ilands, and called on France to prepare 
to go to war in two years ; " for Spain," aaiil Grimaldi, 
" cannot longer postpone inflicting chastisement on English 
insolence." " This is the rhodomontade of a Don Quixote," 
said the French minister ; and Choiseul resolved not to dis- 
turb the peace. 

Executive moderation might still have saved England 



from a conflict. Impressed with the necessity of givnng up 
trifles that created iincaeincss, Shelbnrne proceeflod dili- 
gently to make himself master of eaeh Ainerifflu qnestion, 
and to prepare its solution. The sulijcct of the greatest 
coQsequcnuc waa the forming an Amorican fund. To this 
end, without esorciaing rigor in respect to quit-renta 
long due, he proposed to break up tjie system of fore- j!^' 
etiUIing lauds by speeulaturs, to require that Iho en- 
grossing proprietors should fulfil the conditions of their 
grant,*, and to make all future grants on a system of quit^ 
rents, which should be applied to defray the American ex- 
penses then borne by the exchequer of Great Britain. 

Belief to the mother eountry being thus derived from an 
income whieb had chiefly been squandered among favorites, 
he proposed to leave the Indian trade to be regulated under 
general ndes by the respective provinces, at their own cost, 

Resisting those who advised to concentrate the American 
.army in llio principal towns, he wished it disposed on tho 
frontiers, where its presence might bo desired. 

The people of America, even^ a majority of those who 
adhered to tho church of England, feared an American 
episcopate, lest ecclesiastical courts should fullow; Shel- 
bume expressed his opinion openly that there was no occiw 
aion for American bishops. 

Ho reprobated the political dependence of tho judges in 
the colonies; and advised that their commissions should 
conform to the usago in England. 

The grants of lands in Vermont, nndor the seal of New 
Hampshire, ho contirmcd; and this decision wua not less 
wise than just. 

Massochnsetts and Now York had a controversy about 
limils, which had led to disputed land-titles and bloodshed 
on the iKirder; instead of keeping tho question open as n 
tnenns of setting out) colony against another, ho directed 
that it should be definitively settled. 

The billeting act for America, which the Rockingham 
ministry had continued till the twenty-founh of March, 
17C8, Wiis contrary to tho whole tenor of British legislation 
for Ireland, and to all former legislation for America. 

VOL. IV. 3 



Sbelburno disapproved its principle, and sought to reconcile 

tho wants of the army with the ritjhta of America ; being 
resolved "not to eatiiblish a precedent, which might here- 
nftcr be turned to purposes of oppression." 

Tlie American continent was interested in tho settlement 
of Canadian affairs ; Shclbume listened to the hope of es- 
tablishing tranquillity, by calling an assembly that should 
assimilate lo the English laws such of tho French laws as it 
was necessary to retain, and by rendering the Canadian 
Catholics eligible to the assembly and council. 

But the more Shelburne showed his good disposition 
towards America, the more the court spoke of him as " an 
enemy." The king was accustomed " lo talk a great deal 
about America ; " and be told Sbelbume plainly that the 
billeting act " should be enforced," though he declined " to 
Buggost the mode." Besiiles, the dependence of the colonies 
was believed to be at stake; and New York "imderwent 
the imputation of rebellion." 

17U7. The difficulties that beset Shelbumo were increased 

Fob. (jy ^|jg condition of yartiea in Great Britain. The old 
whig aristocracy was passing out of power, with so ill a 
grace that they preferred the immediate gratification of their 
passions to every consideration of wisdom and expediency. 
America was the theme in all companies, yet discussed 
according to its bearings on personal ambition. Men strug- 
gled for a momentary victory more than for any system of 
government ; and the liberties of two millions of their coun- 
Irjinen, the interests of a contuient, the unity of the British 
empire, were swayed by the accidents of a parliamentary 

Merchants of New York had sent a very temperate peti- 
tion, setting forth some of the useless grievances of the 
acts of trade, and praying for the free osjiortation of their 
lumber and an easier exchange of products with ibe West 
Indies. Grcnvillc and bis friends appealed to the reason- 
able request as fresh evidence tliat nothing would give 
satisfaction to the colonists but a repeal of nil restrictions 
on trade, and freedom from all subordination and depen- 
dence. Besides, Townshend, whom Chatham had thrice 



denoancpd to Grafton as " incurable," was more and more 
inclineil to the same views. 

At ibis critical conjuDcture, when nothing but Chatham's 
presence could restore activity to the administration and 
draw parliamcDt from its lethargj', tlie gout had returned 
npon him at Marlborough, on his way to London. But 
business would not wait. On the eighteenth of February, 
there appeared In tlie account of the eitraordinariea, a large 
and nnusual expenditure on the continent of Amcricn. 
Grenville advised to lessen the expense, and charge upon 
the colonies the whole of what should remain. There was 
a general agreement that America ought to alleviate the 
bnrdeus of England, Every speaker of the opposition 
directly inveighed against Chatham, whom no one rose to 
defend. Rigby, stinging the self-love of the ministers, 
reproached them with being but the servile instruments of 
their absent chief ; iucajiahic of acting but on orders from 
bis lips. To prove hia independence, Townshend explained 
his own Byntem for America, and combated Chatham's of 
the year before. " I would govern the Americans," said 
he, " as subjects of Great Britain. I would restrain their 
tndc and their manufactures as eubonlinate to the mother 
country. These, our children, must not m.ike themselves 
our allies in time of war, and our rivals in peace." And 
be concluded by adopting substantially the suggestions of 
Grenville in favor of retrenchment and an American duty. 
None heeded the milder coimsets of Conway. The mosaic 
Oppo^tion watched every opportunity to push the 
ministry npon extreme measures. A week later, Cam- 
den, who had pledged himself " to maintain to his last 
hour that taxation and representation are inseparable," that 
taxation without representation is a "robbery," prochiimed 
Sfi londly " that his doubt respecting the right of parliament 
to tax America was removed by the declaration of parlia- 
ment, whose authority must bo maintained." 

By this time, the friends of Grenville, of Bedford, and of 
Ri-ckingham, men the most embittered against each olher 
by fumier contests, and the most opposite in character and 
tenilenciea, were ready to combine against the existing 





ministry, whatever might bo the consequence of its de- 
Btruction. During the war, and ever since, the land-tax 
hail been at the nominal rate of four shillings in the pound, 
in reality at but about ninepenco in the pound. On the 
twenty-seventh of Februarj-, DowdeswcU, the leader of the 
Rockingham party, regardless of hia own policy when in 
the treasury and his knowledge of the public wants, pro- 
posed a roducilon in the land-tax, nominally of a shilling, 
but renlly of only about nine farthings in the pound. Gren- 
ville, with more consistency, supported the proposal, which, 
it was generally admitted, must bring in ila train a tax on 
the colonics. The question was debated between the Amer- 
icitns and the landed interest of England; and the chan- 
cellor of the exchequer was reminded of hia pledge to derive 
this year some revenue from America. On the division, 
Edmund Burke, "too fond of the right" to vote against his 
oonacience, and not enough fond of it to vote against hia 
party, stayed away ; the united factions of the aristocracy 
mustered two hundred and six against one hundred and 
eighty-eight for the ministry. But not one of those who 
planned this impolitic act derived from it any advantage. 
The good sense of the country condemned it; the city 
dreaded the wound given to public credit ; Grenville, who 
joyfully accepted the congratulations of the country gentle- 
men, deceived himself in expecting a junction with Rock- 
ingham, and did not moderate the enmity of the king. 
The ancient whig connection, which still claimed to repre- 
sent the party of liberty, by creating an apparent excuse 
for American taxes, only doomed itself more surely to a 
fruilloss opposition. For so small a benefit as a reduction 
of nine farthings in the pound on but one year's rental, 
and for a barren parliamentary triumph, it compromised its 
principles and risked a continent. 

This was the first overthrow, on an important 
j^^^ question, which the government had sustained for a 
quarter of a century. On hearing the news, Cliathara 
rose from his bed, and, ill as he was, hastened to London. 
Charles Townshend " was warm in the sunshine of majesty ; " 
butj as Chatham wished to dismiss him, the king readily 



issented ; and Lord North was invited to become chancellor 
of the exchequer. Townshendknew well what was passing; 
snd, in the debates on iho Eaat India question, with easy 
confidence gave a deiiance, " I expect to be dismissed for 
it," said he, openly ; but Lord North would not venture to 
Bupcrsede hiin. Whom will Chatham next recommend? 
asked the king, through Grafton ; and no other could be 
named. This was n new humiliation. Chatham saw the 
shaft which his enfeebled hand hurled at a defenceless 
adversary fall harmleBS at his own feet. He could endure 
no more. "We cannot remain in office together," said ho 
of Tuwnshend ; and he bade the Duke of Grafton call 
the next council at his own house. The accumulation jjajji,. 
of grief destroyed what little of health remained to 
lum; he withdrew from business, and became invisible even 
to Camden and to Griifton. llcre, in fact, his admin is tration 
ms it an end. Transmitting to his subatilutc every question 
of domestic, foreign, and colonial policy unsettled, the British 
Agamemnon retired to his tent, leaving eubordinale chiefs 
» quarrel for tho direction. 





March — July, 1767. 

TffE eclipse of Chatham left Charles Townshend the lord 
of the aacendant. lie was a man of wonderful endowments, 
daiihed with follies and indiscretion. Impatient of waiting, 
hiH rulbg passion was present success. He was for over 
carried away by the immediate object of his desires ; now 
hurried into expenses beyond his means, now clutching at 
the phantoma of the slock marketer epeculat ions in Amerion, 
In social circles, he was bo fond of taking the lead that, to 
make sport for bis companions, he had no friendship wbiuh 
he would not wound, no love which bo would not cariciv- 
ture. In the house of commons, his brilliant oratory took 
its inspiration from the prevailing excitement; and careless 
of consistency, heedless whom he deserted or whom ho 
joined, he followed the floating indications of the loudest 
cheers. Applause was the temptation which he had no 
power to resist. Gay, volatile, and fickle, he lived for the 
hour and shone for iho hour, without the thought of found- 
ing an enduring name. Finding Chatham not likely to 
reappear, his lively imagination M'as for ever devising 
schemes to realize his own ambitious views ; and be turned 
to ])ay the greatest court wherever political appearances 
were most inviting. 

In the cabinet meeting held on the twelfth of March 
at the house of Grafton, Townshend assumed to dictate 
to the ministry its colonial policy, and threatened to appeal 
from its opinion to the house. A letter from Sbelbumc urged 





Cbnlhara to remove Townshond ; but Chatham wm too ill 
to do fto, or lo give Jidvice to his colleaguo. ShoIbiiruG con- 
tinuod, therefore, to protect American liberty lis well as he 
cotil<), but was powerless to conlrol events, ami hud no sup- 
port: for Graf Ion and even Camden yielded to Toivnshend's 

Tlie disappearance of Chathiirn reanimated the dissatisfied 
£actiona of the aristocracy ; Itockingbam gave assurances 
tliat bU friends, without whom, he persuaded himself, 
nothing could be carried by the Bedfords, would not join in 
any thing severe against America; but he was all the while 
contributing to the success of the policy which he most 
sbborred. Since the last winter, ^Vmerica had lost friends 
both in and out of parliameot, Conway, who kept his old 
ground, was only laughed at. " He is below low-water 
murk," said Townsheod to Grenville. 

On the thirtieth of March, two days after news had 
arrived that in one of their messages the re pre sen tat! vea 
of Massachusetts had given a formal defiance to parliament, 
as well as encouraged the resistance of their sister colony, 
New York, to the billeting act, the American papers which 
Bedford had demanded were taken into consideration by 
the house of lords. Camden opened the discussion by 
declaring Xew York to be in a state of delinquency ; and, 
reeeding from his old opinions, ho justitied his chaugo, 
Grafton said well that " the present question was too serioqs 
for faction," and promised that the ministers would them- 
aclves bring forward a suitable measure. But the lords 
wearied themselves all that day and all the nest in scolding 
at the colonics with indiscriminate bitterness. They were 
called "unJutiful, ungracious, and unthankful;" "rebels," 
••traitors," wore epithets liberally bestowed. Some wished 
to make of New York an example that might terrify all the 
Olbf^rs; it was more generally proposed by act of parliament 
to remodel the government o£ thera nil. America had uot 
y«t finished the statues which it was raising to Chat- 
hiun ; and Mauduit artfully sent over word that the ^^_ 
plan for reducing America would bo Banclioned by 
hia name. 



On the tenth of April, MnsHnnhusettB was selected for 

censure ; and Bedford, not with standing the sudden death 
of a Bon, who left infant children, and one of the loveliest 
women in England a heart-broken widow to wet-p herself to 
death for sorrow, came to the house of lords to move an 
addrcas that the king in council would declare the Massa- 
chusetts act of amnesty null and void. The ministry eon- 
tended truly that the motion was needless, as the act would 
be rejected in the usual course of buainess- " Perhaps we 
Iiad best look into the Massachusetts charter before we come 
to a decision." said one of the administration. " No ! " cried 
Lord Townshond ; " let us deliberate no longer ; let us act 
with vigor now, while we can call the colonies ours. If you 
do not, they will very soon be lost for ever." 
iTJT. Lord Itlansfield spoke in the same strain, descanting 

AptU "upon the fully and wickedness of the Amerii;an in- 
cendiaries," and drawing an animated picture of the fatal 
effects to England and to the colonies which the " deplorable 
event of their disjunction must produce." 

All that he said carried conviction to the hotise of lords, 
and li.istened tho event which he deprecated. In the six 
hours' debate, the resistance of New York and Massuchu- 
setts bad been so highly colored that Choiseul began to 
think the time for the great American insurrection was 
come. lie resolved, therefore, to send an emissary across 
tho Atlantic, and selected for that purpose the brave and 
upright Kalh. A Protestant and a German, son of a peasant 
who dwell in the old land of the Franks, not far from Erlan- 
gen, hohad gained in the service of France an honorable 
name and the brevet rank of lieutenant-colonel. His writ- 
ten instrui-tions, dated on the twenty-second of April, en- 
jnintd him, after preliminary inquiries at Amsterdam, to go 
to tho English colonies ; to ascertain their wants, in respect 
of eugiueei-s and artillery officers, munitions of war and 
provisions; the strength of their purpose to withdraw from 
tlii; British government ; their resources in troojis, citadels, 
and iiitreuchud posts; their project of revolt, and their 

" The commission which I give you," said Choiseul, " is 




difficult, and demnDds iutellivence. Ask of mc the means 
whii'h j'ou think Betessary for its exeetition ; I will furnish 
you with them all." In October, Kalb sailed from L<.>ndoii ; 
and, after a terrible passage of a hundred and nine days, he 
lauded at Philadel|ihin, bringing to his work dose observa^ 
tion, cautious judgment, and industry, but not the sagacity 
wbioh could me:isnre the movement of a revolution. 

On the other hand, hia employer suffered his hopes to nm 
aliead of realities ; for a Frenchman could not compute the 
power of Anglo-American forbeiirance ; but, from this time, 
Cbolseul sought in every quarter accurate nccounta of the 
progress of ojiinion in America, alike in the writings of 
Franklin, the reports cuiTcnt among the best-informed mer- 
ch.ants, and in New England sermons, from which curions 
extracts are to this day preserved among the state papers of 
France. His juJgment on events, though biassed by national 
hstred, wus more impartial and clear than that of any Brit- 
ish minister who succeeded Shelburne. 

We are arrived at the lust moment in American nm. 
affairs, when it still seemed easy to postpone revolu- *'"^- 
tioQ ; anil must pause to ask alter the points in issue. Aa 
3'et they were trifling. The late solemn deliberation of the 
pi?ers wiis but a frivolous cavilling on the form of a royal veto. 

The people of IfaBsachuaetts, seeing a disposition to mar its 
charter and use military jiowcr in its government, needed 
more than ever an agent in England. Bernard insisted that 
no one should receive that appointment without liis aji- 
proval, and repeatedly negatived the dismissal of the last 
incumbent. But Sbclbnrne held that the right of nomina- 
tion should rest essentially with the i-epreseniativca, so that 
tilis dispute could not become serious while he remained in 
I he ministry. 

The lieutenant-governor, in spite of his want of an elec- 
tion, had taken a seat in the council, pleading the charter 
■IS his warrant for doing so; but the attorney-general in 
England, to whom the case was referred, was of opinion 
thut " the right coubl not be claimed by virtue of any thing 
oontained in the charter or the constitution of the province." 

Bernard gave out that, by the use of his veto, he would 



always keep jilaces open iu the council for Hutchinsoii and 

Oliver. The menace waa a violation of the spirit of the 
conslllulion ; its only effect was to preserve two perpetual 
vacancies in the council. 

The council itself Bernard advised to alter from an elec- 
tive body to one of royal nomination. The change would 
have been an act of aggression, and an unwarranted breach 
of faith ; for no council had more miiformly shown loyalty 
than that of Mnssacbusetts. Ilutchinaon at heart 
2prti, disapproved of the measure which from persoD/d 
motives he advocated. The perfidious advice would 
be harmless, if England would only respect the charter 
which nearly a century's possession had confirmed. 

There remained no grounds of iinminout variance except 
the navigation acts, the billeting act, the acts restraining 
industry, and the slave-trade. 

To the slave-trade Virginia led the opposition. Towns at 
the north, especially Worcester, in Massachusetts, protested 
against the system ; but opinion through the country was 
divided ; and complaints of the grievance had not been 
made in concert. 

The restraints on manufactures, especially of wool and 
iron, were flagrant violations of natural riglits; but they 
were not of recent date, and, as they related to products of 
industry which it was still the interest of the people to 
import, were in a great degree inoperative and unobserved. 

By the bUleting act. Groat Britain exposed its dignity to 
the discretion or the petulance of provincial assemblies. 
There was no bound to the impropriety of parliament's 
enacting what those legislatures should enact, and accom- 
panying the statute by a requisition from the throne. Is 
the measure compulsory and Jiual? Then why address it to 
assemblies which are not executive officers ? Does it not 
compel obedience ? Then the assemblies have a right to 
deliberate, to accept in whole or in part, or to reject. And, 
indeed, the demand of quarters and provisions, without limi- 
tation of lime or of the number of troops, was a reasonable 
Buhject for deliberation. Such was the opinion of tbo very 
few in England who considered the question on its merits, 


and not *8 a teat of anthority. Besides, no province had 
refused to comply with tho spirit of the act. A slight mod- 
ification, leaving somo option to tho colonies, would Lave 
remedied ttiis disngreemont. 

The navigation acta were a aoiircc of just and ever in- 
creasing discontent. But no public body in Amerii^a had 
denied their validity ; nor was there any reluctance to 8ul> 
ordinate American commerce to the genoritl interests of the 
empire ; the relaxations wliioh America most desired were 
rery moderate, relating cLiefly to intercourse with the West 
Indies, and the free export of such of its products as Great 
Britain would not receive. The illicit trade was partly 
owing to useless laws, but more to the prevailing 
corraption among the servants of the erown. No J'^ 
practical qneslion existed, except that which Otis 
had raised, on the legality of the writs of assistance first 
issued by Hutchinson; and the attoruey and solicitor geu- 
eral of England confirmed his opinion that they were not 
■warranted by law. 

" In America," said the calm Andrew Eliot, of Boston, 
" the people glory in tho name, and only desire to enjoy tho 
liberties of Englishmen." " Nothing could influence us to 
desire independence but such attempts on our liberties as 
I hope Great Britain will be just enough never to make. 
Oppression makes wise men mad." 

To tranquillize America, no more was wanting than a 
respect for its rights, and some accommodation to its con- 
fiiTned habits and opinions. The colonics had, each of them, 
a direction of its own and a character of its own, which 
^^qui^cd to be harmoniously reconciled with the motion 
impressed upon it by the imperial legislature. But this 
demanded sludy, Belf-poasession, and candor. Tho parlia- 
ment of that djy esteemed itself the absolute master of 
America; and, recognising no reciprocity of ohligations, it 
thought nothing so wrong as thwarting its will. A good 
lystem would have been a consummate work of deliberative 
visdom; the principle of despotic government acted with 
more speed and uniformity, hiivjng passion for its inter- 
preter, and a statesman like Townshend to execute its 



Tlie commiltee of American merchnnls and frieniU to 
tLo colonies, nith Trecotiiick at its head, interposed with 
Townsliend ; but he answered : " I do not in the leiist doubt 
the right of parliament to the colonies internally ; I 
know no difference between internal or external taxes ; yet, 
since the Americans are pleased to make that distinction, I 
am willing to indulge them, and for reason choose to 
oonGne myself to regulations of trade, by which a eufbcient 
rerenne may be raised." "Perhaps the army," rejoined 
Trecothick, " may with s.Tfety be withdrawn from America, 
in which case the expense will cease, and then there will be 
no further occaBJon for a revenue." " I will hear nothing 
on that subject," such was Townshend's peremptory 
ii"y\ declaration ; " the moment a resolution fhall bo taken 
to withdraw the army, I will resign my office and 
have no more to do in public affairs. I insist it is absolutely 
necessary to keep up a large army there and here. An 
American army, and consequently an American revenue, 
are ; but I aro willing to have both in the manner 
most easy to the people." 

On the thirteenth of May, Townshend came to the house 
of commons, in the fiush of his reputation and the conscious- 
ness of his supremacy. When the resolutions for the stamp 
act were voted, parliament was unenlightened. Now it had 
had the experience of taxing America, and of repealing the 
tax through fear of civil war. What is done now c:innot 
easily bo revoked, A secret conseiouaness prevailed that a 
great wrong was about to be iniUcted. The liberty and 
interests of America wore at issue ; and yet the doors of the 
house of commons were, by special order, shut against every 
agent of the colonies, and even against every American mer- 

Townshend opened the debate with professions of candor 
and the air of a man of business. Exculpatbg alike Penn- 
sylvania and Connecticut, ho named, as delinquent colnnies, 
Massachusetts, which had inv.ided ihe king's prerogative by 
a general amnesty, and, in a message to its governor, had 
used expressions in derogation of the authority of parlia- 
ment; liliode Island, which bad postponed, but not refused 


3Q indemnity to the aufferers by the stamp act ; and New 
Jersey, which hiid evaded the billeliiig act, but hnd yet 
faniished the king's troops with every essentinl thing to 
their perfect satiaf action. Against these colonics it was not 
necessary to institute severe proceedings. But New York, 
in the month of June last, l>esido nppoiuting its own com- 
missary, had limited its supplies to two regiments, and to 
those articles only which were provided in the rest of the 
king's dominions ; nnd, in December, had refusijd to do more. 
Here was such clear evidence of a direct denial of the au- 
thority of piirliament, and such overt acts of disohedienco 
to one of its hivrs, thnt an immediate interposition was moat 
BtroDgly called for, as well to secure the just dependence of 
the province as to maintain the majesty and authority of gov- 

It became parliament not to engage in controversy with 
its colonies, but to assert its sovereignty, without unit- 
ing ihcm in a common cause. For this end, he pro- Jj|J" 
posed to proceed against New York, and nguinst Neiv 
Tork alone. To levy a local tax would ho to accept a pen- 
alty in lieu of obedience. He should therefore move that 
New York, having disobeyed parliament, should be re- 
strained from any legislative act of its own, till it should 

He then brought forward the establishment of a board of 
commissioners of the customs, to he stationed in America. 

" Onr right of taxation," he continued, " is Indnbiluble ; 
yet, to prevent mischief, I was myself in favor of repealing 
the stamp act. But there can be no objections to port duties 
on wine, oil, and fruits, if allowed to be carried to America 
directly from Spain and Portugal ; on glass, paper, lead, and 
colors ; and especiidly on tea. Owing to the high charges in 
Enghuid, America has supplied itself with tea by smuggling 
it from the Dutch possessions ; to remedy this, duties hith- 
erto levied upon it in England are to be given up, and a 
specific duty collected in America itself. A duty on china 
can be obtained by repealing the drawback. On salt it was 
at first intended to lay an impost; but this is abandoned, 
from the difficulty of adjusting the drawback to be allowed 



on oxporta of cured fisb and pro^Tsions, and on salt for tha 

TliQ American revenue, it was further explained, waa to 
be placed at the disposal of the king for the pajTnent of his 
civil officers. To each governor, an annual salary was to be 
assi<nicd of Uvo thousand pounds sterling ; to each chief 
justice, of five hundred pounds. 

The minister was to have the irresponsible power of estub- 
hshing by sign manual a general civil list in ei'ery American 
province, and at hia pleasure to grant ealariea and pensions, 
limited only by the amount of the American revenue ; the 
national exchequer was to receive no more than the crumbs 
that fell from his table. The propositiun bore on its face 
the mark of owing its parentage to the holders and patrons 
of American oiBces; and yet it was received in the house 
with general favor. Richard Jackson was not regarded, 
when he spoke against the duties themselves, and foretold 
the mischiefs that would ensue. 

Grenville heard with malignant joy one of the repealers of 
bis stamp act pro|»ose a revenue from port duties. " Tou 
are deceived," said he ; " I tell you, you are deceived, Tha 
Americans will laugh at you for your distinctions." lie 
spoke against legalizing a direct trade between Purtugal 
and America. As to taxes, he demajided more ; all that 
were promised were trifles. " I," said he, " will ti-ll the 
honorable gentleman of a revenue that will jtroduce 
something valuable in America : issue paper bearing 
interest upon loan there, and apply the interest as you think 

Townshend, perceiving that the suggestion pleased the 
house, stood up again, and said that that was a proposition. 
of his own ; the bill for it was already prepared. 

The debate would not have continued long, if there had 
not been a division of opinion as to the mude of coercing 
Kew York. Edmund Burke, a])proving a local tax on im- 
portations into that province, opposed the general system. 
" You iviil ne^■e^ see a single shilling from j\juerica," said ho, 
prophetically ; " it ia not by votes and angry resolutions of 
this house, but by a slow and steady conduct that the Amer- 



iciuis are to be reconciled to us." DowdeswcU described the 
new plan as worse than to have Boflened and enforced the 
Btamp-tnx. *' Do Ufce the best of physicians," said Beckford, 
Triw) alone seemed to underetnnd the suhject, and whom 
nobody minded; "heal the disease by doing nothing." 

Olhers thought there should bo an amendment to the 
billeting act itself, directing the eivil ma^atrates to quarter 
n[ion jirivate houses, where the assemblies of America did 
not fulfil the present requirements. Greuvillc advised to 
inTcst the governor and council of each colony with power 
to draw on the colonial treasurer, who, in case of refusal to 
answer Bnch bills out of the first aids in his hands, howsoever 
appropriated, should he judged guilty of a capital crime 
and he tried and punished in England, And, since the 
colonies persisted in the denial of the parlianieatary right 
of taxation, he offered for consideration that every American, 
before entering into office, should subscribe a political teat 
nearly in the words of the declaratory act, acknowledging 
the unUmiled sovereignty of Great Britain, 

These several ]ioints were discussed till one in the 17bt. 
morning, when a question was ao framed by Gren- '*"'■ 
ville that the Roekinghoms could join him in the division; 
but their united voices were no more than ninety-eight 
against one hundred and eighty, 

" Tlie new measures for the colonies," observed Choiseul, 
"meet with opposition in both houses of parliament; but 
their execution will encounter still more considerable resist- 
ance in America." 

On the fifteenth, Townshend reported his resolutions to 
the house, when a strenuous effort was made to have them 
recommitted; the frienda of Rockmgliam pretending to 
wish a more lenient measure, yet joining with Grenville, 
who spoke for one more severe, effective, and general. But 
Townshend, by surpassing eloquence, brought the house 
hack to hia first resolutions, which were adopted witliont 
a division. 

Grenville then moved that many of the colonies denied and 
oppugned the sovereignly of Great Britain ; in other words, 
were in a state of open rebellion ; and wished that they 




might be reduced to suLniission by force ; but a large ma- 
jority "'IIS agjiinst him. In the midst of ono of his speeches, 
tlie implac:ible man stopped short, niid, looking up to tha 
galiery, siiid : " I hope tlioro are no American agents pres- 
ent ; I must hold such language as I would not have them 
hear." " I have expressly ordered the sergeant to admit 
none," said the speaker, " and you may bo assured there nro 
none present." Yet Johnson, of Connecticut, had braved 
the danger of an arrest, and sat in the gallery to record the 
incidents of tlie eveiiint; for the waniing of hia countrymen. 
Grenvillo next moved his test for America ; but the bouse 
dreaded to reproduce a union of the colonies. "At least, 
then," renewed Grenvllle, "take some notice of those in 
America who have suffered for their loyal support of your 
sovereignty;" and, naming Ingersoll, Hutchinson, Oliver, 
Howard, and others, he moved an address in their favor ; 
and this, being seconded by Lord North, passed without 

After ordering the bill to disfranchise New York, as well 
as sanctioning the new system of colonial revenue anil ad- 
ministration, the bouse rose; unconscious that it had taken 
steps which pride would not allow to be recalled, and 
which, if not retracted, would unite the colonies for ind^ 

i7ff7. The bitterness ngjiinst America grew with its indul- 

"*'■ gence. On the twenty-first, news came that Georgia 
bad refused compliimce with the billeting act; .ind this, 
from a colony that had been established at the public ex- 
pense, was held to be " unexampled insolence." The secre- 
tary at war, therefore, as if to insure confusion, introduced 
a bill, extending the obnoxious law a year beyond the time 
when it would have expired by its own limitation. 

The moment was inviting to the opposition. Raising 
some trivial (juestions on the form in which the amnesty 
act of Massachusetts had been disallowed, the united fiio- 
tions of Rockingham, Bedford, and Temple on one division 
left the ministry a majority of but sis, jind on another of 
but three. 

On both these occasions, the king made two of bis broth- 



ere Tote with tto iniDistry. He wished to enforce the 
absolute aiithoritj- of pai'liament in America, nnd to con- 
summate his victory over the nristocrncy in England, Fur 
the one, he needed to dismiss Shelbume; for the oilier, to 
employ the name of Chatham. Gr:ifton readily adopted 
a pbin to lead the aristocracy into disputes among ihem- 
Belvea ; and then, separating the Bodforda from the rest, 
to introduce a part of them to power. Keen obsen-ers 
predicted a "mosaic" ministry. 

To proceed Beeurely, Gnifton required some understand- 
ing with Chatham ; but Chatham refused to see him, plead- 
ing his disability. The kin^ himself, in a letter framed 
with cool adroitness, but which seemed an effusion of con- 
fidence and affection, charged the earl, who had given in 
the house of lords defiance to the whole nobility, by his 
" duty, affection, and honor," not to " truckle " now, when 
the "hydra" was at the height of its power; for success, 
nothing was w.'uitod but that ho should have " five minutes' 
i-oQversation " with Grafton. 

Chatham yielded to such persuasion, though suffering 
from a universal tremor, wbich application to business 
visibly increased. Grafton was filleil with grief at "the 
eight of his great mind bowed down and thus weakened 
by disorder;" but he obtained from him the declaralioa 
that "he would not retire except by his majesty's com- 

At a second interview in June, Grafton, at the j^; 
vish of the king, urged that Shelbume " could not 
be allowed to continue in his office." Chatham summoned 
spirit to vindicate his friend, and to advise the dismission 
of Townshend. He was with great difficulty led to believe 
that a junction was necessary with either the Bedfords or 
the Rockiiighuras ; but, of the two, Grafton thought Jiim 
inclined to prefer the former. The interview lasted two 
full hours, and the ministers jinrted with the most cordial 
profeesions of mutual attachment. 

Grafton was left in the position of prime minister ; but, 
from this time, the king controlled the cabinet and man- 
aged affairs. His influence was adverse to liljerty, which, 

VOL. IV. 4 


ncTerlbelesB, continued to grow in strength. " Men are 
opening their eyes," saiil Voltaire, " from one end of Europe 
to the other. Fanaticism, which feols its huniihation and 
implores the arm of authority, makes the involuntary con- 
fession of ita defeat. Let us bless this happy revolution 
whioh has taken place in the minds of men of prohity 
wiihin fifteen or twenty years. It has exceeded my hopes." 

That a greater change hung over America could not 
escape the penetratiun of Jonathan Trumbull, tiie dejiuty 
governor of Connecticut. Ho was a model of the virtues 
of a mral magistrate, never weary of business, profoundly 
religious, grave in munner, discriminating in judgracnl, fixed 
in his principles, steadfast in purpose, and by his ability and 
patriotism enchaining respect and confidence. Ilia opinion 
was formed, that, if "methods tending to violence should 
be taken to maintain the dependence of the colonies, it 
vonid hasten a separation;" that iho connection with 
England could bo preserved by " gentle and insensible 
methods," I'alher than " by power or force." But not so 
reasoned Townsheud, who, after the ^Vliitsuntido holidays, 
"stole" his bill through both houses. The stamp act had 
called an American revenue "just and necessary," and had 
been repealed as impolitic. Townsheud's preamble lo his 
bill granting duties in America on glass, red and white lead, 
painters' colors and paper, and threepence a pound ou tea, 
declared a " certain and adequate " American revenue 
jSj. "expedient." By another act, a board of customs 
was established at Boston ; and general writs of as- 
sistance were legalized. For Now York, an act of parlia- 
ment snspeuiled the functions of its representatives, till 
they should render obedience to the imperial legislature. 

On such an alternative, it was thought that that province 
would submit without delay ; and that the Americans, as 
their tea would now come to them at a less price than to 
the consumers in England, would pay the impost in their 
o«Ti ports with only aeeining reluctance. 

But the new measures were even more subversive of 
right than those of Grenvilla, who left the civil ofticera 
dependent on the local legislators, and consigned the pro- 


ceede oi the Americnn tax to the excheqaer. Towiislioril'a 
revenue was to be dispnsed of under the sign raauii:il at the 
king's pleasure, and could ho burdened at will by |;>ension8 
to Englishmen. In so f:u- as it provided an independent 
siipporl for the crown ofKcere, it did away with the necoBsity 
of colonial legislatures. Governors would have little in- 
dacetnent to call them, and an angry minister might dis- 
Biilve them without inconvenience. Hcnceforwjird. " no 
native" of Aniei-ioa could hope to receive any lucrative 
rommission under the crown, uuless he wore one of the 
tnart.yrs to the stamp act. Places would be filled by "some 
Briton-borD," who should have exhibited proof of a readi- 
ness to govern the Americans, tin the principle of bringing 
them to the most exact obedience to the dictates of the 

The man who, at this moment of Chatham's illness, seized 
on the administration of the colonies, saw nothing but what 
at the moment lay near him. England had excelled in 
planting, because she sent out her sons with free institu- 
tions like her own ; and now her ruler of an hour, blind 
alike to her interest and her gi«ry, was undoing her noblest 
work. Less than two centuries before, the English was 
heard nowhere but among the inhabitants of the larger part 
of one island and a few emigrants among tlie Cells of an- 
other. It had now seated itself on a continent beyond the 
Atlantic ; and a comely and industrious race, as it climbed 
ilie cJiHtem elope of the Alleghaiiies, carried with it the 
English speech anil laws and letters and love of liberty. 
With superior wisdom and foresight, Hume contemplated 
the ever cxpnnding settlements of those who spoke the 
s.ime tongue with himself, wished for them the freest and 
hnppiest development, and invited Gibbon, his groat 
compeer, to obseiTe that at least " ibe solid and iji- y^- 
erenung establishments in America promised supe- 
rior stability and duration to the English language." 




JpLY — November. 1767. 

The anarchy in the ministry enabled the king to govern 
09 well as to reign. Grnfton niiidc no tedious speeches 
J™* in the closet, and approved the late American regu- 
lations ; persuading himself that the choice of tea as 
the subject of taxation was his own ; that the law, suspend- 
ing the legishitivc functions of New York, was marked by 
inoiioratioD and dignity; and that abrogating the charters 
of the American colonies would be their emancipation from 

The king, who had looked into Conway's heart to learu 
how to wind and govern hiiii, nllached him to office by the 
semblance of perfect trust ; showing him nli Chathiun's 
letters, and giving him leave to treat with hia own old 

But Rockingham, who never opened his eyes to the light 
that was springing from the increased intelligence of the 
masses, and loft out of view that his giory as a statesman 
had come £i-om his opposition to Grenville and Bedford, 
governed himself exclusively hy the ancient principle of hia 
party " to fight up against the king and against the people," 
liud set about cementing the shattered fragments of the old 
whig aristocracy. He began with Bedford. " Bedford 
and Grenville are one," said Rigby, by authority; " imd 
neither of them will ever depart from the ground taken, lo 
assert and estnbliah the entire sovereignty of Great Britain 
over her colonies," But Rockingham satisfied himself by 
declaring for a " wide and comprehensive " syslom, and. 



after a week's negotiution, with no plan but to support 
privilege agauist prerogative, he nnoovmced to Grnfton his 
rPailinoM to form n new admin ist ml ion. 

The king, whom Rockingham had now to encouiiter, was 
greatly hifi superior in sagacity and consistency. Implaca- 
ble towards Grenville, he surveyed calmly the condition of 
the checkered factions; and, seeing that his own consent to 
their union would set them at variance among themselves, 
he gave Rockingham leave to revive, if he could, the ex- 
clusive rule of the great whig families. He v/ns master of 
the field, and he knew it. "The king may make a page 
first minister," said Lord Holland. The day was past 
when England was to be governed by privilege alone ; but, 
wiih the decline of the aristocracy, the people not less than 
the king increased in authority; demanded more and more 
to know what was passing in parliament ; and, with the 
ready support of the press, prepared to enforce their right 
to intervene. " Power," thought a French observer, "has 
passed into the hands of the populace and the merchants. 
The country is exceedingly jealous of its liberty." 

Wliile Rockingham, self-deluded as to the purposes of his 
strange allies, summoned ihem to London, Shelbume was 
ipiteting the controversy with America respecting the bil- 
leting act. New York had foreseen the storm; and, with- 
out recognising the binding force of the British statute, or 
yet conforming to its provisions, it had made a grant of 
money for the use of the army, without specifications, 
This, by the advice of the attorney and solicitor general, 
Shelbume received as a sufficient compliance ; and the 
aaeembly went on as though nothing had happened. The 
health of Chatham was all the while growing worse ; his life 
began to bo dcspiiircd of ; his letters wltb kept from him ; 
in the transactions which were going forward, he seemed 

About nine o'clock in the evening of the twentieth, 1797. 
the leaders of the two branches of the oligarchy met at '^'^" 
Xewcastle honiiG. Whc-n Rockinyham had ex]ilained the 
purpose of the meeting, Bedford, on behalf of Templu and 
Grenville, dechired their readinesB to support a eomprehen- 


Bive iidmiDistration, provided it adopted the capital meas- 
ure of asserting and establishing the Bovereignly of Great 
Britain over its colonies. At this, Rockingham flew into 
& violent passion. Bedford inaJatod with firmneBS on the 
declii ration. '-We may as well demand one from, you," 
cried Richmond, "that you never wUl distnrb that country 
again." Sandwich interposed to reconcile the difference, 
hy substituting an ambiguity for the explicit language of 

Yet the same difKenlly recurred on discussing the divi- 
sion of employments. In the house of commons, the lead 
must belong to Conway or Grenvilie. Against the latter, 
Rockingham was inflexible ; and Bedford equally deter- 
mined against the former. So, at one o'clock at night, 
the meeting broke up without any result, in spite of the 
Duke of Newcastle's tears. 

The next day, Newcastle, whom forty yetira' experience 
had accomplished in the art of constructing niinistriea by 
compromise, convened the two parties once more at hia 
house. But the difficulty about America could not be got 
over. Rockingham again avowed his distrust of Grenvilie 
and Temple, and insisted on Conway'a taking (he lead in the 
house of commons. This left no possibility of agreement ; 
" rind we broke up," saya Beiifurd, ■■ with our all decluriug 
ourselves free from all engagements to one another, and to 
be as before this negotiation began," 

During the Bnspense, the king, who had never been in 
earnest for a change, would not admit Rockingham to an 
audience ; now that he had failed, he was received to make 
a petuhmt confession that the country i-equired a strong, 
united, and permanent administration, and that be himself 
could not form one of any kind. The king wna in the best 
humor. Ho bowed very gracionsly, and Rockingham bowed, 
and so they parted. " Wliat did the king say to you?" 
asked Grafton and Conway eagerly, as Rockingham came 
out ; and the only answer he could make was : " Nothing." 

Once more Rockingham was urged to join with the 
17BI, friends of Chatham ; but he was unaccommodating 
^"^ and impracticable. A leader of a party had never 



^H mc 

^B LStI 

done 80 much to diminiah ita influence ; hia intellect bore 
no comparison to hia virtnc§, liia condnct no nniilogy to 
his good intentions. Deceived by reverence for the past, 
wilhonl ability to plan .1 system suited to his nge, he left 
the field open to those who wished ill to liberty in Amerlcn 
iind in England. His enemies were pleased, for he had 
acted jagt as their interests required ; the king was never 
in better Bptrits. 

Grafton, too, obtained the credit of moderation by his 
seeming readiness to retire ; and, ufter the rejection 
of ail bis offers to Rockingham, people saw him at JJ^* 
the head of the treaaury with less dissatisfaction. 
He retained the expectation of an alliance with Bedford, 
who could not keep hia party together without pat- 
ronage; but, for the moment, he relied on Townshend. 

So Charles Townshend remained In the cabinet, treating 
every thing in jest, scattering ridii'iile witii full hands, and 
careless on whom it fcL. Grafton was apparently ihe chief; 
bnt the king held the holm, and, as the dissolution of parlia- 
ment drew near, Wiia the more happy in a dependent min- 
istry. The patronage of the crown amounted to an annual 

iburaement of siv millions sterling; and the secret service 
^ftoney was employed to cover the ospenses of eleotiona, at 
a time when less than ten thousand voters chose a majority 
of the house of commons. As merchants and adventurers, 
rich with the profits of trade or the sjioiis of India, competed 
for boroughs, the price of votes within twenty years bad 
increased threefold. The Duke of Newcastle grumbled as 
naool. Edmimd Burke grumbled also, because the mon- 
eyed men of bb |iarty did not engage more of " the venjil 

"May the anarchy in the British government last for 
figes," wrote Choitteul. " Your pr.iyer will be heard," an- 
swered Durand, llieii in London as minister. " The oppo- 
Mtion during this reign will always be strong, for the cabinet 
will always he divided; but the genius of the nation, con- 
centrating itself on commerce and colonies, compensates the 
Inferiority of the men in power, and makes great advances 
without their guidance." " My position," observed Choi- 



seul, as he contemplated, alike in Asia and in America, the 
undisputed asceudenoy of the nation which he called his 
" enemy," " is the most vexatious possible ; I see the ill ; 
I do not Bce the remedy." Anxious to send accurate ac^ 
counts, Durand made many inquiries of Franklin, and 
"J^_ asked for all his political writings. " ITial intriguing 
nation," said Franklin, " would like very well to 
blow up the coals between Britain and her colonies; but I 
hope we shall give them no opportunity.'" 

" In England," observed Durand, " there is no one who 
does not own that its American colonies will one day form 
a scjiarate state. The Americuns are jealous of their liberty, 
and will alwnya wish to extend it. The taste for indepen- 
dence mnst prevail among them ; yet the fears of England 
will retard its coming, for she will shun whatever can unite 
them." " Let her but attempt to establish taxes in them," 
rejoined Choiseul, "and those countries, greater than Eng- 
land In extent, and perhaps becoming more populous, having 
fisheries, forests, shipping, corn, iron, and tho like, will easily 
and fearlessly separate themselves from the mother coun- 
try." " Do not calculate," replied Durand, " on a near 
revolution in tho American colonies. Thoy aspire not to 
independence, but to equality of rights with the mother 
country. A plan of union will always be a means in reserve 
by which England may shun the greater evil. When the 
separation cornea, the other colonies of Europe will be the 
jjrey of those whom excessive vigor may have detached 
from their parent stock. The loss of the colouics of France 
and of Spain will be tho consequence of the revolution iii 
the colonies of England." 

The idea of emancipating the whole colonial world was 
alluring to Choiseul; and he judged correctly of the near- 
ness of the condict. " The die is throivn," said men in Bos- 
ton, on hearing the revenue act had been carried through. 
"The Rubicon is passed." "We will form one universal 
combination," it was whispered, "to eat nothing, drink 
nothing, and wear nothing iinj'orted from Great Britain." 
The fourteenth of August was commemorated as the anni- 
versary of the first resistance to the stamp act. Of the 





intended appropriation of the new revenue, to make the 
crown ofEcers independent of the people, the patriots smd : 
" Such connsets will deprive the pnnoe who now cwnj-s the 
British ficeptre of millions of free Bubjects." And, when it 
wns considered that Mimslield and the ministry declared 
BDine of the grants in colonial charters to bo nugatory on 
the ground of their CKlent, the press of Boston, in concert 
with New York, following the precedent set by MoHnenx 
in his argiunent for Ireland, reasoned the matter through to 
it« logical conclusion. 

" Liberty," said the earnest writer, " is the inherent right 
of all mankind, Ireland has its own parliament, and makea 
laws ; and E^nglish statutes do not bind them, says Lord 
Coke, because they send no knights to parliament. The 
same reason holds good as to America. Consent only gives 
haman laws their force. Therefore, the parliament of Eng- 
land cannot extend their jurisdiction beyond their constitu- 
ents. Adv.incing the powers of the parliament of England, 
by breaking the rights of the parliaments of America, may 
in time have its effects." " If this writer succeeds," said 
Bernard, "a civil war must ensue." 

The act suspending the legisLative functions of New 
York increased the discontent. The danger of the example 
was understood ; and, while patriots of Boston encourtiged 
one another to .justify themselves in the eye of the present 
of coming generations, they added : " Our strength con- 
in union. Let us, above all, be of one heart and one 
Call on our sister colonies to join with us. Should 
our righteous opposition to slavery be named rebellion, yet 
pursue duty with firmness, and leave the event to Heaven." 
An intimate correspondence grew up between New York 
and Boston. They would nullify Townshend's revenue act 
by consuming nothing on which he had laid a duty, and 
avenge themselves on England by importing no more Brit^ 
iah goods. 

In September of this year, Franklin was at Paris. net. 
His examination before the house of commons had ^^'■ 
given him a wide European reputation. He was presented 
to various members of the French academy, as the American 





■who would one day diBembairaBS France of these Englisb. 
M.-ilesherbea recognised "his CKtr.-iordinary talents for pol- 
itics ; " jind was led to extol ■' the American gorcrnmenls. as 
they permitted the human mind to direct its efforts towards 
those important objects which promote the prosperity and 
happiness of the people." Just then Charles Townshend 
was seized with fevtr ; and after a short illness, during which 
he met danger with the unci.mcerned levity that had marked 
his conduct of the most serious affairs, he died, at the oge 
of forty-one, famed alike for incomparable talents and ex- 
treme instability. Where were now his gibes ? Where iiis 
flashes of merriment, that set the table in a roar ; his elo- 
quence, which made him the wonder of parliament ? If his 
indiscretion forbade esteem, his good-bumor dissipated hate. 
He had been courted by all parties, but never possessed the 
confidence of any. He followed no guide, and he had no 
plan of his own. No one wished him as an adversary; no 
one trusted him as an aasoci.tte. He sometimes spoke with 
boldness ; bm at heart he was as timid aa he was versatile. 
He had clear conceptions, depth of understanding, great 
knowledge of every branch of administration, and indefati- 
gable assiduity in business. During the last session of par- 
liament, his career had been splendid and snccessful. He 
had just obtained the lord-lieutenancy of Ireland for his 
brother, and a peerage for his wife, to descend to bis chil- 
dren ; and with power, fortune, affection, and honors clus- 
tering around him, he fell in the bloom of manhood, the 
roost celebrated statesman who has left nothing but errurs 
to account for his fame. 

The choice of his successor would decide on the contin- 
uance of the ministry, of which his death seemed to presage 
the overthrow. Clioiseul esteemed Grenville by far 
g^^{ the ablest financier in England, and greatly feared 
his return to office. Dreading nothing so much as 
to be ruled, and following his own sure inBlinct, the king 
directed that the vacant place should be offered to Lord 

At that time. Lord North was t)iirty-five years old, having 
seen the light in the same year with Washington. While 


I lei 


c great Vu^imian employed Iiimself aa n careful planter, 

fulfilled hia trust aa a colonial legislator, or, in his hour 

f leisure, leaning ugalnat the jirimeval oaks on the lawn !it 

Mount Vernon, mused on the destinies of his coiintrj' and 

solved to [ireaerve its liberty. Lord North entered the 

.binet, in whicli he was to remain for fifteen most eventful 
yean. He ivas a minister after the ting's own heart ; not 
brilliant, bnt of varied knowledge ; good-Iiumored and able ; 
opposed Ui republicanism, to reform, and to every popular 

leiisurc. He hod voted for the stamp act, and agiiinst its 

■peal : and had been foremost in ihe pursuit of Wilkes. 
Though choleric, he was of an easy temperament ; a friend 
peace, yet not fearing w:ir; of great personal courage, 
'bicb, however, partook something of npathy; r.arely vio- 
lent ; never enterprising ; of such moderation in his de- 
mands, that he seemed comparatively disinterested. His 
judgment was clear and his perceptions quick ; but hia 
power of will was feeble, a weakness which endeared him to 
his royal master. He took n leading part in the conduct of 
affairs, jnsl as the people of America were discussing the 
new revenue act, which the king had not suggested ; which 
no living member nf the cabinet wouldwwn ; which Grafton, 
the prime minister, described as " absurd ; " but which was 
the fatal bequest of Charles Townshend, 

The Sons of Liberty thought to avoid the new taxes by 
a nnivoraal ngreement to send for no more goods from 
Britain. "Such a confederacy," said Bernard, "will be im- 
practicable without violence ; " and he advised a regiment 
ttf soldiers, as the surest way of " inspiring notions of 
acquiescence and submission." " Ships-of-war and a regi- 
ment." said Paxton in England, " are needed to insure 

Never was a community more divided by fear and 
hope than that of Boston, to which the continent 
wta looking for an example. Rash words were 
■poken, rash counsels conceived. " The commissioners of 
the diatoms," said the more hasty, " must not be allowed to 
land." "Paston must, like Oliver, be taken to Liberty 
or the gallows, and obliged to resign." " Should we 



be told to perceive our inability to oppose the motlier coun- 
try," cried the youthful Quincy, " we boldly answer that, 
in defence of our civil and religious rights, with the God of 
armies on our side, we fear not the hour of trial." As the 
hiwyers of England decided that American taxation by 
parliament was legal and constitutional, the press of Boston 
sought support in " tlie law of nature, which," said they, " h 
the law of God, irreversible itself and superseding all human 
law." Men called to nund the words of Locke, that, when 
the constitution ia broken by the obstinacy of the prince, 
" the people must appeal to Heaven." A petition to the 
governor to convene the legislature having been rejected 
with " contempt," the inhabitants of Boston, ever sensitivt- 
to " the sound of Liberty," assembled on the twenty-eighth 
of October, in town meeting, .and voted to forbear the im- 
portation and use of a great number of articles of British 
produce and manufacture. They appointed a committee 
for obtaining a general subscription to such an agreement, 
and ordereil their resolves to be sent to all the towns in the 
province, and .ilso to the other colonies. 

Otis, heretofore so fervid, on this occasion warned 
™; against givin* offence to Great Britain. Even the 
twentieth of November, the day on which the tax act 
was to go into effect, passed away in quiet. Images and 
placards were exhibited ; but they were removed by the 
friends of the people. In a town meeting convened to dis- 
countenance riot, Otis went so far as to assert the king's 
right to appoint officers of the customs in what ni;inner and 
by what do nominal ions he pleased ; and he adWsed the 
town to make no opposition to the new duties. 

But province called to province. " A revolation must 
inevitably ensue," said a great student of Scripture propUp- 
ries, in a village of Connecticut. "We have discouraging 
tidings from a mother country," ihoiight Trumbull. '■ The 
Americans have been firmly attached to Great Britain; 
nothing but severity will dissolve the union." 

On the banks of the Delaware, John Dickinson, the illus- 
trious Farmer, of Pennsylvania, who had been taught from 
his infancy to love humanity and liberty, came before the 


continent to plead for American rights. He was an entim- 
Bia^t in his love for England, and accepted the undefined 
relations of the parliament to the colonies as a perpetual 
ooinpromiwe which neither party was to disturb by pursuing 
An abstract theory to its nltimate conclusions. 

" If once we are separated from the mother country," he 
asked, in the sincerity of sorrow, " what new form of gov- 
ernment shall we adopt? or where ahall we find another 
Britain to supply our loss ? Torn from the body to which 
we were united by religion, liberty, laws, affections, relation, 
language, and commerce, we must bleed al every vein." 
He admitted that parliament possessed a legal authority to 
regulate the trade of every part of the empire. Examining 
all the statutes relating to America from its first settlement, 
he found every one of them rested on that principle till the 
,id ministration of Grenville. Never before did the British 
commons think of imposing duties in the colonies for the 
purpose of raising a revenue. GrenvUle first asserted, in 
tie preamble of one act, that it was ''just and necessary " 
for them to give and grant such duties; and, in the pre- 
amble of another, that it was " just and necessary " to 
raise a further revenue in the same way ; while the pre- 
amble of the last act, granting duties upon paper, glass, 
colors, and tea, disregarding ancient precedents umler cover 
of those modem ones, declared that it was moreover " ex- 
jiedient " that a revenue should be so raised. " This," 
said the Farmer, "is an iuxovation, and a most JJ^; 
dangerous innovation. Great Britain claims and ex- 
ercises the right to prohibit manufactures in America. 
Once admit that she may lay duties upon her exportalious 
lo as, for the purpose of levying money on us only, she 
then will have nothing to do but to lay tho>*e duties on 
llie articles which she prohibits us to manufacture, and the 
tragedy of American liberty is finished. We are in the 
(iluation of a besieged city, surrounded in every pan but 
one. H that is closed up, no step can be taken but to 
aurrender at discretion. 

" I would persuade the people of these colonies, immedi- 
Uely, vigorously, and unanimously, to eserl themselves in 


the most firm but the moBt peaceable manner for obtaining 
relief. If an inreterate resolution is formed to aunifaiUte 
the libertiee of the governed, English history affords ex- 
amples of resistance by force." 

The Farmer's Letters carried convicldon through all the 
thirteen colonies. 




has8aciiii8etts cojj9ults htb sister colonies. rtlls- 
bobougu's administeatios oy the colonies. 

November, 1767— Febeuahy, 1768. 

Oti tlie twenty-foarth of November, the twelfth parlia- 
meDl ciiine together for the last time prifrious to its 
dissolution. It-s mtrabcrB were too busy in prepar- ^otI 
ingfor the coming elections to interfere with America, 
about wliich the king's speech wjia silent ; and, when Gren- 
ville descanted on two or three papers in the " Boston 
Gazelle," as infnmous libels on parliament, the house abowed 
Veorineas. Bedford objected to Grciiville's test for Amer- 
ica, and "preferred making an esample of some one sedi- 
tious fellow." The king kept the ministry from breaking, 
and proved himself the most efficient man among them. " He 
makes each of them," said Mansfield, " believe thai he is in 
love with liim, and fools them all. They will stand their 
groand," ho added, "unless that mad man, Lord Chatliam, 
should come and throw a fire-ball in the midst of them." 
But Chiilbam's long illness had for the time overlbjown his 
powers. When his health began to give out, it was bis 
passion to appear possessed of the unbounded confidence 
of the king. A morbid restlessness led him to vie in ex- 
pense with his equals in the peerage, who were the inheritors 
of vast estates. He would drive out with ten outriders, 
and with two carriages, each drawn by six horses. His 
vain magnificence deceived no one. "He is allowed to 
retain oiHce, as a livelihood," observed Bedford. The king 
complained of him as "a charlatan, who iu difficult times 
affected ill-health to render himself the more sought after ;" 
and saying that politics was a vile trade, more Qt for a hack 
than for a gentleman, hi? proceeded to construct a ministry 
that would be disunited and docile. 


Ch*p. XXXI 

Od the fifth of December, Bedford, just before tho removal 
of cataracts from his eyes, renounced his connection 
jJJ; with Grenvilie, saying to him, by way of excuse, that 
his age, his infirmities, and his tastes disinclineJ him 
to war on the court, which was willing to enter into a treaty 
with him, and e.ich member of the opposition would do well 
to exercise a like freedom. " He chooses to give bread lo 
his kinsmen and friends,'' said those whom he deserted. 
Grenvilie conid not conceal his despair. To his junction 
with Bedford, he had sacrificed the favor of the king. 
Left to battle alone by the ally for whom he bad been a 
martyr, the famed financier saw " the nothingness of the 
calculations of party." His health began to fail ; the little 
that rt-maincd to him of life became steeped in bitterness ; 
he seemed ready to curse his former associates and to die. 
At the time when the public indignation was roused by the 
news of the general agreement which the town of Boston 
was ])romoting, the ministry was rcvolutionizeil, but without 
benefit to Grenvilie. The colonies were taken from Shel- 
burne anil consigned to a separate department of state, with 
Lord Hillsborough as its secretary. Conway made room 
lor Lord Weymouth, a vehement but not forcible speaker, 
yet n man of ability. Gower became president of the 
council; the post-office was assigned to Sandwich, the 
ablest of them all, as well as the most mahgnaut against 
America ; while Rigby was made vice-treasurer of Ireland, 
till he could get the pay-oftice. All five were friends of the 
Duke of Bedford, and united in opinion respecting America. 
Jenkinaon, whose noiseless industry at the treasury board 
cKcrcised a prevailing influence over the uegUgence of 
Grafton and the ease of Lord North, formed the aclive and 
confidential bond between the treasury and the officeJiolders 
in Bofiton- 

To maintain the authority of parliament over America 
was the principle on which the friends of Bedford entered 
tho ministry. Their partis-ana professed to think it desirable 
that "the colonies should forget themselves still further." 
" Five or six frigates," they clamored, " acting at sea, and 
three regiments on Umd, will soon bring them to reason 


submission." " The waves," replied Franklin, " never 
but when the winds blow ; " and, addressing tbe British 
poblic, he showed that the now system of politics tended 
to dissolve the bonds of union between the two countries. 
" What does England gain by conquests in America," wrote 
the French miniator, "but the danger of losing her own 
ooloniee? Things cannot remain as they are; the two 
nations will become more and more embittered, and their 
mutual griefs increase. In four yeara, tlie Americana will 
have nothing to fear from Englan<l, and will be prepared 
for resiatunce." He thought of Holland as a precedent, yet 
'* America," he observed, '■ h.ns no recognised chieftaiu ; and, 
without tbe qualities united in the house of Orange, Holland 
would never have thrown o£f the yoke of Spain." 

On Hillsbo rough's taking posseaaion of liis newly 
created office, Johnson, the faithful agent of Connect- j^; 
icut, a churchman, and one who from his heart 
wished to avoid a rupture between the colonies and Eng- 
land, waited upon him to oSer congratulations on his ad- 
i ancement. " Connecticut," declared Hillsborough, " may 
always depend upon my tnendship and affection." 

"Connecticut," said Johnson, "is a loyal colony." ''Ton 
are a very free colony," rejoined Hillsborough ; " generally 
you have used your very extraordinary powers with mode- 
ration ; but you are very deficient in your correspondence, 
*o that we have too little connection with you." "That," 
xiMwcred the i^ent, " is owing to the good order and tran- 
quillity which have so generally prevailed in a quiet colony, 
irhere the government is wisely administered and the people 
•My aud happy. Add to this ; from the nature of our 
constitution, fewer oceaiiions arise of troubling the king's 
iiiinistera with our affairs than in the governments Lmmcdi- 
alely under the crown." 

" A request for a copy of your colony laws," said HiUs- 
Iwroagh, "has been repeatedly made; but I cannot find 
ibal any obedience has been p;ud to the requisition." " The 
wbny," replied Johnson, "has several tunes sent over copies 
nf the printed law book ; there is one or more at the plan- 
tation office." " It is the duty of the government," resumed 


Ilillsborough, "to triinsmit, from tinit? to tiirii", not only the 
laws that pass, but all the minutes of the prouL'ediii^ 
of the council and assembly, that we may know what 
you are about, and rectify whatever luay be amiss." 
"If your lordship," rejoined the agent, "wants a copy of 
our laws for private perusal, for the information of your 
olerks, or for reference, the colony will send you-one of their 
law books; and you will fiud it as good a code of laws, 
almost, as could be devised for such an infant couutry, and 
in no respect inferior to any collection of tlio kind in any of 
the colonies. But, if your lordshi[> moans to have the laws 
transmitted for the inspection of the minialry as such, and 
for the purpose of approbation or disapprobation by his 
majesty in council, it is what the colony has never done, 
ami, I am persuaded, will never submit to. By the charter 
which King Charles II. granted, the colony w;ib invested 
with a power of legislation, not subject to revision. In 
point of fact, your lordship well knows that those laws 
have never been re-examined here ; that the colony has for 
more than a centmy been in the full Bxercisc of those 
poweiM, without the least cheek or intermption, eJicept in a 
single instance, in such times and under such circumstances 
as I believe yoii will not mention but with detestation, much 
less consider as a precedent." 

" I have read your charter," said Ilillsborou^ ; " it is 
very full and expressive ; and I know whai powere you have 
exercised under it. But there are such things aa estrav;i- 
gunt grants, which are therefore void. You will admit 
there are many things which the king cimnot grant, .ns the 
inseparable incidents of the crown, yome ihiugg which 
King Charles pretended to grant may be of that nature, 
particularly the power of absolute legislation, which tends 
to the absurdity of creating an iuilependent state." 

"Nobody," rejilied Johnson, "has ever reckmied the 
power of legislation among the inseparable incidents of the 
crown. All lan-yers are agreed thai it ia an undisputed 
prerog;itive of the crown to create corporations ; and the 
power of law-making Ja, in some degree at least, incident to 
every corporation ; depending not merely on the words of 


grant, but foHndod in ibe reiisoii of llihigs, ;tnd coex- 

pnsive with the imrposea for which the body is croalcil. 

Every corporation in England enjoys it as really, though 

^i)>it as e\tenaivoly, as the colony of ConnectifUt. Since, 

Jiert'fore, no question can be made of the right of the 

crowti to create sneh bodies and grant such powers in 

fdegree, it would be very difficult to limit the bounty of the 

jrinco. The law has not done it, and who can draw the 

line? Surely not the ministers of the prince. The enlnny 

charters are of a higher nature, and founded on a better 

title, than those of the corporations of England. These 

mere acts of grace and favor ; whereas those in America 

'were granted in consideration of very valuable scrvires 

done or to be performed. The services having been abuu- 

Hdantly oiceculed at an immense expense by the grantees in 

^thc peopling and cultivation of a fine cmntry, the vast 

extension of his majesty's dominion, and the prodigious 

B increase of the trade and revenues of the empire, the 
charters must now be considered as grants upon valuable 
considerations, sacred and most inviolable. And even if 
^tbcre might have been a question made upon the validity of 
nch a grant as that to Connecticut in the day of it, yet 
lent as well as the crown having, for more than a 
ry, acquiesced in the exercise of the power cl.iinicd by 
it, Iho colony has now a parli:uneutary sanction, as well as 
a title by proscription added to the royal grant, by all 
which it must be effectually secured in the full possession of 
its charter rights," 

"These are matters of nice and curious disqiiisi- us* 
'ii)n," said Ilillsbonmgh, evasively; "but at le:;st ''""■ 

I your laws ought to be regularly transmitted for the inspec- 
tion o£ the privy council and for disapprobation, if found 
repugnant to the laws of England." 
"An extra-judicial opinion of the king's minister," 
iinswered Jolmison, '"ur even of the king's privy council, 
cannot dotcrmtne whoilier any particular act is within that 
jiroviao or not ; this must be decided by a court of law 
having jurisdiction of the matter, about which the law in 
I question is conversant. If the general ast-einbly of Connect- 




icut sbotild make a law flatly contradictory to the statute 
of Great Britain, it may be void ; but a declaration of 
J™; the king in council would still make it neither more 
nor lesB so, but bi; as void ua the law itself, for other 
words in the ch:irler clearly and expressly exclude them 
from deciding about it." 

"I have not seen these things," replied Ilillsburough, "in 
the light in which you endeavor to place them. You are 
in danger of being loo much a separate, independent state, 
nnd of having too little subordination to this country." 
And iben he spoke of the equal affection the king bore his 
American subjects, and of the great regard of the ministers 
for them as Britons, whose rights were not to be injured. 

" Upon the repeal of tho stamp act," said Johnson, " we 
had hoped these were the principles adopted ; but the new 
dulies imposed last winter, and other essential regulations 
in America, have damped those expectations and ^ven 
alarm to the colonies." 

"Let neither side," said Hillsborough, "stick at small 
matters. As to taxes, you are infinitely better off than any 
of your fellow-subjects in Europe. Ton are less burdened 
than even the Irish." 

" I hope that England will not add to our burdens," said 
Johnson ; " you would certaiiJy find it redound to your own 

Thus, for two hours together, they reasoned on the rights 
of Connecticut, whose charter Ilillsbnrough wished to annul ; 
not on the pretence that it had been violated or misused, 
but bocause by the enjoyment of it the people were too 

Connecticut so united caution with piitriotism that suu- 
eessive British ministers were compelled to delay abrogating 
its charter, for want of a plausible excuse. The apologists of 
the new secretary ealled him honest and well meaning; he 
■was passionate and ignorant and full of self-conceit ; alert in 
conducting busincds; wrong-headed informing his opinions, 
and pompously stifi in adhering to them. He proposed, as his 
rule of conduct, to join inflexibility of policy with professions 
of tenderness ; and, in a man of his moderate faculties, this 




attempl to imhe firrnneaa with sunviiy became a mixture of 
obstinacy and rleoeit. 

His first action ri-specting MiisBiichuaetts betrayed his 
churacter. HutchingoD, tliruugb JenlunsoD, obtained an 
anal grant of two hundred [jouiids Bterling; Hillsborough 
gave to the grant the form of a secret warrant under 
the king's sign manual on the commissioners of the 
customs fit Boston. That a chief justice, holding 
office during pleasure and constantly employiug his [lower 
for politiewl purposes, should receive money secretly from 
the king, was fatal to the independence of the bench. 

The reflecting people in Boston dreaded the corrupt 
employment of the new revenue. "We shall be obliged," 
they, "to maintain in luxury sycophiints, court para- 
and hungry dependants, who will be sent over to 
ktch and oppress those who support them. If large salo- 
. are ^von, needy poor lawyers from England and Scotr 
lund, or some tools of jiower of our own, will be placed on 
ttie bench. The guvi'mors will be men rewarded for 
despicable services, hackneyed in deceit and avarice; or 
tunie noble scoundrel, who has spent his fortune hi every 
kind of debauchery. 

" Unreasonable impositions tend to alienate the hearts of 

the colonists. Our growth is ao great, in a few years Britain 

will not be able to compel our submission, Who thought 

tliat the four little provinces of Holland would have been 

able to throw off the yoke of that powerful kingdom of 

Spain? yet they accomplished it by their desperate perse- 

vemncc." " Liberty is too precious a jewel to be resigned." 

The attempt at concerting an agreement not to imjiort 

hud tlrna far failed ; and, unless the assembly of Mnssaclm- 

fvUs should devise methods of reatstanci-, the oppressive law 

would gradually go into effect. Of the country members, 

Hawley, than whom no one was abler or more sincere, lived 

far in the interior ; and his excitable nature, nuw vehementi 

iiow desponding, unfitted him to guide. The irritability of 

OtJB h»d so increased that he rather indulged himself in 

"rhapsodies" and volcanic "flashes" of eloquence, than 

Iruoed deliberate plans of conduct. Besides, his jnind had 




early cmbrjctd the iJeu " of a general anion of the Britiafa 

empire, in which every part of its wide doniinious should 
be reprcacnted under one equal and uniform direction, and 
system of laws ; " and though the congress of New York 
drew from him a tardy concession that au Ami-ricaii repre- 
aentatiou was impossible, yet hia heart atill turned to his 
original opinion, and, in his prevaiiing mood, he shrunk 
from the' thought of independence. TJie ruling passion of 
Samuel Adams, on the contrary, was tlie preservation of the 
distinctive character and institutions of New England. He 
understood the tendency of the measures ado])ted by parlia- 
ment ; approved of making the ai)peal to Heaven, since 
freedom could not otherwise be preserved; and valued the 
liberties of his country more than its temponU prosperity, 
mure than hia own life, more than the lives of all. His 
theory, on which the colonies were to rest their defence of 
their separate rights till the dawn of better days, a^ a 
small but gallant array w;dta for aid within well-chosen 
lines, he imbodied in the form of a letter from the assembly 
of the province to their agent. On the sixth of January, 
and for the evening and morning of many succeeding days, 
the paper was under severe examination in the bouse. 
Seven times it was revised : every word was weighed ; 
every sentence considered ; and each seemingly harsh 
j,^; expression tempered and refined. At last, on the 
twelfth of January, the letter was adopted, to be 
sent to the agent, communicated to the British ministry, 
and published to the world. 

Disclaiming the most distanl thought of independence of 
the mother country, provided they could have the free 
enjoyment of their rights, the house affirmed that ■' the 
British constitution hath its foundation in the law of God 
and nature; thai, in every free state, the supreme le^sln- 
lure derives its power from the constitution," and is bounded 
and fircumseribed "by its fund:unental rules." 

That the right to properly exists by a law of nature, they 
upheld, on the one aide, against " Utopian schemes of a 
comnmnity of goods ; " on the other, agaiuat all acte of the 
British parliament taxing the colonists. 



" In the time of Jiiuies II.," they continued, '■ the crown 
and it* minisWrs, without the intevvenlion of purl i anient, 
demolished charters and levied taxes in the colonies 
at pleasure. Our case in more deplorable and renie- j™; 
diiess. Our ancc-stora found relief by the interposi- 
tion of parliament ; but by the intervention of that very 
power we are taxed, and onn appeal from their decision to 
iio power on earth." 

They further set forth the original contract between the 
king and the firBt planters, as the royal promise in behalf 
of the English nation ; their title by the common law and 
by statute law to all the liberties and privileges of natural 
intm subjects of the realm ; and the want of equity in taxing 
colonie.B whose manufactures were prohibited and whose 
trnde was restrained. 

Still more, they objected to the appropriation of the 
revonnes from the new duties to the support of American 
civil officers and an American array, as introducing an 
al>solute government. The judges in the colonies held 
their commissions at the pleasure of the c-rown ; if their 
salaries were to be independent, a corrupt governor might 
employ men who would " deprive a bench of justice of its 
glory, and the people of their security." Nor need the 
money be applied by jDarliament to protect the colonists ; 
IhcT were never backward in defending themselves, and, 
when treated as free subjeets, they always granted aids of 
their own accord, to the extent of their ability, and even 
beyond it. Xor could a standing army among them secure 
lUeir dependence; they had towards ihe mother country 
Jin English affection, which would for ever keep them con- 
nected with her, unless it should be erased by repeated 
unkind usage. 

They objected to the establishment of comniisa loners of 
the customs, as an expense needless in itself, and danger- 
OBs to their liberties from the increase of crown officers. 
Still more, they expressed alarm at the act conditionally 
suspending the powers of the assembly of New York, and 
Ihus annihilating its legislative authority. 

" King James and hia successors," thus they proceeded, 





"broke the cupurlnership of the supreme le^slatire with 
the supreme executive, and the latter eould not exbt with- j 
out the former. In theii^e romote dominioDB, there rihoiild 
be a free legislative ; otherwise, strange effects are to be up- 
preht-ndcil, for the laws of God and nature are invariable."' 

To Shelbume, Cfaiitfaum, Rockingham, Conway, Camden, 
the treasury board, at which sat Grafton, Lord North, and , 
Jenkinaon, ihe house of representatives next uddressed ' 
letters which especially enforced the impracticabUity of 
an American representation in the British parliament. But 
ii" memorial was sent to the lords ; no petition to the house 
iif eommous. The colonial legislature joined issue with the 
British parliament, and, adopting the draft of Samuel Adams, 
approached the king with their petition. 

To him, in beautifully simple language, they recounted 
the Etory of the colonization of Massachusetts ; the forfeit- 
ure of their first charter ; and the confirmation to them, on 
the revolution, of their most essential rights and liberties; 
the principal of which was that most sacred right of being 
taxed only by representatives of their own free election. 
They complained that the aota of parliament, "imposing 
taxes in America, with the express purpose of raising h 
revenue, loft them only the name of free subjects.'" 

Relief by an American representation in parliament theyy 
declare to be "utterly impracticable;" and they referred' 
the consideration of their present circumstances to the 
wisdom and clem.eacy of the king. 

In the Bcvcnil papers which, after a fortnight's 
anxious deliberation, were adopted by the assembly, 
not one line betrays baste or hesitation. It remained for 
the house " to inform the other governments with its pro- 
ceedings against the tale acts, that, if they thought fit, they 
might join therein." But this, it was said in a house of 
vighty-two members, would be considered, in EngUind, ua 
appointing a second congress; and the negative prevailed 
by a vote of two to one. 

At this appearance of indecision, Bernard conceived 
"great hopes;" but the hesitancy in the assembly had 
proceeded not from timidity, bnt caution. The members 



spoke with one another in private, till they more cleai'ly 
perceived the inuuiDence and extent of the public 
liimger. Then, on the fourth day of February, a rao- ™; 
lion waa made to reconsider the vote agiiiiiBt writing 
to the other colonies. The house was counted ; eighty-tivo 
were again found to be present ; the question was carried 
by a large majority, and the former vote erased from the 

On the some day, the house after debate appointed » 
amittee to inform each house of represontativea or bur- 
es on the continent of the measure which it hud taken ; 
on the eleventh they accepted, almost unimimously, & 
masterly circular letter which Samuel Adams had drafted. 

Expressing ahrm confidence that the united supplications 
of the distressed Americans would meet with the favorable 
acceptance of the king, they set forth the imjiortance that 
proper constitutional measures respecting the acts of parlia- 
ment imposing taxes on the colonies should be adopted; 
and that the representatives of the several assemblies upon 
so delicate a point should harmonize with each other. They 
marie known their " disposition freely to communicate their 
mind to a sister colony, upon a common concern." 

They then imbodied the substance of all their repre- 
sentations to the ministry : that the legislative power of 
rliament is circumscribed by the constitution, and is self- 
ayed whenever it overleaps its boimds ; that allegiance, 
as well as sovereignty, is limited ; that the right to property 
is an essential, unalteruble one, engrafted into the British 
isyslcm, and to be asserted, exclusive of any consideration 
of charters ; that taxation of the colonies by the British 
parliament, in which they are not represented, is an in- 
fringement of their uatural and constitutional rights; that 
au equal representation of the American people in jiarlia- 
ment is for ever impracticable ; that their partial repre- 
wntation woulil be worse even than taxation without their 
consent, Tliey further enumerated as grievous the iuile- 
pendent civil list for crown officers; the billeting act ; and 
Oie large powers of the resident commissioners of the 






"Your assembly " they continued, " is too generous and 
liberal in sentiment to believe tbnt this letter pro- 
Feb. oeeds from :in iimbition of tiiking the load, or dictate 
ing to the other asseinbUea. They freely submit their 
opinions to the judgment of others, and shall take it kind 
in you to point out to tliem any thing further that may be 
thought nei'essary." 
, A fair copy of this circular was tranBm.itted to England, 

to be produced in proof of its true spirit and design ; they 
drew their system of conduct from reason itnolf, and despised 





FBBR04IIY Maech, 1768. 



The ilay after the circular wua adopted, the board of 
licommbsi oners of the revenue at Boston, co-operat- 
■with Bernard, addreased to their siipcriorii in 
Iglsnd a secret memorial. Expressing apprehen- 
sions for their own safety, they complained of the Ameri- 
can press, especially of the Beeming moderation, p;iraile of 
leuming, aod most mischievous tendeocy of the Frirmer's 
Letters ; of N"ew England town-meetings, " in which," tliey 
■aid, " the lowest mechanics discussed the most important 
poiDls of government with the utmost freedom;" of Rhode 
Island, aa if it had even proposed to stop the revenue 
money ; of MaMachusetts, for having invited every prov- 
Qce to discountenance the consumption of British munufacl- 
ritn«. "We h:ive every reason," they added, " lo expect 
thut wt? shall Hurt it impracticable to enforce the execution 
^^of the revenue laws, until the hand of government is pro|> 
^■erly strengthened. At present, there is not a ahip-of-war 
^B{n the province, nor a company of soldiers nearer than 
^p\ew York." 

The alternative was thus presented to the ministry and 

the king. On the one side, Massachusetts asked relief from 

I iinalion without representation, and invited the several 

colonies lo unite in the petition ; the crown officers, on the 

other, sent their memorial for a fleet and regiments. 

But what could an Lirmed force find to do'/ The opposi- 
tion was passive. The house left no doubt of its purpose 
not to arrest the execution of any law ; on the twenty-eixtli 






of February, by a vote of eighty-one to the oue vute of 
Timothy Haggles, it discouraged tlie use of supi-rfluities ; 
and gave a |irefereiii.'e to American uianufacturos in re- 
solves which, said Bernard, " were so decently iind onu- 
tioiisly worded that at another time lliey would scarcely 
have givL'D offence." Could an army compel a eolonia! t<> 
buy a new coal, or to drink tua, or to purchase what he 
was resolved to do without? Grafton, North, even Hills- 
borough, disapproved of Townsheod'a revenue act. Why 
will they not quiet America by its revocation? Sending 
regiments into Boston will be a summons to America to 
make the last appeal. 

Grenvillc and his friends insisted on declaring meetings 
and associations like those of Boston illegal and punishable, 
and advised some immediate chastisement. " I wish," said 
he, "every American in the world coidd hear me. I gave 
the Americans bounties on their whale fishery, think- 
ing they would obey the acts of parliament;" and 
he now spoke for a prohibition of their fisheries. 
Some of the ministry were ready to proceed at once against 
Maseachueetts with extreme severity. When America was 
mentioned, nothiug could be heard but bitterest invectives. 
That it must submit, no one questioned. 

While nillsboroHgh was writing encomiums on Bernanl, 
praising iiis own "■ jaslice and lenity," and lauding the king 
as the tender father of all his subjects, Choiseul discerned 
the importance of the rising controversy ; and, that he 
might unbosom his thoughts with freedom, he appointed 
to the place of ambassador in England his own most con- 
fidential friend, the Count du Chatclel, son of ihe cele- 
brated woman with whom Voltaire had been intimately 
connected. The new diplomatist was a person of quick 
perceptions, courage, and knowledge of the world ; and he 
was also deeply imbued with the ]ibilosophy of his age. 

The difficulty respecting taxation was heightened by per- 
sonal contentions, which exasperated members of the legis- 
lature of Massachusetts. The house discovered that their 
leaving the crown officers out of the council had been 
misrepresented by Bernard to Shelbume ; and, in the most 


teinperaU- lan^iagc, they wisely suggi'sled tbe recall of 
die governor, of whose nocusatory letters they aakfJ for 
Copies. "It i# not in the jjower of these people to move 
iiiy temfer."' wrote Bernard. A paper in the " Boston 
naitetie," written by Warren, exposed "the obstinate raiil- 
ii^e. (tiatwlical thirst for miachief, effrontery, guileful truach- 
crv. »n'l wickedness" of Bernard. The council censured 
the pnbliciition- Tlie governor called on the house to order 
:i prosecution of the printers. "The liberty of the press," 
ihey ;mswcred, "is the great bulwark of freedom." On 
|>r'irogiiing tbe legislature, Bemnrd chid in public its lead- 
ine members. "Tliere are men," said he, "to whose im- 
(ii-rtjiuce cvcrbisting contention is necessary. Time will 
Aonii pull tbe mask^ ulT those false patriots who are sacri- 
ficiuy their country to tlie gratifit'ation of tbeir own pas- 
sions. I sbiill defend this injured country from the evils 
hich threaten it, arising from the macbinations of a few, 
very few. discontented men." "The flugitioiia libel," he 
wrote home, ■' blasphemes kingly government itself ; '" but 
il wae only a coarse sketch of his own bad qualities. '■ I 
told the grand jury," said Hutchinson, "almost in plain 
rds, that they might depend on being damned, if they 
not find against the paper, as containing high treason." 
jurj- refused. "Oaths and tbe laws have lost their 
," wrote Hutcliinsou; while "the honest and indepen- 
gr.uid jurors" became the favorite loast of tlie Sons 
of Liberty. 

On tbe day on which the general court was pro- n^g. 
rogni-d, merchants of Boston began a subscription to '"'"'^''■ 
ri'nounce commerce with England, and invited the mer- 
cluintfl of the whole continent to give the world tbe spec- 
tiick- of a universal passive reslBtance. 

Kulb, who was astonished .at tbe prosperity of the colo- 
nics uod the immense number of merdiant vessels in all 
the waters from the Chesapeake to Boston, thought for a 
momcot that, if the provinces could joiully discuss their 
interests by deputies, an independent state would soon be 
formed. The people were brave; and their militia not 

inferior to regular troops. And yet, after studying the 



spirit of New England, he was persuaded that all classes 
sincerely loveil their mother country, and wouM never 
nocepl foreign aid. Besides, ao convinced were they of 
the justice of their deraanck and their own importance, 
they would not hold it possible that they should be driven 
to the liiBt appeal. '• It is my fised opinion," said he. " that 
the firebrands will be worsted, and that the colonies will, 
in the end, obtain all the satisfaciioQ which thoy demand. 
Sooner or later, the government mnst roc<^nisc its being in 
the wrong." 

The crown officers in Boston persevered in their iiitrigiies. 
"The annual election oE councillors," wrole Bernard, "is 
the eanker-wonn of the oonatitnlion of this government, 
whose weight cannot be put in the scale agiiinat that of the 
people," " To keep the bal.ince even." argued Hutchinson, 
" there is need of aid from the other side of the water." 

How to induce the British government to change the char- 
ter and send over troops, was the constant theme of 
Miii^ii discuwnion ; and it was concerted that ihc eighteenth 
of March, the anniversary of the repeal of the stamp 
act, should be made to further the design. Reports were in- 
dttstriously spread of an intended insurrection on that day; 
of danger to the comminBioiieris of the customs. The Sons of 
Liberty, on their pari, were anxious to preserve order. At 
daybreak, the effigy of Paxlon and that of another revenue 
officer were found hanging on Liberty Tree ; they were 
instantly taken down by the friends of the people. The 
governor endeavored to magnify " the alrociousuess of tbc 
insult," and to express fears of violence ; the council justly 
insisted there was no danger of disturbance. The day wiis 
celebrated by a temperate festival, at which toasts were 
drunk to the freedom of the press ; to Paoli and the C-orsi- 
cans; to the joint freedom of America and Ireland; to the 
immortal memory of Brutus, Caosius, ILunpden, and Syd- 
ney, Those who dined together broke up early. There 
was no bonfire lighted ; and " in the evening," wrote HuU.'h- 
inaon within the week of the event, " wo had oidy such a 
moll OS we have long been used to on the fifth of Xovember, 
and other holidays." Clage, who afterwards made careful 




inquiry in BoetoD, di'ctared tlie disturbance to have been 
"trifling." But Bernard reporteii a "great disposition to 
the uiiuoHt discirrk-r," hundreds "parading the streets 
with yells and outj;rie9 ; a very terrible night to those who 
thought Iheniselveg objects of the popular fury." " I 
p-.rn afford no protection to the commissioners," he ^JiJ^ 
oontiDaca. " I have not the shadow of authority or 
power, T am obnoxious to the madnesij of the jieopfc, yet 
left exposed to their roaentmcnt, without any possible resort 
of protection;" thus hintinfj the need of "troops, us well 
to support the king^s government as to protect the persons 
of hia officers." 

To insure the arrival of an armed force, the commission- 
ers of the customs applied directly to the naval cciuinandcr 
ut Hiilifax, and sent a second memorial to the lords of the 
treasary. They said that n design had certainly been 
formed to bring them on the eighteenth of March to Lib- 
erty Tree, and oblige them to renounce their commissions. 
"The governor and magistracy," they add, "have not the 
least authority or power in this piace. Wo depend on the 
favor of the mob for our protection. We cannot answer 
for our security for a day, much less will it be in our power 
to carry the revenue laws into effect." 

These letters went from Boston to the ministry, in 
Much. The tales of riots were false. The people were 
opposed to the revenue system of the British parliament, 
and hoped for redress ; if the ministry should refuse it, they 
were resolved to avoid every act of violence, to escape pay- 
ing the taxes by never buying the goods on which they 
wore imposed, and to induce their repeal by ceasing to cou- 
smnc- English manufactures. England had on her side the 
general aCI'ection of the people, the certainty thiil the coun- 
iry could not as yet manufacture for itself, and eonsequenily 
the certainty that tlie scheiaes of non-importation would 
fail. Would she but substitute a frank and upright man 
fur Bernard, the wauta of the colonists might weary tliem 
of their self-denial. 

But the administration of public affairs had degenerated 
into a itystem of patronage, which had money for its object ; 


and waa supported by the king, from the love of «nt1iority. 
The government of EogluDd had more and more ceased to 
represent the noble spirit of England. The twelfth parlia- 
meat, which hud taxed America and was now near its dls- 
Bohition, exceeded all former ones in profligacy. The men 
of Bolingbroke'a time took bribea more openly than those 
of Wulpole ; those of Walpole, than those of the Pelhams ; 
and those of the Pelhams, than those since the accession of 
George III. ; bo that dii'ect gifts of moriey were grown less 
frequent, as public opinion increased in power. But there 
never was a parliament so shameless in its corruption as 
this tweKth parliament, which virtually severed America 
from England. It had its votes ready for anybody that 
was minister, and for any measure that the minister of the 
day might propose. It gave an almost unanimous support 
to Pitt, when, for the last time in seventy years, the foreign 
polities of England were on the side of liberty. It had u 

majority for Newcastle after he had ejected Pitt; 
Mmii. ^'"' I^ut^' when he dismissed NewuaBtle ; for Gren- 

ville, BO long as he was the friend of Bute ; for 
Grenville, when he became Bute's implacable foe ; and for 
the inexperienced Rockingham. The shadow of Chathain, 
after his desertion of the house, could away its decisions. 
When Charles Townshend, rebelling in the cabinet, seemed 
likely to become minister, it gave its applause to him. 
Wlien Townshend died, North easily restored subordination. 
Nor was it less impudent as to measures. It promoted 
the alliance with the king of Prussia, and deserted him ; it 
protected the issue of genera! warrants, and utterly con- 
demned them ; it passed the stamp act, and it repealed the 
stamp act ; it began to treat America with tenderness, then 
veered about, imposed new taxes, changed American con- 
stitutions, and trifled with the freedom of the American 
legislative. It was corrupt, and knew itself to bo corrupt, 
and made a jest of its eorniplion. While it lasted, it be- 
st-owed its favors on any minister of any p;»rty ; and when 
it was gone, and had no more chances at prostitution, men 
wrote its epitaph as of the most scandalously abandoned 
body that England had ever known. 


^TTp to this time, the colonists had looked to pnrliameDt as 
e bulwark o£ ttieir liberties ; henceforward, they knew it 
lo bo their most dangerous oneiuy. They avowed that tbey 
would not pay taxes which it ussumed to impose. Some 
still allowed it a right to restrain colonial trade; but the 
ttdranced opinion among the patriots was that each provin- 
cial legislature must be perfectly free ; that laws were not 
valid unless sanctioned by the consent of America herself. 
Without disputing what the past had established, they were 
resolved to oppose any minister that should attempt to 
"innovate" a single iota in their privileges. "Almighty 
God himself," wrote Dickinson, " will look down upon your 
righteous contest with approbation. You will be a band of 
brothers, strengthened with inconceivable supplies of force 
and constancy by that sympathetic ardor which animates 
good men, confederated in a good cause. You are assigned 
by Divine Providence, in tlio appointed order of things, 
the protector of unborn ages, whoso fate depends upon 
your virtue." 

The people of Boston responded to this appeal. Tlie 
men whose fathers ciime to the wilderness for freedom to 
say their prayers would not fear to take up arms against a 
preamble wbich implied their servitude. In a town- 
meeting, MaJcom moved their thanks to the ingen- ^J^ 
ious author of the Farmer's Letters ; and Hancock, 
Samuel Adams, and Warren were of the committee to greet 
him in the name of the town as " the friend of Americans, 
_.utd the benefactor of mankind." 

Ip "They may with equal reason make one step more," 
wrote Hutchinson to the Duke of Grafton : " they may deny 
the regal as well as the parliamentary authority, although 
no man as yet has ihat in bis thoughts." 

Du Chatelet, in England, having made his inquiriea into 
the resources of America, was persuaded that, even if the 
detailed statements before him were one half too large, Eng- 
land could not reduce her colonies, should they raise the 
Bt&oditrd of rebellion. "Their population is so gruat," 
^a^d he to Choiseul, " that a breath would scatter the troops 

it to enforce obedience. The ever existing attractions of 
VOL. ir. 6 


an entire independence and of a free commerce cannot fai] 
to keep tlieir minds continually in a state of disgnst at the 
national subjection. The English government may take 
some false step, which will in a single day set all these 
springs in activity. A groat number of chances can hasten 
the revolution which all the world foresees without daring 
to assign its epoch. I please myself with the thotight that 
not so far off as some imagine, and that we should 
neither pains nor expense to co-operate with it. We 
also nourish his Catholic majesty's disposition to 
avenge his wrongs. The ties that bind America to England 
are three fourths broken. It must soon throw off the yoke. 
To make themselves independent, the inhabitants want 
nothing but arms, courage, and a chief. If they had among 
them a genius equal to Cromwell, this republic would be 
more easy to estnblish than the one of which that usurjier 
was the head. Perhaps this man exists ; perhaps nothing 
is wanting but happy circumstances to place him upon an 
exalted theatre." 

At Mount Vernon, conversation with Arthur Lee fell on 
the dangers that overhung the country. "Wlienever my 
country calls upon me," said Washington, " I ora ready to 
take my musket on my shoulder." 

iToa, " Courage, Americans ! " cried William Livingston, 

*'■'"- one of the famed New York " triuraviniie " of anli- 
prelatic lawyers. " Courage, Americans 1 liberty, religion, 
and sciences are on the wing to these shores. The finger of 
God points out a mighty empire to yonr sons. The savages 
of the wilderness wore never expelled to make room for 
idolaters and slaves. The land we possess is the gift of 
Heaven to our fathers, and Divine Providence seems to 
have decreed it to our latest posterity. The day dawns in 
which the foundation of this mighty empire is to be laid, 
by the establishment of a regular American constitution. 
All that has hitherto been done seems to be little beside the 
collection of materials for this glorious fabric. 'Tis time to 
put them together. The transfer of the European part of 
the family is so vast, and our growth so swift, that, before 


be laid." 






April — June, 1768. 

•• Sknd over nn army and a fleet to reduce the dogs to 
eason," was the cry at court and the public ofHccB in Eng- 
land, on every rumor of colonial discontents. On the 
fifteenth of April, the circular letter of Mnssachu- 2^. 
eette reached the ministers. "It is an incentive to 
rebellion," said some of them; and their choleric haste 
dictated most impolitic measures, A letter was sent by 
Hillsborough to the governors of each of the twelve other 
colonies, with a cupy of the circular, which w,'ifl described 
as ** of a moat dangerous and factious tendency," calculated 
^ to inflame the minds " of the people, " to promote an an- 
rarratit.ible combination, and to excite open opposition to 
the antbority of parliament." "Tou will therefore," said 
he, "exert your utmost influence to prevail upon the assem- 
bly of your province to tiike no notice of it, which will be 
treating it with the contempt it deserves. If they give any 
countenance to this seditioua paper, it will be your duty to 
prevent any proceedings upon it by an immediate proroga- 
tion or dissolution." This order he sent even to the gov- 
ernor of Pennsylvania, who, by its charter, had no power 
to prorogue or dissolve an assembly, Massachusetts was 
lold that the king considered " their resolutions contrary to 
the sense of the assembly, and procured by surprise. You 
will therefore," such was the coram.and to Bern.ird, " require 
of Ihe house of representatives, in hia majesty's name, to 
Kseiiid the resolution which gave birth to the circular letter 
(roni the speaker, and to declare their disapprobation of 


that rash and hasty proceeding." "If the new assembly 

should refuse to comply, it is the king's pleasure that you 
should immediately dissolve them." 

The agent of the asaembly of Massachusetts interceded 
for the colony. Its petition was received by Hillsborough 
for the king's perusal, but was never officially presented. 
"It has been resolved in council," said the secretary, "that 
Governor Bernard have strict orders to insist npon the 
assembly's revoking their circular letter; and, if refused, he 
is immediately to dissolve them. Upon their next choice, 
ho is ogain to insist on it ; and, if then refused, he is to do 
the like ; and as often as the case shall happen. I had settled 
the repeal of these acta with Lord North ; but the opposi- 
tion of the colonies renders it absolutely necessary to sup- 
port the authority of parliament." 

Here was a colonial system never before thought of. 
Townshcnd had suspended the legislative functions of New 
York by act of parliament. Now a' secretary of state, 
speaking for the king, oEEered to Massachusetts the option 
of forfeiting its representative government, or submitting 
to his mandate. At the same time, the commander in chief 
in America was ordered to maintain the public tranquillity. 
But it was characteristic of Wassachusetts that the peace 
had not been broken. The power of parliament was denied, 
but not resisted. 

On the second of April, the assembly of Tir^nia read the 
circular letter from Massachusetts, and referred it to n com- 
mittee of the whole house. The petitions of freeholders 
of the counties of Chesterfield, Henrico, Dinwiddie, and 
Amelia, pointed to the act of parliament suspending the 
legislative power of New York, as of a tendency fatal to 
the liberties of a free people. The coimty of Westmoreland 
dwelt also on the new revenue act, as well as on the bUleting 
act. The freeholders of Prince "Williams enumerated aU 
three, which, like the stamp net, would shackle North 
"^ America with slavery. On the seventh, the itlustrioiis 
Bland reported resolutions reaffirming the exclusive 
right of the American assemblies to tax the American colo- 
nics ; and they were unanimously confirmed. A committee 


of twelve, including Bland and Archibald Gary, prepared 
a petition to tho king, a memorial to the house of lords, 
and ft remonstrance to tho bouse of commons, which, after 
being carefully considered and amended, were unanimously 
adopted. On the fifteenth, Blond invited a conference with 
the council ; and the council, with Blair, tho acting president 

jftfter Funquier^B death, agreed to the papers which tho house 

(bad prepared, and which were penned in a Btill bolder stylo 

I than those from Massachusetts. 

After this, the burgesses of Virginia, to fulfil all their 
doty, not only assured Massachusetts of their applause for 
its attention to American liberty, but also directed their 
Speaker to write to the respective speakers of all tho assem- 
blies on the continent, to make known their proceedings, 
and to intimate bow necessary they thought it that the col- 
onies should unite in a firm but decent opposition to every 

Lsieaflure which might affect their rights and liberties. 

In the midst of these proceedings of a representative 
body, which truly reflected tho sentiments of a people, the 
thirteenth British parliament, the last which over legislated 
for America, was returned. Of the old house, one hundred 
and seventy failed to be reehosen. Boroughs were sold % 
openlv, and votes purchased at advanced prices. The mar- 
ket value of a seat in puriiamenl was four thousand pounds. 
Contested elections cost the candidates twenty to thirty 
thousand pounds apiece, and it was alErmed that in Ciiuiber- 
land one person lavished a hundred thousand pounds. The 
election was the most eiponsive over known. Tho number 
of disputed scats exceeded all precedent ; as did the riota 
of a misguided populace, indulged but once every seven 
years with the privilege of an election. 

Wilkes was returned for Westminster. " The expulsion 
cf Wilkes must be effected," wrote the king to Lord North, 
who stood ready to obey the unconstitutional mandate. 

At the opening, the great question was raised, if 
Mrangers should be excluded from the debates, " I ^^\ 
ever wiwhed," oaid GrenviUe, " to have what is done 
here well known." The people no longer acquiesced in the 
secrecy of the proceedings of their professed representatives ; 


this is the last parliament of which the debates are not re- 

Uut of doora, America was not without those who listened 
to her complaints. The aged Oglethorpe, founder of the 
colony of Geor^a, busied himself with distributing 
pamphlets in her behnlf among the most consider- 
able public men. Franklin, in London, collected and 
printed the Farmer'a Letters. " Tliey are very wild," said 
Hillsborough of them; many called them treasonable luid 
seditious; yet Edmnnd Burke approved their principle. 
Translated into French, they were much read in Parisian 
saloons ; their author was compared with Cicero ; Voltaire 
joined the pniiao of " the farmers of Pennsylvania " to that 
of the Russians who aspired to Uberate Greece. 

" In America, the Farmer is adored," said the governor 
of Georgia ; " and no mark of honor and respect is thought 
equal to his merit." At that time, Georgia was the most 
flourisliinw colony on the continent. Lauds there were 
cheap, and hibor dear ; it had no manufactures ; though, of 
the poorer families, one in a hundred, perhaps, might make 
its own coarse clothing of a mixture of cotton and wool. 
• Out of twenty-five members of the newly elected legisLature, 
at least eighteen were professed " Sons of Liberty," " enthu- 
siasts " for the American cause, zealous for " [Uatntaining 
their natural rights." They unanimously made choice of 
Benjamin Franklin as their agent ; and nothing but their 
prorogation prevented their sending words of sympathy to 
Massachusetts. New Jersey expressed its desire to corre- 
spond and unite with the other colonies. The Connecticut 
assembly in May, after a solemn debate, concluded to peti- 
tion the king only; '' because," said they, "to petition the 
parliament would be a tacit oonfessiou of its right to lay 
impositions upon us, which right and authority wo publicly 
disavow." Nor would the court issue writs of assistance, 
although it was claimed that they were authorized by 
Townshend's revenue act. Some grew alarmed for conse- 
quences ; hnt others " were carried above fear." 

At New York, the merchants held a meeting to join with 
the inhabitants of Boston in the agreement not to import 





from Great BrilaiD; and, against the opinion of tho gover- 
nor, the royal council dcciiled that tho ineetiiiga were 
legal; that tho people did but aaseaiblc to cslablisb 
among themselves certain rules of cisonomy ; that, as 
they were masters of their own fortonu, they had a right to 
dispose of it as they pleased. 

While Massachusetts received oncnuragement from its 
sister colonies, its crown officers continued and extended 
their eolicitations in England for large and fixed salaries, as 
the only way to keep the Americans in their dependence. 
Grenviile's influence was the special resource of Hutchinson 
nnd Oliver, who had supported his stamp act and suffered 
KS his martyrs; and they relied on Whately to secure for 
ihem his attention and favor, which they valued the more, 
S8 it seemed to them probable that he would one day super- 
sede Grafton. 

Bernard, on his part, addressed his importunities to Hills- 
borough, and asked leave to become an informer, under an 
Insurance no exposure should bo made of liis letters. 
Yet how could public measures bo properly founded on 
secret communiiatious, known only to the minister and tho 
king ? Should the right of the humblest individual to con- 
front witnesses against him be lield sacred ? and sliould 
rising nations be exposed to the loss of chartered privileges 
and natural rights on concealed accusations ? With truer 
loyalty towards tho mother country, Samuel Adams, through 
the agent, advised the repeal of the revenue acts, and the 
removal of a governor iu whom the colonies could never 
repose confidence. 

But Bernard went on persuading Ilillsborongb that Amer- 
Juid grown refractory in consequence of tho feeble ad- 
tration of the colonies during the time of Conway and 
Iburne ; that it required "Lis lordship's distinguished 
sliilities" to accomplish the "arduous task of reducing them 
bto good order." " It only needs," said Hutchinson, "one 
Ueady plan, pursued a little while." At that moment, the 
people of Massachusetts, confidently awaiting a favorable 
result of their appeal to the king, revived their ancient 
ipiritof loyalty. At the opening of the political year, on 



.iMEBiCAS HErotunos. Caii-.XXXni 

tint brt WwlBOwiAy in May, the n«w house of rcprosen- 
i.r, with 3 kindlier dispositJoo towardB 
. .]>ied for several years. The two par- 
wiiv iiv^rui* im oquctlity. On the day of election, after 
,uj( a Donuoii in whifh Shute, of Iliugham, denied the 
iiitf uuikority of purllamcnt, and justified resistance to 
: ' . uU on equity, the legislature seemed willing to 

hinsou to the conncil ; and, on the first ballot, 

ht ' .ight votes where he needed but seventy-one. 

lU Lj._ 1 was (he cause of his defeat. As ihe conven- 
U(Hi wtirw ikr«|u)ring to ballot a second time, Samuel Adama 
-k whether the lieutenant-governor was a pensioner J 
(. i.)tis, the other "chief head of the faction," stood 
U|' ■luti dei,'liired that Hutchinson had received a warrant 
ifvw iho loiils of the treasury for two hundred poumla a 
yuitr oui : ■'-!-■ |>\'i'oi'ds of the new duties; and, dlstribut- 
voU'ii iipi AiU' Ward, he cried out: "Pensioner or 
Minioiier, surely the house will not think a j>ensioner of 
('town 11 Ht person to sit in council," " But for the war- 
liutl," ci'ukwKil Hutchinson, " I should have been elected." 
" i\nd that," added Bernard, " would have put quite a new 
t»cv U(H>a public affairs." " The government," repeated 
lit'iuiiiil, "sliould insist upon it that the lieuten ant-go v- 
(ituiii' Liiid sccn'tary should have seats and votes at the 
(I'uuoil board without an election." " Tliis annual election 
(il thv eouncll spoils the constitution," wrote Hutchinson. 
*' TIh'^ will not come to a right temper, until they find 
\iu\%, nl hII ovcuts, the parliament will maintain its author- 
tu." Hiit'h wore the representations of men on whom 
||IUahi<i'iiU)fh waH eager to bestow signal marks of his con- 
llili'iio*'; having resolved to reward Bernard's zeal with the 
lutu'uUvK pKHt of lieutenant-governor of Virginia, and to 
UiAVtf thn government of Massachusetts In the hands of 

JuHt nl this time, the ministry in England received 
* tliff li'tti-raof March from the commissioners of the 
oustouiH Hiid from Bernard ; and, totally misconceiving 
ikv uM» lit thin|ta, lUUsborough, on the eighth of June, 
nidnU'il Huge to send n regiment to Boston, for the 


the assut^H 




tnce of the civil mngiBtratea and the officers of the revenue. 
The admiralty Wiia also directed to send one frigiilc, two 
Bioopa, and two cutlera to remain in Boston harbor; and 
the castle of William aad Mary was to be occupied and 

This first act of hostility on the part of Great ma. 
Britain was adopted at a time when America thought ■'''^■ 

nothing more than peaceable petitioning and a non-im- 
ilion agreement, which the adverse interests of the 
nts had aa yet rendered void. 





Junk — July, 1768. 


The commissioaors of the customs, in the maaner of exe- 
cuting their office, did not whan to give offence. The 
jiue. " Roinney," a ship o£ fifty guas, scut from Halifax at 
thoir request, hud, for about a month, Iain at anohor 
in the harbor of Boston, aiid impressed New Englund men 
returning from eca. On the tenth of June, one man wlio 
had been impressed waa rescued. The request to accept a 
substitute for another the captain rejected with a storm of 
angry abuse ; and he continued impressments, in violation, 
as the lawyers and people believed, of an explicit statute. 

The sloop " Liberty," beloni^ing to John Hancock, had 
discharged her cargo and had taken in freight for a new 
voyage; when, on the same day, near sunset, and just as 
the laborers had broken off work, the officers of the customs, 
obeying the written directions of the commissioners, seized 
her for a false entry, which it was pretended had been made 
Beveral weeks before. The collector thought she might still 
remain at the wharf ; but, according to previous concert, 
boats from the man-of-war cut her moorings and towed the 
eluop away to the " Ilomney." 

A crowd "of boys and negroes" gathered at the heels of 
the custom-house officers, and threw stones, bricks, and dirt, 
alarming them, but doiug no serious mischief. A mol> broke 
windows in the house of the comptroller and of an inspector, 
and burned a boat of the collector's on Boston common. At 
about one o'clock, they dispersed, and the town resumed its 

■ Th 



The next day, notliing indicated a recurrence of riots; 
and the council appointed a cominittco to ascertain the facts 
attending the Ecizuro. 

The com mission era had not been harmed, nor approached, 
nor menaced ; but they chose to consider the incident of the 
List evening an insurrection, and four of the five went on 
board the "liomnoy;" porliaps a little from panic, but 
more to insure the octire interposition of the British govern- 
ment. Temple, one of their number, refused to tukc part 
in the artifice, and remained in full security on shore. 

On Sunday, while all the people were "at meeting," the 
fugitive officers, pretending that "the honor of the crown 
wonld be hazarded by their relnrn to Boston," informed 
Bernard by letter that they could not, " cousiBtenl with the 
honor of tbeir commission, act in nnybnsincsaof the revenue 
under such an influence tis prevailed" in Boston, and de- 
clared their wish to withdraw to the caalle. "They have 
abdicated," said the people of Boston, and " may they never 
return." Everybody know they really were in no danger. 
The council found that the riot of Friday had bceu only 
" a small disturbance," " Dangerous distmbanccs," reported 
Cinge, whose information came from royulistB, " ore not to 
be apprehended." 

On the fourteenth, the attendance was so great at lyej. 
a legal lown-mecting that they .adjourned from Fan- ''"'^ 
Cilil Hall to the Old South meeting-house, where Otis was 
elected moderator, with rapturous apphuso. 

An address to the governor was unanimously a;^ed 
upon, which twenty-one men were oppointed to deliver. 
On adjourning the meeting to the next afternoon, Otla, the 
moderator, strongly recommendeil peace and good order ; 
and dill not despair that their grievances might, in time, be 
removed. "If not," said he, "and we are called on to 
defend our liberties and privileges, I hope and believe we 
shall, one and all, resist even nnto bluod ; but I pray Grod 
Almighty that this may never so happen." 

The committee moved in a procession of eleven chaiflea 
to the house of the governor in the country, to present the 
address, in which the town claimed for the province the 




Bole right of taxing itself, eipresaed a hope that tbe boa 
of Giistoma woiil J never reassiimo the exc-rciBO of their office,' 
commented on impress ment, and demanded the rcmuval of 
the " Romney " from the harbor. In words which Otis 
approved and probably assisted to write, they said ; " Ta^^ 
contend with our parent state is the most shocking an^^^ 
dreadful extremity, but tamely to relinquish the only securitjr^^ 
we and our posterity retttin for the enjoyment of our Uvea 
and properties, without one struggle, is bo humiliating and 
base that we cannot support the reflection. It is at your 
option to prevent this distressed and justly incensed people 
from effecting too much, and from the shame and reproach^H 
of attempting too little." ^B 

Bernard received this address with obsequious 
courtesy; and the nest day gave them a written 
answer, clearing himself of the measures complained of, 
promising to stop Impressments, and desiring nothing so 
much as to be an instrument of conciliation between the 
and the parent state, 

J^o sooner had ho sent this message, than he and thi 
officers of the crown busied thcmaelvea in concert to get 
regiments ordered to Boston. The commissioners of tha^— 
customs besought of Gage and Hood further protcctioiu^| 
To the lords of the treasury they reported " a long concerted 
and extensive plan of resistance to the authority of Great 
Britain," breaking out in " acta of violence sooner than w 
intended;" and "that nothbg but the immediate exertio: 
of military power would prevent an open revolt of the to 
of Boston, and probably of the provinces." 

" If there is not a revolt," wrote Bernard to Hillsborough,* 
" the leaders of the Sons of Liberty must falsify their words 
and change their purposes." Hutchinson sounded the alarm 
to various correspondents, and, through Whately, to Gren- 
ville. To interpret and enforce the correspondence, Ualla> 
well, the comptroller, was despatched to London. 

The town divined the purpose of its enemies ; and, at ita 
legal meeting on the seventeenth, instructing its representa- 
tives in words prepared by John Adams, it put 
menls on record. " After the repeal of the last 




re at 

It its sentii^H 
t Americoa^l 






stamp act," it saiil, " we were happy in the pleasing prospect 
of a restoration of tranquillity anil harmony. But the prin- 
ciple on wUich that dtitestahla act w;i9 founded continues 
in full force, and a revenue is still demanded from America, 
and appropriated to the maintenance of swarms of officers 
and peosionera in idleness and luxury. It is our fixed 
resolution to maintain our loyalty and duo- subordination 
to the British parliament, as the supreme legialative in all 
cases of nooessity for the preservation of the whole empire. 
At the same time, it is our unalterable resolution to assert 
and vindicato our dear and invaluable rights and liberties, 
at the utmost hazard of our lives and fortunes ; and we liavo 
a full and rational confidence that no designs formed against 
them will ever prosper. 

" Every person who shall solicit or promote tho importa- 
tion of troops at this time is an enemy to tiiis town and 
province, and a disturber of the peace and good order of 

The next morning, the general court, which was in session, 
on motion probably of Otia, appointed a joint committee to 
inqaire " if measures bad been taken, or were taking, for 
the execution of the late revenue acts of parliament by a 
naval or military force." In the midst of these socnea 
snivGd Hillaborougb'a letter, directing Massachu- 
Betts to rescind its resolutions ; and on the twenty- j^^ 
first, lifter timid consultations between Bernard, 
Halcbinson, and Oliver, it was communicated to the house. 

The assembly were aware that they were deliberating 
upon more important subjects than had ever engaged the 
attention of an American legislature. They were consoled 
by the sympathy of Connecticut and New Jersey. But, 
wb«a the letter from Virginia was received, it gave courage 
more than nil the rest. "This is a glorious day," said 
Samuel Adams, using words which, seven years later, ho 
WW to repeat. The merchants of Boston renewed the 
^froement not to import from England. 

Tlie bouse, employing the per of Samuel Adams, without 
ftlUring a word in bis draft, reported a letter to Lord Hills- 
borough, in which they showed that the circular letter of 



Fobrnarj' vrns, indeed, the declared sense of a large majority 
of the body by which it waa isisued ; and they expressed 
their reliance on the clemency of the king, that to petition 
him would not be deemed inconsistent with respect for the 
British conetitution, nor to acqnaint their follow-subjeets 
of their havinff done so be discountenanced as an inflam- 
matory procoffding. 

Then came tlic great question, taken in the fullest bouse 
ever remembered- Tlie votes were given by word of mouth ; 
and, against seventeen that were willing to j-ield, ninety- 
two refused to rescind. They finished their work by a 
message to the governor, thoroughly iiffirming the doings 
from which they had been ordered to dissent. On this, 
Bernard prorogued, and then dissolved the assembly. 
iTos. Massachusetts was left without a legifilature. Its 

•''''■ people had no intention but to defend their liberties, 
which had the sanction of natural right and of historic 
tradition, "The Americans," observed the clear-sighted 
Du Chiitelot, " have no longer need of support from the 
British crown, and see in the projects of tieir metropo- 
lis measures of tjTanny and oppression." "I apprehend 
a breach between the two countries," owned Franklin, 
who could not understand what the Boston people meant 
by the " subordination" of their assembly to parliament, 
and thought that, according to the more numerous and 
weighty arguments, the colonies and Great Britain were 
separate statoa, with the same king, bat different legis- 

" The whole body of the people of New Hampshire were 
resolved to stand or fall with the Massachusetts," " It is 
best," counselled Langdon, of Portsmouth, " for the Ameri- 
cans to let the king know the danger of a violent rending 
of the colonies from the mother country." "No assembly 
on the continent," said Roger Sherman, of Connecticut, 
" will over concede thnt parliament has a right to tax the 
colonies." "The parliament of England has no more jn- 
risdiction over us," declared the politicians of that colony, 
"than the parliament of Paris." "Wo cannot believe," 
wrote William Williams, of Lebanon, " that they will draw 



e Bword on their own children ; but, if they do, our blood 

more at their service than our liberties." 

In NciT York, the merchants Btill held those meetings 

hich Hillsborough coticlemiied. "The circumstances of 

ihe colonies deniiind a firmer nnion," said men of Pcnnsyl- 

iTiuiia. The assembly of Mnrylnnd treated Lord llillsbor- 

iough's letter with the contempt he had ordered them to 

Isbow for tlie circular of Massachusetts, and they sent their 

anks to "their sister colony, in whose opinion they 
Mactly coincided." As for South Carolina, they 
eould not enough praise the glorious ninety-two who JJJ^_ 
wonid not rescind; toasting them at banquets; and 
inarching by night through the streets of Cliarleston, in 
proccgsions to their honor, by the blaze of two and ninety 

English statesmen were blind to the character of events 
which M-ere leading to the renovation of the world. Not 
w the Americans. Village theologians studied the Boole of 
Revelation to see which seal was next to be broken, which 
mgel was nejrt to sound his trumpet. " Is not God pre- 
paring the way in his providence," thus New England 

inisters communed together, "for some remarkable revo- 

tions in Christendom, both in polity and religion?" 

Who will deny that humanity has a life anil progress of 
own, swaying its complex mind by the guiding truths 

Lioh it develops as it advances? While New England 

OS drawing from the Bible proof of the nearness of the 
ivorthrow of tyranny, Turgot, at Paris, explained to David 

ume the perfectibility and onward movement of the race. 

The British government," said he, " is very far from being 
enlightened one. As yet none is thoroughly so. But 
yranny, combined with superstition, vainly strives to stifle 
ight and liberty by methods alike atrocious and useless ; 

le world will be conducted through transient disorders to 
» happier condition." 

In that progress, the emancipation of America was to 
iorm a glorious part, and was the great object of the 
Vrencb minister for foreign affairs. "We must put aside 
projects and attend to facts," wrote Choiscul to Du Chfl- 





telct in July, after a convcrBation of six hours with a person 
intimately acquainteil with America. " My idea, whit^b 
perhaps is but a reverie, is to examine the possibility of 
a treaty of commerce, both of importation and exportation, 
of which the obvious advantages miglit attract the Ameri- 
cans. According to the prognostications of sensible men, 
who have had opportunity to study tlieir character, and 
to measure their progress from day to day in the spirit of 
independence, the separation of the American colonies from 
the metropolis, sooner or later, must come. The plan I 
propose liastens its epoch. It is the true interest of the 
colonies to Bccare for ever their entire liberty, and estab- 
lish their direct commerce with Franco and with the world. 
We have every reason to hope that the government on 
this side will conduct itself in a manner to increase the 
breach, not to close it up. Such is its way. True, some saga- 
cious observers think it not only possible, but easy, to recon- 
cile the interests of the colonies and the mother country ; 
but the course pursued thus far by the British government 
aecms to me completely opposite to what it ought to be to 
e£Ecct this conciliation." 

While lime and humanity, the principles of English lib- 
erty, (ho impulse of European philosophy, and the policy 
of France were all assisting to emancipate America, the 
British colonial administration, which was to stop the force 
of moral causes in their influenoe on the affairs of men, 
vibrated in its choice of measures between terror and 
artifice. American affairs were left by the other minislei-a 
very much to the management of Hillsborough ; and he 
took his opinions from Bernard. That favorite governor 
was promising the council of Massachusetts that, if they 
■would omit to discuss the question of the power of parlia- 
ment, he would support their petition lor relief. The 
council followed the advice ; and Bernard, as a fulfill- 
ing of his engagement, wrote a letter which he showed 
to several of them, recommending that part of the petition 
praying relief against such acts as were made "for tho pur- 
pose of drawing a revenue from the colonies." Then, in 
a seoret despatch of the same date, ho sent an elaborate 


argnment against the repeal or any mitigation of the Iftte 
venue aot ; quieting his conscience for the fraud by aay- 
■ing that "drawing a revenue from the colonies" 
meant carrying a revenue out of them ; and that j^. 
be wished to see the revenue from the port dutiea 
expended on the resident officers of the crown. 
Great Britain at that time had a colonial secretary wlio 

■encouraged this duplicity, and wrote an answer to be shown 
ttie cooncil, keeping up the deception, and even using the 
name of the king, as a partner in the falsehood. Hills- 
boroTigh greedily drank in the flattery ofEured him, and 
affected distress at sbowing the king the expressions of 
Ibe partiality of Bernard. In undertaking tbe " very ardu- 
ous task of reducing America into good order," he congrat- 
ulated himself on having " tbe aid of a governor so zealous, 
able, and active," who, having educated Hutchinson for 
lib successor, was now promised the rank of a baronet and 
Hie administration of Virginia. 





JtJLT — September, 1768. 

The people of Boaton had gone out of favor with almoBt 
everybody in England. Even Ruckingham had lost 
j™"_ all patience, saying the Americans were determined 
to leave their friends on his side the water, with- 
out the power of advancing in their behalf a shadow of 
eKcnse. This was the state of public feeling, when, on the 
nineteenth of July, Hallowell arrived in London, with 
letters giving an exaggerated account of what had hap- 
pened in Boston on the tenth of June. London, Liverpool, 
and Bristol grew anxious ; stocks felt. There arose rumors 
of a suapension of commerce, and America owed the mer- 
chants and manufacturers of England four millions sterling. 

Nearly all the ministers united in denouncing " vengeance 
against that insolent town" of Boston. "If the govern- 
ment," said they, "now gives way, as it did about the 
stamp act, it will be all over with its authority in Amer- 
ica." Ah ^Grafton had esciipcd to the country, Hallowell 
was examined at the treasury chambers before Lord North 
and Jcnkinson. He represented that the determination 
to break the revenue laws was not universal; that the 
revenue officers who remained there were not insulted ; 
that the spirit displayed in Boston did not extend beyond 
its limits; that Salem and Marblcheail made no opposition 
to the payment of the duties; that the people in the 
country would not join, ii Boston were actually to resist 
government ; .and that the four conmiissionera at the oaatle 



ju!d not return to town, till meusures were titken for their 

The memorial of the commiBaionere themselves to the 

wds of the ireflanry annoniiceil that " there had been u 

concerted and extensive plan of itsistance to the 

arity of Great Britain ; that the people of Boston h:ul 

h.istcDed to acts of violence sooner than was intended ; 

that nothing hut the immediate exertion of military power 

conid prevent an open revolt of the town, which wonld 

probably spread throughout the provinceB." The counter 

memorial in behalf of Boston, proving that the riot had 

been raused by the imprudent and violent proceedings of 

the officers of the " lioraney," met Httle notice. At the 

note time, letters arrived from Virginia, with peti- 

^tions and memorial, "expressed with modesty and j^j_ 

lutifal submission ; " but, under the calmest laji- 

B, uttering a protest against the right of parliament to 
: America for a revenue. 
The party of Bedford, and the duke himself, spoke openly 

I of the necessity of employing force to subdue the iuhabitanis 
of Boston, and to mnke a striking example of the most 
■editions, in order to inspire the other colonies with terror. 
This policy, said 'Weymouth, will be adopted. 

Shelbume, on the contrary, obaen-ed that people very 
tnach exaggerated the difficulty ; that it was understood in 
it* origin, its principles, and its consequences ; that it would 
surd to wish to send to America a single additional 
or vessel of war to reduce colonies, which would 
»etum to the mother country of themselves from jdfection 
»ud from interest, when once the form of their contribulions 
should be agreed upon. But his opinions had no effect, 
*;seept that the king became " daily " more importunate with 
OraftoD that Shelburue should be dismiaaed. 

The cabinet were also "much vexed" at Shelburne's 
elactance to engage in secret intrigues with Corsica, which 
iTeaiHted its cession by Genoa to France. The subject was 
1 therefore taken ont of his hands, and the act of bad f;iith 
«OBdncled by his colleagues. Unsolicited by Paoli, llie gene- 
ral of the insurgents, they sent to him Dunant, a Genevese, 




Qs n BritiaL emissary, with written as well as verbal io- 

Paoli was found destitute of every thing ; biit he gave as- 
suraDCCS of the purpose of the Corsican people to defend their 
liberty ; and persuaded the British ministry that, if provided 
with what he needed, ho could hold out for eighteen months. 
" A moment was not lost in supplying moat of the articles 
requested by (ho Corsicans," "in the manner that would 
least risk a breach with France ; " " and many thousand 
Stands of arms were furnished from tlie stock in the Tower, 
yet BO aa to give no indication that they were sent from 
government." While British ministers were enjoying the 
thought of success in their intrigues, they had the vexation 
to find Paoli himself obliged to retire by way of Leghorn to 
England. But their notorious interference was remembered 
in France as a precedent. 

nns. When, on the twenty-seventh of July, the cabinet 

>iuir. definitively agreed on the measures to be pursued 
towards America, it sought to unite all England by rest- 
ing its policy on Rockingh.'im's declaratory act, and to 
divide America by proceeding only against Boston. 

For Virginia, it was resolved that the office of its governor 
should no longer remain a sinecure, aa it had been for three 
quarters of a century; and Andierst, who would not go 
out to reside there, was displaced. In selecting a new 
governor, the choice fell on Lord Botetoiul ; and it was a 
wise one, not merely because he had a pleasing address and 
wag attentive to business, but because he was ingenuous 
ond frank, sure to write truly respecting Virginia, and sure 
never to ask the secretary to conceal his reports. He was 
to be conducted to his government in a seventy-four, and 
to take with hini a coach of state. He was to call a new 
legislature ; to closet its members, as well as those of the 
council ; and to humor them in almost any thing except 
the explicit denial of the authority of parliament. It would 
have been ill for American independence, if a man lil£e him 
had been sent to Massachusetts. 

But " with Massachusetts," s.iid Camden, " it will not be 
very difficult to deal, if that ia the only disobedient province." 




For Boston, his voicB did not entreat mercy. The cry wfla, 
il must be m»de to repent of ila insolence, ami its town- 
meetingB no longer he suffered to threaten iind defy the 
gOTemmenl of Great Britain. Two additional regiments, 
of 6vG hundred men each, and a frigate, were at once to be 
sent there ; the ship of the line, which was to take Botetourt 
to Virginia, might also remain in those seas. A cbange in 
the charter of M;issachasott9 was resolved on by Hills- 
bi>rotigh ; and he sent over orders to inquire " if any 
persona bad committed acta which, under the statute of 
Henry Till, against treason committed abroad, might 
justify their being brought to England to be tried in the 
king's bench." Salem, a town whose repreaentatives, con- 
trary, however, to the judgment of their constituents, voted 
in favor of rescinding, was indicated as the future capital 
of the province. 

At tliis time, Bernard received from Gage an offer of 
tMops; but the council, after a just analysis of the late 
events, gave their opinion that it was not for his majesty's 
service or the peace of the province that any should bo 
required. Bernard dared not avow Ids own opinion; but, 
in his spite, he wrote to Hillsborough for " positive orders " 
not to cull "a new assembly until the people should get 
truer notions of their rights and interests." 

The advice of the council was inspired by loyalty. 
All attempts at a concert to cease importations had 
titherlo failed ; the menace of the arrival of troops 
revived tbe design, and, early in August, most of 
merchants of the town of Boston subscribed an agreement 
That they would not send for any kind of merchandise from 
Creat Britain, some few articles of necessity excepted, 
<3uring the year following the first day of January, 1769 ; 
and that they would not import any tea, paper, glass, paints 
or colors, until the act imposing duties upon them should 
V>e repealed. 

On the anniversary of the fourteenth of August, the 
Btreela of Boston resounded with songs iu praise of freedom ; 
antl its inhabitants promised themselves that all ages would 
applaud their courage. 







Come, join hanil in hand, brave Americana all, 

By uniting we stand, by dividing we fall ; 

To die we can bear, but to serve we disdain ; 

For shame is to freedom more dreadEul than pain. 

In freedom we're born, in freedom we'll live ; 

Our purses are ready, steady, boys, steady. 

Not as slaves, but as freemen, our money we'll give. 
Tlie British administration, believed anion impossible. 
" You will Iciirn what transpires in America infinitely 
belter in the city nt court," wrote Choiseul to the 
French rainieter in England. "Never mind what 
Lord Hillsborough saya ; " " the private iiccouuta of Ameri- 
can merchants to their correspondents in London are more 

The obedient official sought information in every direc- 
tion ; especially of Franklin, than whom no man in England 
uttered more prophetic warnings, or in a more benign or 
more loyal spirit. " He baa for years been predicting to 
the ministers the necessary consequences of their American 
measures," said the French envoy ; " he is a man of rare 
intelligence and well-diapused to England ; but, fortunately, 
is very Kttio consulted." While the British government 
neglected the opportunities of becoming well informed re- 
specting America, Choiseul collected newsp.'ipcrs, documents, 
resolves, instructions of towns, and even sermons of the 
Puritan clergy, and proceeded to construct his theory. 

" The forces of the English in America are scarcely ten 
thonsand men, and they have no cavalry : " thus reasoned 
the dispassionate statesmen of France ; " but the militia of 
the colonies numbers four hundred thousand men, and among 
them several regiments of cavalry. The people are enthusi- 
astic for liberty, and have inherited a republican spirit, 
which the consciousness of strength and circumstances may 
posh to extremities. They mil not be intimidated by the 
presence of troops, too insignificant to cause alarm." It 
was therefore inferred that it would be hazardous for 
England to attempt reducing the colonies by force. 

" But why," asked Choiseul, " are not deputies from each 
colony admitted into parliament as members?" And it 


[waa answered thai "tbe Americana objectecl to such a solu- 
[tjoo, because they could not obt;iin .1 represenlittion propor- 
tioned to their popuhition, beeause their distance made 
regular attendance in parliament impossible, and because 
ihey knew its venality and corruption. They had no other 
^—representatives than agents at London, who kept them so 
^ftwell informed that no project to their disadvantage could 
^Bciitne npon them by surprise," By this reasoning, Choiseu] 
^P«'as satisfied that an American representation in parliament 
^ was not practicable : that " no olber raelhod of cunciliatioD "' 
would prove less difficult, and that unanimity in America 
maid compel tbe British government to risk the most 
riolent measures, or to yield. 
Wlien, on the nineteenth of August, England heard that 
cbitsetts had, hya vast majority of its representatives, 
ed to rescind the resolutions of the preceding winter. 
Lord KlaOHSeld was of the opinion that all the members of 
I the bite legislative assembly at Boston should be sent for 
. give an account of their conduct, and that the rigors of 
he I.IW should be exercised against those who should per- 
st in refusing to submit to parliament. " Where rebellion 
egine," said he, " the laws cease, and they can invoke none 
their favor." 

To the ambassador of Spain, he expressed tbe opin- njg. 
that tbe affair of the colonies was the gravest and ^"i^' 
' momentous that England had had since 1688, and saw 
in America the beginning of a long and even infinite series 
of revolutions. " The Americans," be insisted, " must first 
be compelled to snbmit to tbe authority of parliament ; it 
is only after having reduced them to the most entire obedi- 
ence that an inquiry can be made into their real or pre- 
tended grievances." The subject interested every cuurt in 
^^Eiirope, was watched in Madrid, and was the general theme 
^^f conversation in Paris, where Fuentes, the Spanish min- 
^|aier, expressed tbe hope that "the English might master 
^^Bi-ir colonies, lest the Spanish colonies also should catch the 

" I dread the event," said Camden, " because the colonies 
•re more sober, and consequently more determined in iheir 




preBsnt opposition, than ihey were upon the fltamp act." 
"Wliat is to bedone?" asked Grafton ; and Camden 
^^, answered : " Indeed, my dear lord, I do not know. 
The parliament cannot repeal the act in question, 
because that would admit the Anaerican principle to be 
right, and their own doctrine erroneous. Therefore it must 
execute the law. How to execute it, I am at & loss. Boston 
is the ringleading province ; and, if any country is to be 
chastised, the punishment ought to be levelled there." 

But the system which made govermnent subordinate to 
the giuns of patronage was everywhere producing its natu- 
ral resultB, In South Carolina, the profits of the place of 
provost-marshal were enjoyed under a patent aa a sinecure 
by a resident in England, whose deputy had the monopoly 
of serving processes throughout the province, and yet was 
bound to attend courts nowhere but at Charleston. As a 
consequence, the herdsmen near the frontier adjudicated 
their own disputes and bbgulated their own police, even 
at the risk of a civil war. 

The blood of " rebels " against oppression was first shed 
among the settlers on the branches of the Cape Fear River. 
The emigrants to the rich upland of North Carolina had 
little coin or currency ; yet, as the revenue of the province 
was raised by a poll-tax, the poorest laborer among them 
must contribute as mm-h as the ridiest merchant. The 
aherifis were grown insolent and arbitrary; often distrain- 
ing property even quadruple the value of the tax, and 
avoiding the owner, till it was too late for its redemption. 
All this wa^ the more hateful, us a part of the amount was 
expended by the governor in building himself a palace; 
and a part was notoriously embezzled. The collecting offi- 
cers and all others, encouraged by the imperious example of 
Fanning, who loaded the titles to estates with doubts and 
charged illegal fees for recording new deeds, continued 
their extortions, sure of support from the hierarchy of men 
in place. Juries were packed ; the grand jury was almost 
the agent of the extortioner. The cost of suits at law, 
under any circumstances exorbitant, was enhanced by un- 
procedimtod appeals from the county court to the remote 




erior court, where a farmer of amnll means would be 
Bed by the expenee of attendance witli hia witnesses, 
ktdl you in the anguish of our eouls," snid ihey to the 
iVlteBte*, "we caUDot, dare not go to law with our power- 
ant iigon lata ; that step, whenever taken, will terminate 
the ruin of ourselves and families." Besides, the ehief 
justice was Martin Howard, a profligate tinie-server, 
raised to the bench as a convenient reward for hav- 
ing suffered iu the time of the slatup act, and ever 
^■nady to use his place as a screen for the dishonest profits 
^■d£ men in office, and the instrument of political power. 
^■Jfercr yet had the tribunal of justice been so mucked. 
^^ Goaded by oppression and an intuitive jealousy of 
frands, men associated as "regulators," binding themselves 
kto avoid, if possible, all payment of taxes, except such as 
Kvcre levied, and were to be applied according to hiw ; and 
^to pny no more fees tha.ii the law allows, unless under 
fc-^m pulsion, and then to bear open testimony against it." 
lity proposed to hold a general meeting quarterly ; but 
they rested their hopes of redress on the independent use 
of their elective franchise. "An officer," said the inhabi- 
tants of the west side of Haw River, "is a servant to the 
^■pnblic ; and we are determined to have the officers of this 
^^luntry under a better and houester regulation." 

It was easy to foresee that the rashness of ignorant 
though well-meaning husbandmen, maddened by oppres- 
sion, wotdd soon expose them to the inexorable vengeance 
•>f their adversaries. As one of the regulators rode to 
Hillsborough, his horse was, in mere wantonness, seized for 
his levy, but was soon rescued by a party, armed with 
cinbe and eleven muskets. Some one at Fanning's door 
showed pistols, and threatened to fire among them ; upon 

■^hich, four or five unruly persons in the crowd discharged 
Jheir guns into the roof of the house, making two or three 
^lolcfi, .'tnd breaking two panes of glass without further 
duiii^ige. At Fanning's instance, a warrant was issued by 
itlie chief justice to aiTCst three of the rioters, and bring 
' thetu all the way to Halifax. 

Roifflng a clamor against the odiousness of rebellion, Fun- 






ning himself, as military commamler in Orange, called out 
seven companies of militia ; but not above one hun- 
dreil anil twenty men appeared with arms, and, of 
these, all but a few stood neutral, or declared in 
favor of the regulators. In Anson county, on the twenty- 
first of April, a. mob interrupted the inferior court; ami, 
moreover, hound themselves by oath to pay no taxes, and to 
protect each other against warrant* of distress or imprison- 

In Orange county, the discontented did not harbor a 
thought of violence, and were only preparing a petition to 
the governor and council. "They call themselves regula- 
tors," said Fanning, " but by lawyers they must be termed 
rebels and traitors ; " and he calumniated them as plotting 
to take his life, and lay Hillsborough in ashes. Meantime, 
Tryon. who, as the king's representative, should have joined 
impartiality with lenity, made himself an open volunteer on 
the side of Fanning ; and, while he advised the people to 
petition the provincial legislature, he empowered Fanning 
to call out the militia of eight counties besides Orange, and 
enppress insurrections by force. 

The people of Orange, and equally of Anson, Rowan, 
and Meeklenburg, were unanimous in their resolution to 
claim relief of the governor. Flattery was therefore mixed 
with menaces, to allure the regulators to sign a petition 
which Fanning had artfully drafted, and which rather in- 
voked pardon than demanded redress. " Tou may assure 
yourself, from my knowledge of things," wrote Fanning'a 
agent to Herman Husbands, " oue couched in any other 
terms cannot go down with the governor. The hands and 
the feet should not nm in mutiny against the head." But 
he vainly sought to terrify the rustic patriot by threats of 
confiscation of property, pei-petual imprisonment, and even 
the penalties for high treason. 

On the last day of April, the regulators of Orange 
county, peacefully assembled on Rocky River, appointed 
twelve men, on their behalf, " to settle the several matters 
of which they complained ; " instructed " the settlers " to 
procure a table of the taxables, taxes, and legal fees of 

Hl7G8. T 



pnblic offiMra ; and framed a petition to the general assem- 
Hy for a fair hearing and redress. 

F.itming, on his side, unable to induce the regnla- j-gg_ 
tors to heed the offer of his sen-ices, advertised their sopu 
onion a§ a daring insiirreclion, announced his authority to 
ompioy agninst them the miJitta of eight conntiea, and bade 
them expect " no mitigation of punishment for their crimes ; " 
at the same time, twonty-Beven armed men of hia procuring, 

iefly sheriffs and their dependants and officers, were sud- 
denly despatched on secret service, and, after travelling all 
night, arrived near break of day, on Monday the second of 
May, at Sandy Creek, where they made prisoners of Her- 
man Husbands and William Buller. 

Against Husbands, there was no just charge whatever. 

e bad never so much as joined "the regulation;" had 

oerer been concerned in any tumult ; and was seized at 

home on hia own land. The "astonishing news," therefore, 

if his captivity, set the county in a ferment. Regulators 

,d their opponents, judging that none were safe, prepared 
to go down to hia rescue, but were turned back by 
the glad tidings" that the governor liimseif had promised 
to receive their complainta. 

Harried to jail, iusiUted, tied with cords, and threatened 
with the gallow.t. Husbands succeeded, by partial conces- 
sions, the use of money, and by giving bonds, to obtain his 
liberty. But it seemed to him that " he was left alone ; " 
and how could an unlettered farmer contend against so 
many? In hia despair, ho "took the woods ;" but, hearing 
thai the governor had promised that the extoitioners might 

I be brought to trial, he resolved to impeach Fanning. 
The regulators, on their pai-t, prepared their petition, 
vhich was signed by about five hundred men, fortified it 
iriih a precise specification of acts of extortion, confirmed 
111 stwh instance by oath, and presented it to the governor, 
'^th their plain and simple naiTUlive, in tho hope that 
" nakcil truth," though offered by the ignorant, might weigh 
M motih as the artfid representations of their " powerful 
riversary." Their language was that of loyalty to the 
long, and, with a rankling sense of their wrongs, breathed 




Hof hii 


affection to the British government, "as the wholeBomeat 
constitution in being." It ia Tryon himselt who relates that, 
" in their commotions, no mischief had been done," and that 
"the diaturbances in Anson and Orange had subsided." 
The regulators awnited the result of the suits at law. But 
Tryon would not wait ; and, repairing to Hillaborougli, 
demanded of them unconditional and immediate snbmis- 
fiion, and that twelve of them should give bouda, 
^S in a thousand pounds each, for the peaceful con- 
duct of them all. An alarm went abroad, the first 
of the kind, that Indians, as well as men from the lower 
counties, were to be raised to cut off the inhabitants of 
Orange county as " rebels." About fifteen hundred men 
were actually in arms ; and yet when, in September, the 
canses came on for trial in the presence of Tryon, and with 
Buch a display of troops, Husbands was acquitted on every 
charge ; and Fanning, who had been a volunteer witness 
against him, was convicted on sis several indictments. A 
verdict was also given against three regulatore. The court 
punished Fanning by a fine of one penny on each of his 
convictions ; the regulators were sentenced to pay fifty 
pounds each, and be imprisoned for six months, 

Tryon would have sent troops to reduce the regulatora by 
lire and sworil, hut was overruled by his council of war. 
At the next election. North Carolina changed thirty of its 
delegates ; yet its people desponded, and saw no way for 
their extrication. 




Septesiber, 1768. 

The approach of military rule convinced Samuel Adama 

the necessity of American independence. From 
JIB moment, be struggled for it deliberately and ^^ 
iremittingly, as became one who delighted in the 
stem creed of Calvin, which, wherever it has prevailed, 
in Geneva, Holland, Scotland, Puritan England, New Eng- 
land, hao spread intelligence, severity of morals, love of 
freeilom, and courage. He gave himself to his glorious 
work as devotedly as though he had in his keepbg the 
Uberties of mankin<1, and was a chosen instrument for ful- 
filling what bad been decreed by the divine counsels from 
all eternity. " He was," said Bernard, " one of the principal 
Ukd most desperate of the chiefs of the faction ; " " the all 
I in all," wrote Hutchinson, who wished him " token off," and 
who has left on record that his purity was always above all 
price. Henceforward, one high service absorbed his soul, 
'be independence of his country. To promote that end, ho 
«8S ready to serve, and never claim the reward of service. 
From a town of merchants and mechanics, Boston grew with 
liiiu to be the hope of the world ; and the sons of toil, as 
ilivy perilled fortune and life for the liberties they inherited, 
mk to be, and to feel themselves to be, the champions of 
linnian freedom. 

With the people of Boston, in the street, at public meet- 
ing!, at the ship-yards, wherever he met them, he reasoned 
tliiit it would be just to destroy every soldier whose foot 
tbould touch the shore. " The king," be would say, " has 





no right to send troops here to invade the ooontry ; if they 
come, they will coipe as foreign enemies." " We will not 
eubmit to any tax," he spoke out, " nor become slavsa. We 
will Like lip arms, and spend our last drop of blood before 
the king imd parliament sball impose on us, or settle crown 
officers, independent of the colonial legislature, to dragoon 
us." It was not reverence for kings, he would say, that 
brought the ancestors of New England to America. They 
fled from kings and bishops, and looked up to the King of 
kings. " We are free, therefore," he concluded, " and want 
no king." " The times were never better in Rome, than when 
they had no king, and were a free state." As he reflected 
on the extent of the colonies in America, be saw that the 
vast empire which was forming must f.ishion its own insti- 
tutions, and reform those of England. 

But, at this time, Mass.ichusetts had no representa- 
tive body. Bernard hinted that instructions tuiglit 
be given to forbid the calling of the assembly, even at the 
annual period in May; and to reduce the province to sub- 
missioQ by the indefinite suspension of its legislature. Was 
there no remedy? The men of Boston and the viU.iges 
round about it were ready to spring to arms. But of what 
use were " unconnected " movements ? Ten thousand men 
had assembled suddenly, in 1746, on the rumor of the 
approach of a French expedition ; thirty thousand could 
at a signal come forlb, with gun in hand, to drive the 
British troops into the sea ; but was there the steady cour- 
age to keep passion in check and restrain disorder P 

On the fifth of September, there appeared in the " Boston 
Gazette" a paper in the form of queries, directing attention 
to the original charter of the colony, which left to the 
people the choice of tbeir governor, and reserved to the 
crown no negative on their laws. 

Wednesday, ibe seventh, the "Senegal" left the port. 
The next day, tlie " Duke of Cumberland " sailed for Nova 
Scotia, and Bernard let it be known that both vessels of 
war were gone to fetch three regiments. Sullen discontent 
appeared on almost every brow. On the ninth, a petition 
waa signed for a town-meeting "to consider of the most 


constitutional, loyal, and salataiy measures" in re- 
■rence to the expected arrival of troops. 
Union was the heart's desire of Boston ; union first with 
all the towns of the province, and next with the sister col- 
onies ; and the confidence which must precede union 
could be established only by self-control. On Satiir- ^^ 
lay, Otis, Samnel Adams, and Warren met at the 
>iue of Warren, :ind drew up the plan for the town-meet- 
ihe resolves, and the order of the debates. Otis had 
■ng before pointed out the proper mode of redress in the 
contingency which had now occurred. 

I All day Sunday, Bernard suffered from " false alarms 
and threats as usual;" insisted that a rising was agreed 
npon ; and, in his fright at an empty barrel phiced on the 
beacon, actually called a meeting of the council. 

On Monday the twelfth, the inhabitants of Boston gath- 
in a town-meeting at Faneail Hall, where the arms 
longing to the town, to the number of four hundred 
oiikets, lay in boxes on the floor. After a fervid prayer 
om Cooper, minister of the congregation in Brattle Street, 
•nd the election of Otis as moderator, a committee inquii-ed 
of the governor the grounds of his apprehensions that regi- 
ments of his majeslys troops were daily to be expected; 
»nd requested bim to issue precepts for a general assembly. 

On the next morning at ten o'clock, report was made 
to the town that Bernard refused, and that troops sepi^j 
»«[- expected. Rashness on the part of the people 
"1 Boston would have forfeited the confidence of their own 
proTinee, and the sympathies of the rest ; while feebleness 
Wold have overwhelmed their cause with ridicule. It was 
.ry for them to halt, but to find a position where it 
safe to do eo ; and they began their defences with the 
Jiicliiralion that " it is the first principle in civil society, 
towwied in nature and re.oson, that no law of the society 
•tabe binding on any individual, without his consent, given 
by liimaelf in person, or hy his representative of his own 
'r« election." They further appealed not to natural rights 
unly.bnt to the precedents of the Revolution of 1G88 ; to 
ihe coDditiona on which the house of Hanover received tlie 



throne ; to the bill of rights of William and Mary ; and lt> 
their own charter; and then they proceeded to resolve, 
" That the inhabitants of the town of Boston will, at the 
ntmost peril of their lives and fortunes, maintain and defend 
their rights, liberties, privileges, and immunities." To re- 
move uncertainty respecting these rights, they voted " that 
money could not be levied, nor a standing army be kept up 
in the provinee, but by their own free consent." 
17SS. This .report was divers times distinctly read ami 
■ ^^" considered, and it was unanimously voted that it be 
pted, and recorded. The record remains to the honor 
of Boston among all posterity. 

"There are the ai-ms," said Otis, pointing to the chesta 
in which they lay, "When an attempt is made against 
your liberties, they will be delivered." One man cried out 
impatiently that they wanted a head ; another, an old man, 
was ready to rise and resume all power ; a third reasoned 
that liberty, like life, may bo defended against the ^- 

But every excessive opinion was overruled or restrained; 
and the town, following the precedent of 1688, propose a 
convention in Faneiiil Hall. To tliis body they elected 
Gushing, Otis, Samuel Adams, and Hancock a committee 
to represent them ; and directed iheir selectmen to inform 
the several towns of the province of their design. It was 
also voted by a very great majority that every one of the 
inhabitants should provide himself with fire-arms and am- 
munition. A cordial letter was read from the merchants 
of New York, communicating the agreeinenl of themselves 
and the mechanics to cease importing British goods. 

It was also unanimously voted that the selectmen wait on 
the several ministers of the gospel «-ithin the town, to desire 
that the next Tuesday might be set apart .is a day of fasting 
and prayer ; and it was bo kept by all the Congregational 
c hurdles. 

ii». On the fourteenth, just after a vessel had anived 

*P'-'*-in forty days from Falmouth, bringing news hew 
angry people in England were with the Americans, that 
three regiments were coming over, that fifty state pria- 


loners were to be Bcnt homo, the selectmen ksiiod a oir- 
feular, repeating the history of ihelr grievunces, and 
inviting every town in the province to send a commit- g^S; 
tee to the convention, lo give " aoanil and wholesome 
ladvire," and "prevent any BU'klon and unconnected racas- 
' nres." The city of London had never done the like iu the 
great rebellion. 

The proceedings of the meeting in Boston had a greater 
tendency towards a revolution than any previous measures 
in any of the colonies. Bernard was sure that, but for the 
" Romney," a rebellion would have broken out ; he reported 
a design against the castle, and " that his government was 
subdued." The offer of a baronetcy and the vice-govern- 
ment of Virginia coming to hand, he accepted them " most 
thankfully," and hoped to embark for England in a fort- 
night. He had hardly indulged in this day-dream for 
twenty-four hours, when his expeatations wore dashed by 
I the account of Boletonrt'a appointment, and ho began to 
Ifear that he should lose Massachusetts also. Of a sudden 
lie was become the most anxious and unhappy man in 

On Monday, the nineteenth, Bernard announced to the 

I council that two regiments were expected from Ireland, two 

[ethers from Halifax, and desired that for one of them qiiar- 

[ *ers might be prepared within the town. " The process in 

qna/tering," replied the council, " must be regulated by the 

Mlof parliament ;" and that required the civil officers to 

"qoarter and billet the officers and soldiers in his m.ijesty's 

tcrrice in the barracks ; and only in case there was not suf- 

G'^ient room in the barracks to find other quarters for the 

twidoeof them." The council therefore, after an .idjourn- 

Kent of three days, during which " the militia were under 

inn», exercising and firing," spoke out plainly, that, as the 

lurracks at Castle William wore sufficient to accommodate 

liulli regiments ordered from Halifax, the act of parliament 

Kqiilrcd that they should bo quartered there. Upon this, 

B«rriiird produced the letter of General Gage, by which it 

appoarod that one only of the coming regiments was ordered 

foflhe present to Castle William, and one to the town of 

TOt- IT. 8 




Boston. " It is no diarespect to the general," answered the 
council, " to say thnt no order whatsoever, coming from a 
general or a secretary of war, or any less authority than his 
inajeatyand parliament, can supersede an act of parliament;" 
and they insisted that General Gage could not have intended 
otherwise, for the act provided " that, if any military officer 
should take upon himself to quarter soldiers in any of his 
majesty's dominions in America otherwise than was limited 
and allowed by the act, he should be ipso facto cashiered, 
and disabled to hold any military emp1o}'ment in his maj- 
esty's service," 

The council, who were conducted in their opposition by 
James Bowdoin, one of the most heartily loyal men in the 
king's dominions, were in the right in the interpretation oE 
the law, and were prudent in their advice; but Bernard 
only drew from their conduct a new reason for urging the 
forfeiture of the colony's charter. 

IT«8. On the appointed day, Thursday, the twenty-second 

^'^ of September, the anniversary of the king's corona- 
tion, about seventy persons, from sixty-sis towns, came to- 
gether in Fanenil Hall in convention ; and their number in- 
creased, till ninety-sii towns and eight districts, nearly every 
settlement in the colony, were represented. By the mere act 
of assembling, they showed that, if the policy of suppressing 
the legislature should be persisted in, legislative government 
could still be instituted ; and they marked their own sense 
of the character of this meeting by electing the speaker and 
clerk of the late house of representatives to the same offices 
in the convention. 

"They have committed treason," shouted all the crown 
officers in America. "At least the selectmen, in issuing the 
circular for a convention, have done so;" and pains were 
taken to get at some of their original letters with their 
signatures. " Boston," said Gage, " is mutinous," " its re- 
solves treasonable and desperate." " Mad people procured 
them ; mad people govern the town and influence the 

The convention requested the governor to summon the 
constitutional assembly of the provinoe, in order to consider 


of measures for prGventuig an uncoDBtitutioDal encroach- 
ment of military power on the civil establishment. The 
governor refused to receive this petition ; and he ad- 
monished "the gentlemen assembled at Faneuil Hall, ^^ 
nnJtT iho name of a convention," to break up in- 
stantly and separate themselves, or they should he made to 
"repent of their rashness," The messnge was received 
with derision. 

The cooBcil, adhering to their purpose of conforming 
striclly to the billeting act, reduced to writing the reasons 
for their decision to provide no quarters in town till tho 
barracks at the castle should be full ; and, on the twenty- 
sixth, communicated the paper to Bernard, published it 
in the " Boston Gazette," and sent a copy to Lord mils- 
borough. It proved a disregard for an act of parliament 
by the very men who assumed to enforce parliamentary 
aolhority. On the side of the province, no law was vjo. 
lated ; only men would not buy tea, glass, colors, or paper : 
on the side of Hillst>o rough, Bernard, and Gage, requisitions 
were made contrary to the words and tho indisputable 
intent of the statute. In the very beginning of coerciva 
measures, Boston gained a moral victory: it placed itself 
on the side of law, and proved its enemies to be law- 
breakers. The immediate effect of the publication was, 
says Bernard, " tho greatest blow that had been given to 
tlie king's government." "Nine tenths of the people con- 
siilered the declaration of the council just." 

The convention, which remained but sii days in session, 
prated the protest of Massachusetts against taxation of 
the colonies by the British parliament ; against a standing 
army ; against the danger to " l.he liberties of America 
ffotn a united body of pensioners and soldiers." They 
fenewed thc-ir petition to the king. They resolved to pro- 
wrve good order, by the aid of tho civil magistrate alone. 
Then, " relying on ITim who ruloth according to his pleasure, 
Willi unerring wisdom and irresistible influence, in tho hearts 
of the children of men," they dissolved themselves, leaving 
the care for the public to tho council. 
TLis was the first examplo in America of the restoration 


of afFaira by delay. Indiscreet men murmured ; but the 
intolligent perceived the greatness of the result. When 
the attomoy and Bolicitor general of England were called 

upon to find traces of high treason in what had been 
™^ done, De Grey as well as Dunning declared none had 

been committed. " Look into the papers," said Da 
Grey, " and see how well these Americans are versed in the 
crown law ; I doubt whether they have been guilty of an 
overt act of treason, but I ain sure they have come within a 
hair's-brcadth of it," 






Ct noon of the twenty-eighth of September, jnst after 

the convention broke up, the squadron from Halifax 

anchored in Nantasket Bay, It brought not two ^J* 

regiments only, but artillery, which Bornni-d, by a 

Tcrb.ll message, had specially requested. Dalrymple, their 

commander, "expressed infinite surprise that no quarters 

liad been prepared." On the twenty-ninth, the council, 

at which Smith, the commanding oitiL-er of the fleet, and 

J>alrymple, were present, after much altercation, adhered 

"Co the law; and the goverDor declared his want of power 

to act alone. " Since that resolution was taken to rise in 

^rms in open rebellion," wrote Gage, " I don't see any cause 

to be scrupulous." On the following day, the squadron 

nchored off Castle William to intimidate the council, but 

rithout sucoeas. At that moment, Montresor, the engineer, 

LTrived, with an order from General Gage to land both tie 

epmenis within the settled part of Boston. 

On the first of October, the day for ciectiting the 

OTder, the governor stole away into the country; 

I Tearing Dalrymple to despise "his want of spirit," and "to 

■take the whole upon himself." As if Ihcy wore come to 

I an enemy's country, eight ships-of-war, wilh loaded cannon, 

I snd spriogs on their cables, were anchored in the harbor 

I BO u to command the town ; after which, the fourteenth 

1 *od twenty-ninth regiments, and a part of the fifty-ninth, 

I ^th n train of artillery and two pieces of cannon, effected 

I their lauding on the Long Wharf. Each soldier having 



received sixteen rounds of shot, they marchecl with drams 
beating, fifes playing, and colore fljing, through the streets 
of the defciicetesa, unrcaisting town, and by four in the 
afternoon they paraded on Boston oommon. 

" All their bravadoes ended as may be imagined," said 
an officer. *' Men are not easily brought to 6ght," wrote 
Hutchinson, " when they know death by the sword or the 
baiter will bo the consequence." " Great Britain," remarked 
a wiser observer, " will repent her mistaken policy," 

Dalrj-mple encamped the twenty-ninth regiment, which 
had field equipage ; for the rest, be demanded quarters of 
the Belectraon. They knew the law too well to comply; 
but, as tbo nigbt was cold, the Sons of Liberty, from com- 
passion, allowed them to sleep in Faneuil Hall. 
iiflg. On the third, Bernard laid before the council Dal- 

^"^ ryrople's requisition for the enumerated allowances 
to troops in barracks. " We," answered the conncil, " are 
ready, on our part, to comply with the act of parliament, if 
the colonel will on his." 

"Tyranny begins," said Saraael Adams, "if the law ia 
transgressed to another's harm. We must not give up the 
law and the constitution, which is fixed and stable, and ia 
the collected and long digested sentiment of the whole, 
and substitute in its room the opinion of individuals, than 
which nothing can be more uncertain," 

Wliile Hood meditated embarking for Boston to winter 
there, Gage came from New York to demand, in person, 
quarters for the regiments in the town. The council 
would grant none till the barracks at the castle were 

The governor and the sheriff attempted to get possession 
of a ruinous building, belonging to the province ; but it« 
occupants bad taken the opinion of the best lawyer, and 
kept them at bay. 

Bernard next summoned the acting justices to meet him, 
and renewed the general's demand for quarters. " Not till 
the barracks are filled," they answered, conforming to the 
law. " The clause," wrote Gage, " is by no means calcu- 
lated for tbia country, where every man studios law," " I 



im at Ibe end of my tether," siiid Bernard to his council; 
and he asked them to join him in naming a commiBsnry, 
" To join in Biich appointment," answered tlie council, 
" would be an admission that the province ought to be 

rged with the expense." The officers themselves 
conid not put the troops into quarters; for they qJJ 
would, under the act, bo cashiered, on being con- 
victed of the fact before two justices of the peace. " Dcfore 
two justices," esclaimed Gage, " the best of them the keeper 
f a paltry tavern." 
At last, the weather growing so severe that the troops 
uld not remain in tents, " the commanding officer was 
tbliged to hire houses at very dear rates," as well aa pro- 
mr«, at the expense of the crown, all the articles required 
ly act of parliament of the colony. The main guard was 
esLnblisbed opposite the state house, so that cannon were 
pointed towards the rooms in which the legislature was 
accustomed to sit. But, as the town gave an ex.imple of 
respect for law, there was nothing for the troops to do. 
Two regiments were there as idle lookers-on, and two 
more were coming to share the same inactivity. Every 
one knew that they could not he employed except on a 
re<iaisi(ion from a eivH officer; and there was not a mag- 
istrate in the colony that saw any reason for calling In 
their aid, nor a person in town disposed to act in a. way 
to warrant it. 

I The commissioners of the customs, having received 
' orders to return to Boston, wished to get from the council 
•nme excuse for their departure, as well as for their return. 
"Tlicy had no just reason for ahBConding from their duty," 
siiil Bowdoiu ; and the council left thoni to return of thera- 
M'lves; but, in an address to Gage, adopted by n vote of 
fifteen out of nineteen, they explained how trivial had 
Wn the disorders on which the request for troops had 
Iwen grounded. Gage became conviueed by his inquiries 
tliat the disturbance in March was trifling ; that on the 
Ivnih of Jime the commissioners were neither attacked 
nor menaced ; that more obstructions had arisen to the 
Bcrrice from the servants of government than from any 





other cause. And yet he advised barracts and a tort on 
Fort Hill to command the towTi; while Bernard owned 
that " troops would not rc-storc the authority of govern- 
ment," and urged anew a forfeiture of the charter. 

It was on every one's lips that the diG was thrown, that 
they must wait for the event ; but the parties who waited 
were each in a dilforeDt frame of mind. A trouhlesome 
anxiety took possession of Bernard, who began to fear his 
recall, and intercede to be spared. "Tliese red coats make 
a formidable appearance," said Hutchinson, buoyant with 
the prospect of rising one step higher. The aoldiers 
lilted the country they were come to, and, sure that 
none would betray them, deserted in numbers. The 
commissi onera were more haughty than before ; gratified 
their mnJignity by arresting Hancock and Malcom on 
charges confidently made, but never established. 

The determination of the king was evident fi-om the first. 
Yielding to his " daily" importunities, Grafton prepared to 
dismiss Shclburue. The assent of Camden was dcnired. 
" You are my pole-star," Camden was accustomed to say to 
Chatham ; " I have sworn an oath, I will go where you 
lead," But now he encouraged Grafton to slight their 
justly dissatisfied benefactor, aa " brooding over his own 
suspicions and discontent." " I wiil never retire njKin a 
scanty income," he added, " unless I should be forced by 
Bomelhing more compelling the Earl of Shelbumc's 
removal. You are my pole-star, Chatham being eclipsed." 

Grafton repaired to Hayes to gain Chatham's acquies- 
cence in the proposed change. " My lord's health," 
answered the countess, " is too weak to admit of any com- 
munication of business ; but I nm able to tell your grace, 
from my lord Minsclf, that Lord Shelbumc's removal will 
never have his consent." The king awaited anxiously the 
result of the interview ; and, notwithstanding the warning, 
Shclbume was removed. To Camden's surprise, the resig- 
nation of Chatham instantly followed. Grafton and the 
king interposed with solicitations; but eveu the hope of 
trinmphing over the aristocracy had lost its seductive 
and the earl remained inflexible. Camden knew 


that he onght to retire also ; he hushed hU Rcruples by the 
thoaght tliat his illustrious friend had not a^ked him to do 

th; and continued saying, " lie shall eliU be my polt-star," 
Bven while the emoluments of office were for a time attract- 
ing him to ndviBe a public declnmtion from the king, that 
Townshend'§ revenne aot should be executed, and " Boston," 
"thp ringloading province," be "chastised." 

The removal of Shclbume opened the cabinet to the nes. 
ignorant and incapable Earl of Rochford, who owed hia ^'' 
selection to his submissive mediocrity. He needed money ; 
and once told Choisenl, with tears in his eyes, that, if he 
lost the embassy which he then filled, he should be without 
resonrces. He had a passion to play a part, and would 
bout of his intention to rival not Cliatham, he would say, 
^Bbnt Pitt ; though he could not even for a day ndhere stead- 
"Dy to one idea. "His meddlesome disposition," said Choi- 
senl, "makes him a worse man to deal with than one of 
greater nbllity." "You," answered Du Chatclet, "may 
tnm his foibles and defects to the advantage of the king." 
After his accession, the administration was the weakest and 
^_ the worst which England had known since its revolution. 
^p It had no sanction in public opinion, aud the subservient 
parliament was losing the reverence of the nation. Hence- 
forward a reform was advocated by Grenville. " The num- 
ber of electors," such was his declared opinion, "is become 
too small in proportion to the whole people, and the colonies 
DOght to be allowed to send members to parliament." 

" What other reason than an attempt to raise discontent," 
replied Edmund Burke, as the organ of the Itockingham 
■bigs, " can he have for suggesting that we are not happy 
fni.agh to enjoy a suflicient number of voters in England? 
Our fault is on the other side." And ho mocked at on 
-American representation as the vision of a lunatic. 

The opinions of Grenville were obtaining universal circn- 
Ution, just as intelligence was received of the proceedings 
oflbe town of Boston relative to the proposed convention. 
»roin their votes, it was inferred that the troops would be 
opptwed, should they attempt to land ; that Massachueetta 
B»v, if not alt the colonies, was Id a state of actual rebcUioD. 



" Depend upon it," said IlilUborough to the agent of Con- 
necticut, who had presented him the petition of that colony, 
"parliament wilt not suffer their authority to be tranipled 
npon. We wish to avoid severities towards you ; but, if 
you refuse obedience to our taws, the whole fleet and army 
of England eliall enforce it," 

The inhabitanta of Boston more thnn ever resolved not to 
pay money without their own consent, and to use no article 
from Britain, till the obnoxious acts should be repealed and 
the troops removed. 

On the banks of the Mississippi, nncontrolled impulses 
unfurled the flag of a republic. The treaty of Paris left 
two European powers sole sovereigns of the continent of 
North Americn. Spain, accepting Louisiana with some 
hesitation, lost France as her bulwark, and assumed new 
expenses and dangers, to keep the territory from England, 
Its inhabitants loved the land of their ancestry ; by every 
law of nature and human freedom, they had the right to 
protest against the transfer of their allegiance. No sooner 
did they hear of the cession of their country to the Catholic 
king than an assembly sprang into being, representing 
every parish in the colony ; and, at the instance of 
Lafnini^re, they unanimously resolved t-o entreat the 
king of France to be touched with their affliction and their 
loyally, and not to sever them from his dominions. 

At Paris, their envoy, John Milhet, the wealthiest mer- 
chant of New Orleans, met with a friend in Bienville, the 
time-honored founder of New Orleans ; and, assisted by the 
tears and the well-remembered early sen-ices of the venera- 
ble octogenarian, he appealed to the heart of Clioiseul, " It 
may not be," answered Choiseul; " France cannot boar the 
charge of supporting the colony's precarious cicistence," 

On the tenth of July, 1765, the austere and unamiable 
Antonio De Ulloa, by a letter from Havansi, announced to 
the superior council at New Orleans his orders to take pos- 
session of that city for the Catholic king ; but the tl.ig of 
France was left flying, and continued to attract Acndian 
exiles. On the fifth of March, 1766, during a violent thun- 
der-gust and rain, Ulloa landed, with civil officers, three 




capnuliin monk^, and eiglity soldiers. Hia receiilion was 
eoid acd gloomy. Ho brought no orders to redeem Iho 
seven milUon livres of French paper money, which weighed 
down a colony of less tlinn six thousanil white men. 
The French garrison of three haodred refused to '^ 
enter the Spanish service ; the people, to give np their 
nation.ility ; and Ulloa was obliged to administer the gov- 
ernment under the French by the old French officers, 
at the cost of Spain. 

In May of the iame year, the Spanish restrictive system 
was applied to Louisiana ; in September, an ordinance com- 
pelled French vessels having special permits to accept the 
paper currency in pay for their cargoes, at an arbitrary tariff 
of prices. "The extension and freedom of trade," reraon- 
Btniled the merchants, " far from injuring states and colo- 
nies, are their strength and support." The ordinance waa 
Biupcndod, but not till the alarm had destroyed all com- 
merce. Ulloa retired from New Orleans to the lialisc. 
Only there, and opposite Natchez, and at the river Iber- 
Tille, was Spanish jurisdiction directly eierciscd. 

This state of things continued for a little more than two 
fears. But the arbitr.iry and passionate conduct of Ulloa, 
tbe depreciation o[ the currency with the prospect of ita 
becoming an almost total loss, the disputes respecting the 
expenses incurred since the cession in 17C'2, the interrup- 
tion of commerce, a captious ordinance which made a pri- 
vate monopoly of the traffic with the Indians, uncertainty 
of jurisdiction and allegiance, agitated the colony from one 
end to the other. It was proposed to make of New Orleans 
a republic, like Amsterdam or Venice, with a legislative 
body of forty men, and a single executive. The people of 
the country' p.irishes crowded in amass into the city ; joined 
those of New Orleans; and formed a numerous assembly, 
"n which LafrCniire, John Milhet, Joseph Milhet, and the 
lawyer Doucet were conspicuous. " Why," said they, 
*' shoald the two sovereigns form agreemenia which can 
^ave no result but our misery, without advantage to 
«itW?" On the twenty-fifth of October, they adopted an 
iddress to the auperior council, written by Lafr^ni^re and 




CaresBc, rehearsing their griefs; and, in ibeir petition of 
rigliis, they olaimed freedom of oommerce with the porta of 
France und America, and the expulsion of Ulion from the 
colony. The address, signed hy five or six hundred persons, 
was adopted the next day by the council, in spite of the 
protest of Auhry ; when the French flag was displayed on 
the public square, children and women ran up to kiss its 
folds ; and it was raised by nine hundred men, amidst 
shouts of " Long live the king of France 1 we will have no 
king but him," Ulloa retreated to Havana, and sent his 
representations to Spain. The inhabitants elected 
their own treasurer and syndics; sent envoys to 
Paris with supplicatory letters to the Duke of Or- 
leans and the Prince of Conti ; and memorialized the 
French monarch to stand as intercessor between them and 
the Catholic king, offering no alternative but to lie a colony 
of France or a free commonwealth. 

"The success of the people of New Orleans ia driving 
away the Spaniards," wrote Du Chfitelet to Choiseul, " is a 
good example for the English colonies; may they set alxiut 
following it." 





OOTOBEK — Deokmber, 1768. 




Spain valued Louisiima as a Ecreen for Mexico ; and 
England held the valley of the Wissiasippi from 
jealousy of Franco. To tlie great joy of Spain, and 
against the adWce of Shelbarne, every idea of settling 
the country waa opposed ; and every post between Mobile 
and Fort Chartres was abandoned: John Finley, a baok- 
Voodsmun of North Carolina, who this year passed through 
Kentucky, found not ono white man's cabin in all the eu- 
cLanting wilderness. Gage was oven for giving up Fort 
Chartrea and Pittsburg, But this policy was obstructed 
hy the setticments in Illinois and on the Wabash; the 
loving disposition of the Americans ; and the avarice of 
British officers, who coveted profit from oouoessiona of lands. 
hi the conflict of interests, the office of the colonial secretary 
Iras swayed by wavering opinions, producing only incon- 
clusive correspondence, references, and reports on the ques- 
tions how to regulate trade with the ludi.tns ; how to 
" reionn " the excess in expenses ; how to keep off planters ; 
how to restrain the cupidity of British governors and 

The Spanish town of St. Louia Wiia fast rising into im- 
portance, as the centre of the fur-trade with the Indian 
nations on the Missouri ; but the population of Illinois had 
d^cliued, and scarcely amounted to more than one thou- 
•and three hundred and fifty-eight, of whom rather more 
t^iD three hundred were Africans. Kaskaakia counted six 
hundred white persons, and three hundred and three ne- 





groea. At Kahokia, there were abont three hundred per- 
Bone ; at Prairie du Rocher, one hundred and twenty-five ; 
at St. Philip, fifteen; and not more at Fort Chiirtres. 
To Hillsborough's great nlarm, the adult men had been 
formed into military companiea. Vincennes, the only set- 
tlement in Indiana, claimed to be within a year as old aa 
Detroit, and had rapidly and surpriaingiy increased. Its 
own population, consisting of two hundred and thirty-two 
white persona, ten neg^o and seventeen Indian slaves, was 
recruited by one hundred and sixty-eight " slrangcrs." 
Detroit had now about six hundred souIh. The west- 
em villages abounded in wheat, Indian corn, and 
swine ; of beeves, there was more than one to each human 
being; and more than one horse to every two, ootmtiug 
slaves and children. 

The course of the rivers inclined the French in the west 
to send their fura to Now Orleans j or across the river by 
night to St. Louis, where they could be exchanged for 
French goods. All English merchandise came burdened 
with the cost of land carriage from Philadelphia to Fort 
Pitt. In November, Wilkins, the new oommandjint in 
niinois, following suggestions from Gage, appointed seven 
civil judges to decide local controversies, yet without ab- 
dicating his own overruling authority. This temporary plan 
led the people to reSeut on the best forms of government. 

But Wilkina was chiefly intent on enriching some Philiw 
del])hia fur-traders, who were notorious for their wiUingnesB 
to bribe ; he reported favorably of their zeal for British 
commerce, and, in less than a year after his arrival, executed 
at their request inuhoate grants of large tracts of land, of 
which one sixth part was reserved for himself. 

The ]irocedure contravened the explicit orders of Hills- 
borough, who renewed imperatively the instruction to extend 
an unbroken line of Indian frontier from Georgia to Canada, 
m an impassable barrier to emigration. 

This purpose was strenuously opposed by Virginia. From 
its ancient charter, the diBCOveriea of ita people, the authorized 
grants of its governors since 1746, the encouragement of ila 
legislature to settlers in 1752 and 1753, the promise of iaudi 



■fi bonnty to officers and soldiers who eervcd in the French 
war, the continued emigrulion of ila inhabitanls, the Ancient 
Dominion derived its title to occupy the great went. Caro- 
lina stopped at the line of t)urty-siz and a half degrees; 
D the north, Now York could at most extend to Lake 
rie ; iVIaryland and Pennsylvania were each limited by 
efinitive boundariea. None but Virginia claimed the Ohio 

Is, south of the line of Connecticut. 
Sat, in epite of her objections, Stuart was ordered to 
complete the demai'cation with the Indians, and to accept 
new territory from the Cherokees. 

The honest ogent, without regarding the discontent of 
(Virginia, which, though notified, declined co-operating with 
im, met the chiefs of the upper and lower Cherokees in 
council, at Hard Labor in Western South Carolina; nncl, 
on the fourteenth of October, concluded a treaty by which 
e Cherokees ratified all their former grants of lands, and 
established as the western boundary of Virginia a straight 
line drawn from CbisweU's mine, on the eastern bank of the 
Great Kanawha, in a northerly course to the confluence of 
that river with the Ohio. 

To thwart the negotiation of Stuart, Virginia had ap- 
pointed Thomas Walker its commissioner to the congress 
held at Fort Stanwix with the Six Nations. Sir William 
J'llioson, the Indian agent for the northern district, was 
tlioronghly versed in the methods of making profit by his 
office. William Franklin, of New Jersey, readily assisted 
ID nbtiuning the largest cessions of lands. The number of 
IndionB who appeared was hut little short of three thou- 
"ad. TTuusunl largesses won over the chiefs of the 
Sil Nations; The line that was established began at Jj^ 
tbe north, where Canada Cieek joins Wood Creek; 
on leaving New York, it paaaed from the nearest fork of 
llic West Branch of the Susquebannah to Kittaniug on the 
AUpghany, whence it followed that river and the Ohio. 
"i"! it stopped at the mouth of the Kanawha, the Indian 
frOBiiLT would have been marked all the way from northern 
Ne» York to Florida. But, instead of following his in- 
itractionB, Sir William Johnson, pretending to recognise a 




right of the Six Nations to the largest part of Kentucky, 
coDtinued the liae down the Ohio to the Tennessee River, 
which was thns constituted the western boundary ot VJr- 

Wliile the congress was in session, Botetourt, the new 
governor of Virginiii, arrived on the Jumes River, in the 
delicious season of the fall of the leaf, when that region 
enjoys a niany-liiited sky and a soft but invigorating air. 
He was ch^irraed with the scenes on whidi he entered ; his 
house seemed admirable ; the grounds around it well planted 
and watered by beautiful rills. Every thing was just as he 
could have wished. Coming up without state to an unpro- 
vided resilience, he was asked abroad every day ; and, as a 
guest, gave pleasure and was pleased. He thought nothing 
could be better than the disposition of the colony, and 
augured well of every thing that was to happen. Received 
with frankness, he dealt frankly with the people to whom 
he was deputed. He wrote to Hillsborough that they woald 
never willingly submit to being taxed by the mother coun- 
try ; but he justified them by their universal avowal of a most 
ardent desire to assist upon every occasion, if they might 
do it as fonnerly in consequence of requisition. Yet the 
duties complained ot were collected in every part of the 
colony, witliuut a shadow of resistance. He was persuaded 
that the new assembly would come together in good humor, 
which he was resolved not wantonly to disturb. 

The western boundary invited immediate attention. Bo- 
tetourt entered heartily into the Irishes of Virginia, and 
put in pledge his life and fortune to carry its jurisdiction to 
the Tennessee River on the parallel of thirty-siic and a half 
degrees. " This boundary," it was said, " will give some 
room to extend our settlements for ten or twelve years," 

England, at this time, began to think reconciliation 
with Massachusetts hopeless, when news arrived that 
the troops had landed at Boston without opposition, the oonvention had dissolved, and that all thoughts of 
resistance were at an end. " They act with highest wi-idora 
and spirit," said Thomas Hollis ; " they will extricate them- 
selves with firmness and magnanimity." But moat men ex- 




pressed contempt for them, as having made a vain bluster. 
Ko one doubted that, on tlio arrival of the additional regi- 
ments from Ireland, Otis and Gushing, and eixtcen otiier 
meinbera of the late political assomblies, would be arrested. 
Hillsborouyh hastened to send Bernard's despatches to the 
attorney and solicitor general, asking what crimes had been 
committed, and if the guilty were to be impeached by par- 

The king, in his apeech on the eighth of November, 
railed at " the spirit of faction breaking out afresii in 
some of the colonies." " Boston," said ho, " appears to be in 
a state of disobedience to all law and government, with cir- 
camstnnces that might manifest a disposition to throw oS 
its dependence on Great Britain." 

In the house of commons, Lord Ilenly, moving the ad- 
dress, signalized the people of Boston for their " defiance of 
all legal authority." 

" I gave my vote to the revenue net of Charles Towns- 
fa end," thus he was seconded by Hans Stanley, "that we 
mi^t test the obedience of the Americans to the declanw 
tory law of 176U. Troops have been drawn together in 
America to enforce it, and have commenced the operation 
in Boston. Men so unsusceptible of all middle terms of 
accommodation call loudly for our correction. What, sir, 
will become of this insolent town, when we deprive its 
inhabitants of the power of sending out their rums and 
molasses to t!ie coast of Africa ? For they miiat be treated 
like aliens, aa they have treated us upon this oi-casion. 
The difficulties in governing MassachuseltB are inswrmount- 
sWe, nnlesa its charter and laws sh;dl be so changed na to 
give to the kin^ the appointment of the council, and to tho 
ilieriffg ihe sole power of returning juries," Samuel Ad- 
(ras, at Boston, weighed well the meaning of these words, 
iHered by an of the ministry; but England hardly 
nnticcFl the presumptuous menace of the subversion of char- 
lewil rights and of the independence of juries. 

Eilninnd Burke poured out a torrent of invective against 
CWBilen, for the inconsistency of his former opposition to 
«ie declaratory act with bis present support o£ the ministry. 

tOL. IV. S 






" My astonislimeot at the folly of hia opinions," he eaid, " is 
lost in indignation at the baBeness of hia condurt." Gren- 
ville ngreed with him that the order, requiring the Massa- 
chusetts assemhiy to rescind a. vote under a penalty, was 
illegal and unconstitutional. " I wish tiio Bt;inip act had 
never been passed," said Bnirington ; " but the Americans 
are traitors against the legislature. The troops are to bring 
rioters to justice." Weddcrbum, who at that moment be- 
longed to himself, and spoke in opposition to enhance his 
price, decUimed against governing by files of musketeers ; 
and be, too, condemned the ministerial mandate as illegal. 
"Though it were considered wiser," said Rigby, "to alt«r 
the American tai than to continue it, I would not niter it 
BO long as the colony of the Massachusetts Bay continues in 
its present state." " Let the nation return to its old 
good nature and its old good humor," were the words 
of Alderman Beckford, whom nobody minded, snd 
who spoke more wisely than they all ; " it were best to repeal 
the lato act, and eonciliate the colonies by moderation and 

Lord North made reply : " America must fear you, before 
she can love you. If America is to bo the judge, you may 
tnx in no instance, you may regulate in no instance. Wo 
shall go through our plan, now that we have brought it so 
near success. I am agjunst repealing the last act of parlior 
ment, securing to us a revenue out of America ; I will never 
think of repealing it, until I ace America prostrate at my 
feet." Tlie irrevocable words spoke the feeling of parlia- 
ment. The address was carried in the commons without a 
division; the peers seemed unanimous; and scarcely more 
than five or six in both hoiises defended tho Americans 
from principle. Everj'body expected " the chastisement of 

But the employment of soldiery failed from the begin- 
ning. There were, on the tenth of November, more than 
four regiracnts in Boston ; what could be given them to doP 
They had been sent over to bring " to justice " those whom. 
Barrington called "rioters," whom the king described a» 
" turbulent and mischievous persons." But, after long con— 


radpralion, De Grey and Dnnning, the attomoy and eolici- 
tor general, joined in the opinion that the statute of the 
thirty-fifth of Henry VIII. waa the only one by which 
criminriis could be tried in England for offonpes committed 
in ^Vmerica ; that its provisions extended only to treasons ; 
and that there waa no sufficient ground to fix the charge of 
high treason upon any persons named in the papers laid 
before them. The troops foond no rebellion at Boston; 
could they make one ? They found a town of which the 
merchants refused to import goods of British manufacture, 
or to buy tea brought by way of Great Britain. How could 
armed men change this disposition? Massachusetts would 
not even pay for their quarters, becanse they had not hecE 
qnartered according to law ; so that they were left to parade 
Dp and down the streets at the cost of the British exchequer, 
Gfaarpcning the sullen discontent of the townsmen. 
"Xo force on earth," wrote the governor of New y^ 
Jersey, " is sufficient to ranko the assemblies acknowl- 
edge, by any act of theirs, that the parliament has a right to 
impose taxes on America." 

Each American assembly, as it came together, denied that 
right, and imbodied its denial in petitions to the king. 
The king, instead of hearing the petitions, disapproved 
and rejected thera ; Virginia waa soothingly reprimanded; 
Pennsylvania, whose loyalty had but a fortnight before been 
confidently extolled by Hillsborough ; Rhode Island, whose 
nrverenco for the laws he had officially set forth; Connect- 
icut, which had combined loyalty with love of its liberties ; 
Maryland, which acted strictly in conformity to luw in 
tefosing to be overawed by n secretary's letter, — received, 
18 tlicir answer, copies of the addresses of parliament, and 
Msuraneea that "wicked men," who questioned the supreme 
Mlhority of that body, woidd not be listened to, 

The governor of South Carolina invited its assembly to 
tr?al the letters of Blassachuaetts and Virginia " with the 
f')nlompt they deserved ; " a committee, composed of Par- 
MM, Gadsden, Pinknoy, Lloyd, Lynch, Laurens, Rutledge, 
Elliott, and Dart, reported them to be "founded upon 
tuduiL-ible, constitutional principles j " and the house, eit 




ting with its doora locked, Qnanimously directed its speaker 

to signify to both provinces its entire approbation. The 
governor, that Bamo evening, dissolved the assembly 
by beat of dnim ; but the general toast at Charleston 
remained, "The upfANiMOUs twenty-six, who ■would 
not rescind from the Masaachnsctts circular." The assem- 
bly of New York was also in seaaion, fully resolved to go 
beyond the common example ; and Ilillsborough, who ex- 
pressed liis confidence that his letters and the king's firm- 
ness would " bring back the misled colonists to a just sense 
of their duly," only opened tho way to a new complaint 
from tho colonies, that the king -would not even receive 
their petitions. 

The refusal of America to draw snppIieB from England 
was an invitation to other powers to devise the means of 
sharing her commerce ; the three secretaries of state were 
therefore called upon to issue orders to the ministers, con- 
suls, and agents of tho British government in the ports of 
Europe, Madeira, and the Azores, to watch the corning in 
of an American ship or the sailing of any ship for the 
continent of America. The navigation acts, of which the 
total repeal would have increased the trade of tlie colonies 
with their mother country, reduced England to playing 
the humble and helpless part ol a spy in the harbors of 
independent nations. 

"Can the ministry reduce the colonies?" asked Da 
Chatclet. " Of what avail is au array in so vast a country? 
The Americans have made these reflections, and they wUl 
not give way." 

"To tho menace of rigor," replied Choiseul, "they will 
never give way, except in appearance and for a time. The 
fire will be bat imperfectly extinguished, unless other means 
than those of force conciliate tho interests of the metropolis 
and its colonies. The Americana will not lose out of view 
their rights and privileges ; 'and, next to fanaticism focr 
reli^on, the fanaticism for liberty is the most daring in ita 
measures and the most dangerous in its consequences." 

The simplest mode of taking part with the colonists wa^* 
by a oommerco of the French and Spanish colonies witfc:*! 




the Britifih colonies on the continent of North America; 
and on this euljiject Chwiseii! sent to Du Chilelet an elab- 
■ate digest of all the m:itcri;ils he had collected. But the 
plc-hcartod king of Spain, thongh he enjoyed the per- 
plexity of the natural enemy of the two crowns, was glad 
of more time to prcpnro for continent events, and showed 
no disposition to interfere. 

"What a pity," resumed Du ChStelet to Choiscul, "that 
i«ithcr Spain nor France is in a condition to take udvoa* 
of BO critical a conjimcture, and that we must regard 
a passive benefit. The moment is not yet come, and 
precipitate measures on our part might reconcile the colo- 
nies to the metropolis. But, if the quarrel goes on, a 
thons.'md opportunities cannot fail to offer, of which deci- 
,ve advantage may be taken. The objects presented to 
n, to the king, and to his council, demand the moat 
profound combinations, the most inviolable secrecy. A 
plan which shall be appheable to every circumstance of 
.change should be concerted in advance with Spain." 
At the eame time, Du Chutelct studied intercolonial 
immerce ; and obtained the opinions of the American 
agenia, particularly of Franklin, whom he described as 
"upright and enlightened, one of the wisest and most 
sagacious men that could be found in any country." 
The agents had separately waited on Lord Hills- 
borough, On the sixth of December, he commu- 
nicated to them in a body the resnit of a cabinet 
council : " Administration will enforce the authority of 
the legislature of Great Britain over the colonies in the 
most effectual manner, but with moderation and lenity. 
All the petitions we have received are very offensive, for 
they contain a denial of the anthority of parliament. Wo 
hnve no fondness for the acts complained of; particu- 
larly, the late duty act is so anti-commercial thai I wish It 
liHii never existed ; and it would certainly have been 
ft'peajed, had the colonies said nothing about it, or peti- 
liuneJ against it only on the ground of its expediency : 
W the principle you proceed upon extends to all laws ; 
ud ve cannot therefore think of repealing it, at least thii 



BesBioD of parliament, or antil the colonies Bhall have 
dropped the point of right. Nor can the conduct of 
the people of JJoston pass without a severe censure." A 
very long discuaaioa ensued ; but ho was inflexible. 

The atteotion of parliament was to be confined to the 
colony of the Massaohusotta Bay ; Beokford and Trecolhick, 
aa friends to America, demanded rather such general inquiry 
ae might load to measures of relief. " The question of 
taiatioa is not before us," interposed Lord North; "but 
the question is, whether wq are to lay a tax one year, when 
America is at peace, and take it o£E the next, when America 
is in arms against us. The repeal of the act would spread 
an alarm, as if we did it from fear. The encouragement 
it would give our enemies, and the discouragement it would 
give our friends, bind us not to take that question into 
consideration again." Ue therefore demanded the expres- 
sion of the unitGd opinion of Groat Britain, so that Boston 
might be awed into obedience. 

" The Americans believe," rejoined Beckford, " that thero 
is a settled design in this country to rule them with a mili- 
tary force." " I never wiali for dominion, unless accom- 
panied by the affection of the people governed," said Lord 
John Cavendish, " Want of knowledge, oa well as want 
of temper," said Lord Beauchamp, "has gradually led M 
to the brink of a precipice, on which we look down with 
horror." Phipps, a captain in the army, added: "My 
heart will bleed for every drop of American blood that 
shall be shed, whilBt their grievances are unredressed. I 
wish to see the Americans in our arms as friends, not to 
meet them as enemies." " Dare you not trust yourselves 
with a general inquiry?" asked Grenville. "How do we 
know, parliamentarily, that Boston is the most guilty 
of the colonies V "I would have the Americans obey 
the laws of the country, whether they like them or 
not," said Lord Barrington. 

Out of two hundred who were present, one hundred and. 
twenty-seven divided with the government to confine thw 
inquiry. The king set himself and his ministry, and par- 
liament, and alt Great Britain, to subdue to his will oq9 




abbom littlo tovn on tho sterile const of the Maseachu- 
tta Bay. The odds ligainst it were fearful ; but it showed 
n life inexlinguialcible, and bad been chosen to keep guard 
over the libi'rlics of mankiDd. 

The Old World had not its parallel. It counted about 
ixteen thousand inhabitants of European origin, all of 
vhom learned to read and write. Good public sdiools 
■were the foundation of its political system ; and Ben- 
jamin Franklin, one of their pupils, in hia youth '^^ 
apprenticed to the art which makes knowledge the 
common property of mankind, had gone forth from them 
to stand before the nations as the representative of the 
modern Industrial class. 

Ah its schools were for all its children, so the great body 
of its mjile inhabitants of twenty-one years of age, when 
amembled in a hall which Faneuil, of Huguenot ancestry, 
had built for them, was the source of all municipal authority. 
In the meeting of llie town, its tases were voted, its a£t:iira 
discu^ed and settled ; its agents and public servants annu- 
ally elected by ballot ; and abstract political principles freely 
debated. A small property quabtication was attached to 
.e right of suffriige, but did not exclude enough to change 
'the character of tho institution. There had never csisled 
a considerable municipality, approaching so nearly to a 
pure democracy ; and, for so populous a place, it was un- 
doubtedly the most orderly and best governed in the 

Its ecclesiastical polity was in like manner republican. 
The great raaaa were Congregationalists ; each church was 
,M Meembly formed by voluntary agreement, self-constt- 
aelf -sup ported, and independent. They were clear 
that no person or church power over another church. 
Tbero waa not a Roman Catholic altar in the place ; the 
osEigca of "papists" were looked upon as worn-out super- 
»liiions, fit only for the ignorant. But the people were 
iini merely the fiercest enemies of "popery and slavery," 
'Wy were Protestauls even against Protestantism ; and, 
tlioi^gb the English church was tolerated, Boston kept up 
ill exasperation against prelacy. Its ministers were still 



its propheta and its guides ; its pulpit, in wliich, now that 
Mayhew was no more, Cooper was admired above all others 

for eloquence and patriotism, by weekly nppoala in- 
J^ flamed alike the fervor of piety and of liberty. In 

the " Boston Guzetle," it enjoyed a free press, which 
gave curreney to its conclusions on the natural right of man 
to self-government. 

Its citizens were inquisitive ; seeking to know the causea 
of things, and to eeareli for the reason o£ existing institu- 
tions ill the laws of nature. Yot they controlled their 
speculative turn by practical judgment; exhibiting the 
seeming eontrndictioD of susceptibility to enthusiitsni anil 
calculating shrewdness. They were fond of gain, and 
adventurous, penetrating, and keen in their pursuit of it; 
yet their avidity was tempered by a well-considered and 
continuing hberalily. Nearly every man was struggling 
to make his own way in the world and his own fortune ; 
and yet, individually and as a body, they were public- 
epirited. In the seventeenth centnry, the community had 
been distracted by those who were thought to pursue the 
great tmth of justification by faith to Antinomian absurdi- 
ties ; the philosophy of the eighteenth century had influ- 
enced iheologieal opinion; and, though the larger number 
Btill acknowledged the fixedness of the divine decrees, and 
the resistless certainty from all eternity of election and of 
reprobation, some, even among the clergy, had modified the 
etemncBS of the ancient doctrine by making the self-direction 
of the active powers of man with freedom of inquiry and 
private judgment the central idea of a protest ngainsl 
Calvinism. Still more were they boldly speculative on 
questions respecting their constitution. Every house was 
a school of politics ; every man was a little statesman, dis- 
eussed the afEairs of the world, stndied more or less the 
laws of his own land, and was sure of his ability to ascer- 
tain and to make good his rights. The ministers, whose 
prayers, being from no book, caught the hue of the times ; 
the merchants, cr.imped in their enterjirise by legal restrio- 
tions; the mechanics, who by their skill in ship- building 
bore away the palm from all other nations, and by their 


numbers ruled the town ; all alike, clergy and l:»ity, in the 
putpit or closet, on the wharE or iii tlie counling- 
room, at tlieir ship-yards or lii their social gatherings, p^ 
reasoned upon goveroraent. They had not acquired 
estates by a feudal tenure, nor hnd lived under feudal 
institntions ; and, as the true descendants of the Puritans of 
Eoglaad, they had not much more of superstitious veneration 
for monarchy than for priestcraft. Such waa their power of 
analysis that they almost uuconsciously developed the theoiy 
of an independent representative commonivealth; and such 
their instinctive capacity for organiziitlon that they had actu- 
illy Been a convention of the people of the province starG 
into life at their bidding. While the earth was atill wrapt 
in gloom, they welcomed the daybreak of popular freedomi 
[ ind looked iindazzled into the beams of the morning. 






December, 17C8 — Febrdart, 1769. 

TcK optDion of parliament waa banlly proDotinced, when 
I)u ChUtelol again pressed America on the attention 
of Choiaeul. "Without exaggerating the projects 
or the union of the colonics," said he, " the tiiuo of 
their independence is very near. Their prudent men be- 
lieve the moment not yet come ; but, if the English gov- 
ernment undertakes vigorous measures, who can lell how 
far the fanaticism for liberty may carry an immense people, 
dwelling for the most part in the interior of a continent, 
remote from imminent danger ? And, if the metropolis 
should persevere, can the union, which ia now their strength, 
be maintained without succor from abroad? Even if the 
rupture should be premature, can France and Spain neglect 
the opportunity which they may never find again? 

"Three years ago the separation of the English colonies 
was looked upon as an object of .tttention for the next 
generation ; the germs were observed, but no one could 
foresee that they would be so speedily developed. This 
new order of things, which will necessarily have the great- 
est influence on the ]>olitical system of Europe, will proba- 
bly bo brought about withia a very few years." 

" Your views," replied Choiseul, " are as acute aa Ihey^ 
are comprehensive and well considered. The king is per — 
fectly aware of their sagacity and solidity ; and I will com — 
municate them to the court of Madrid." 

The statesmen of Franco had their best allies in the Brit- 
ish ministry. " The matter is now brought to a point," soitZ 




Hillsborongh, in tho houao of lon^s. " Parliiiment must 
give up its authority over t.lie colonies, or bring ihem to 
effectud subtuissioo. Your lordships will aee it abao- 
lutely necessary not to recede an ace ; for my part, I 
cannot entertain a thought of repealing the late acta, 
and hope nobody wUI move it, or ao much aa wish for it, 
Kot the amount of tho duties, which will not be more than 
ten tbonsand pounds per annum in all North Americii, but 
the principle upon which the lawa are founded, is com]>lained 
of. Legislation and taxation will stand or fall tog^ether. The 
notion of the Americans ia a polytheism in politics, absurd, 
fatal to the constitution, and never to be admitted. The 
North Americans are a very good act of people, mialed by a 
few wicked, factious, and designing men. I will, therefore, 
for the present only propose several resolutions which may 
show the sense of the legislature. If this is not suHicic-nt;, 
tho liand of power must be lifted up, and the whole force of 
this country exerted to bring tho colonies into subjection." 
The resolutions condemned the assembly of Mossachuaetts, 
its cooncil, nnd still more its convention ; approved of send- 
ing a military force to Boston ; and foreshaiiowed the abn> 
gation of the municipal liberties of that town, and a change 
in the charter of the province, 

Hillsborough was seconded by Bedford, who also carried 
sa address to the king, to bring to "condign punishment 
ibe chief authors and inaligntors of the late disorders ; " and, 
if sufficient ground should be seen, to put them on trial for 
"treason" before a special commission in England, " pur- 
suant to the statute of Henry VIII." The resolutions and 
a<idres3 were adopted, with no opposition except from Rich- 
mond and Shclbume. 

"Tho semblance of vigor," said Choisenl, " covers pusil- 
lanimity and fear. If those who are threatened with a trial 
for high treason are not alarmed, the terror and discourage- 
ment will affect nobody but tho British ministers ; the main 
(lueatioD of taxing the colonics ia aa far from a eolutiou aa 

Samuel Adams, whom it was especially deaircd to "take 
off" for treason, was " unawed by the menaces of arbitrary 



power." "I most," said ho, "tell the men, who on both 
Bidea of the Atlnntio churge America with rebellion, that 
military power will never [irevail on an American to Bur- 
render his liberty;" and, through the press, he taught the 
extreme doctrine that a standing amiy, kept up in the col- 
onies in time of peace without their consent, was aa flagrant 
& violation of the constitution as the laying n tax on paper, 
glass, painters' colors, and tea. While unremittingly en- 
gaged in effecting the removal of the troops from Boston, he 
Bought in the common luw the means to curb their iuso- 
lence ; and called upon the magistrates of Boston to govern, 
restrain, and punish "soldiers of all ranks," according to 
the laws of the land. The justices of the peace for Suffolk 
at their quarter sessions, and the grand jury, over which the 
crown had no control, never failed to find indictuionta 
against soldiers and oflicers for their frequent transgres- 
Bions ; and they escaped the penalties of conviction only 
through the favoritism of a higher conrt. 

Georgia approved the conduct and correspondence of 
MoBsachnsetts and Virginia, New York completed the 
expression of American opinion, by unanimously asserting 
its legislative rights with unaurpasHed distinctness, and 
appointing an intercolonial committee of correspondence. 
17G9. At this time, Choisoul, who was incensed at the 

■""^ pulilio subscription in England in aid of the Corsi- 
cans, was threatening the British minister that he would 
requite the griev.ince by opening subscriptions in France 
for the inhabitants of New York. The new year brought 
a dissolution of the assembly of that province ; and, in the 
following elections, the government party employed every 
art to create confusion. It excused the violence of recent 
disputes, concealing the extremes of difference between the 
British parliament and the American people. It songht to 
gratify the cravings of every Interest. It evaded conflicts 
with the merchants, connived at their importations from 
St. Eufitatius and Holland, and supported their request 
for an increase of the paper currency. It encouraged the 
tenantry In their wbh to vote not by word of mouth on the 
nomination of their landlords, but, oa m New England, by 



ballot ; and in New York city, for the old cry of " No Pres- 
byteriaii," it raised iliat of "No Lawyer." Tlie DelancpyB, 
irbo had long seemingly led the oppoBition in the province, 
were secrt-tly won over to the aide of authorily. One of the 
Livingstons could no longer sit in the assembly, for a l:iw 
made the offices of judge and representative incompatible; 
anoiher was iield ineligible for tbe manor, because he resided 
in the city. Add to this, that all parties still hoped for na 
escape from strife by some plan of union to wbioh tJrafton 
was believed to be well disposed; that the population was 
not homogeneous in religion, language, customs, or origin ; 
that the government and the churchmen acted to- 
gether; that the city was a corjioration, in which the j",J* 
mayor was appointed by the king ; and the reasons ap- 
pear why, at the hotly contested election, which was the last 
ever held in New York under the crown, tbe coalition gained 
euccees over John Morin Scott nnd the Sons of Liberty. 

In Mossachnsetts, Bernard kept np tbe ferment, lie 
knew it to be a part of Lord Hillsborough's system that 
there never should be another election of councillors; and 
he, and Hutchinson also, most secretly furnialicd lists of 
persons whose appointment they advised. They both im- 
portuned the ministry to remove Temple, who would not 
conceal his opinion that tbe aifections of the colonists were 
wasting away from the mother country, through the in- 
Mpaciry and " avarice " of his associates. The wily Hutch- 
inson opposed the repeal of the revenue act ; recommended 
to remove the main objection to parliamentary authority, 
by the offer to the colonists of eucb " a plan of representa- 
tion "in the British parliament as he knew they must reject; 
intomicii against the free constitutions of Massachusetts, 
Connecticut, and Rliodo lalaml, as tending to produce an- 
other congress ; and advised and solicited and importunately 
demanded such an extension of tbe laws of treason as would 
hare rendered every oonsideraMe man in Boston liable to 
ita penalties. In letters to a member of that parliament, 
whose authority he wiabed it made treasonable to deny, — 
written for public purposes, and commiinioated toGrenvUle, 
Lord T«mple, and others, — he declared that "measures 


which he could not think of without pain were necessary 
for the peace and good of the colony." that "there must be 
an abridgment of what arc called English liberties." He 
avowed his desire to eeo somo further restraint, lest 
otherwise the connection with Great Britain should 
be broken ; and he consoled himself for hia advice, 
by declaring it impossible for ho distant a colony to "enjoy 
all tlie hberty of the parent state." He had put many sug- 
gestions on paper, but behind all ho had further "thoughts, 
■which he dared not trust to pen and ink." 

"Poison will continue to be instilled into the minds of 
the people," wrote Oliver, " if there be no way found to 
take off the original incendiaries," The Bedford address 
for shipping American traitors to England having oonie to 
hand, a way was open for " taking them off." Bernard and 
Oliver and Hutchinson, with the attorney-general, collected 
evidence against Samuel Adams ; and affidavits, sworD to 
before Hutchinson, were sent to England, to prove him fit 
to he transported under the act of Henry VIII. Edes and 
Gill, also, " the trumpeters of sedition," and through them 
" all the chiefs of the faction, all the authors of numberless 
treasonable and seditious writings," were to be called to 

While Hutchinson was taking depositions, so that " the 
principal actors might be compelled to answer " for " proceed- 
ings amounting to treason," those whom he sought to arraign 
as traitors, aware of his designs, reproached him for his base- 
ness in performing " the office of an informer " while he held 
tho post of chief justice; and they avowed their opinions 
more boldly than ever. " Parliament will offer you a share 
in the representative body," said the royalists ; and the sug- 
gestion was spurned, since a true representation was unpos- 
sible. " Boston may be deprived of its trade," thus they 
foreshadowed the policy adopted five years later. " What 
then ? " it was asked. " Will the decline of British credit 
be remedied by turning our seaports into villages ? " " Gov- 
ernor Bernard has been spoken of with great respect," re- 
ported the official journal. "And so has Otis," rejoined 
the "Boston Gazette;" "and has been compared to the 



Pyms, the Hampdens, the Shippena of Britain." " Bernard 
hns had some very uneommon difficulties to contend with," 
«aid royalists in hia excuse. " And Otis and his compatriots," 
retorted Samuel Adama, "have doubtless had none ! no toils, 
no Hclf-denLils, no threatcnings, no tempting bails 1 All the 
virtue is on one side ; virtue was never known to he separated 
from power or profit," " We sliouM have been ruined by 
this time, had not the troops arrived," wrote one who was 
grasping at a lucrative office. " Military power," re]}oated 
the people, "is the last resource of ignorant despotisro," 
"The opposition to government is faction," said the friends 
to govemnieut. " Aa well," answered Samuel Adams, 
"might the general uneasiness that introduced the 
revolution by WiUiam III., or that settled the succea- 
iion in the house of Hanover, be called a faction." The 
patriot was in earnest. Since Great Britain persisted in 
enforcing hor revenue act, he knew no remedy but Ameri- 
can independence. 

Lord North, though he feared to strike, wisheil to intimi- 
date. He would not allow a petition from the council of 
tfsssaehiisetts for the repeal of Townshcnd's act to bo re- 
ferred with the other American papers ; nor would he 
receive a petition which denied that the net of Henry VIII. 
extended to the colonies ; and on the twenty-sixth of Jan- 
nary, after a delay of many weeks, he asked the house of 
commons to agree with the resolves and address of the 
house of lords. "No lawyer," fl.iid Dowdeswell, "will 
justify them ; none but the house of lords, who think only 
uf their dignity, could have originated them." " Suppose," 
Bud Kdmund Burke, " you do call over two or three o£ 
ibeae unfortunate men : what will become of the rest? 

■ JLct mr have the heads of the principal leatTers, exclaimed 
tho Dnke of Alva; these heads proved hydra's heads. 
Suppose a man brought over for liigh treason ; if his wit- 
nesses do not appear, he cannot have a fair trial. God and 
nature oppose you," Grenville scoffed at the whole plan, 
M HO more than "angry words," and "the wisdom foola 
pat on." Lord North, assuming the responsibility of the 
BiGuare, refused " ever to give up an iota of the authority 






of Great Britnb ; " and promised good rcsaltB in America 
from tlie refusal to repeal tiie revenue act. 

" It is not a question of one refractory colony," cried 
Biirr6 ; " the whole country ia ripe for revolt. Let us come 
to the point. Are the Americans proper objects of 
taxation ¥ I think tbey are not. I solemnly declare, 
I think they will not submit to any law imposed upon 
them for the purpose of revenue. 

" On a former occasion, the noble lord told us that be 
would listen to no proposition for repeal, until he saw 
America prostrate at his feet. To effect this is not so easy 
as some imagine ; the Americans are a numerous, a respei-t- 
able, a hardy, a free people. But, wore it over »o easy, 
docs any friend to his country really wish to see America 
thus humbled ? In such a situation, she would servo only 
as a moiminciit of your vengeance and your folly. For my 
part, tho America I wish to see is America increasing and 
prosperous, raising her head in graceful dignity, with free- 
dom and firmness asserting her rights at your bar, vindicat- 
ing her liberties, pleading her services, and conscious of her 
merit. This is the America that will h.ivo spirit to figbl 
your battles, to sustain you when hard pushed by some pre- 
vailing foe, and by her industry will be able to consume 
your manufactures, support your trade, and pour wealth and 
splendor into your towns and cities. If we do not change 
our conduct towards her, America will be torn from oar 
side. I repeat it ; unless you repeal this law, yon run the 
risk of losing America," 

His reasoning w:i8 just ; his action animated ; warmed by 
the nobleness of his subject, he charmed all that heard him ; 
yet the resolutions and address were adopted by a large 

" An attempt to aeiie the defL-ndcra of Ameriean liber- 
ties," wrote the watchful French ambassador to Choiseol, 
"would precipitate the revolution. How great will be the 
indignatioii of the Americans, when they learn that Britain^ 
without receiving their representations, without heaj-ing' 
their agents, treaU them as slaves, and condemns them as 
rebels. They never will recognise the right claimed by 


parliamcDt ; ercn if they bear with it, their hearts will 

breathe nothing but inde])etiiicnce, and will own no other 

than the wilderness wliicli their iiidiistry has fer- 

Uencfforward, the colonies are dividt'd from the 

metropolia in intercsla and in principles ; and tho bonds of 

I their dependence will be severed on the first opportunity. 
Spain and France should adopt towarda them general 
principles, entirely different from those which have been 
practised till now ; and, even at the risk of transient incon- 
veniences, should deport from the ancient prohibitory laws 
of commerce. The two courts must consider whether it is 
for their interest to second the revolution which menaces 
England, at the risk of the consequences which may a little 
later result from it for the totaliEy of the New World ; and 
whether the weakening of a common enemy can compensate 
the risk of such an example to their own colonies. 

*' tf this question is answered in the nffirioauvc, no pre- 
cautions must be omitted to profit by the favorable circum- 
stances, which imprudence alone could have created, and 
which human wisdom could hardly have foreseen. The in- 
flammatory remedies applied by the parliament of England, 
the spirit of revolt, and still more the spirit of coniempt 
shown by a factious people for a vacillating and humiliated 
administration, the disunion and indecision which reign in 
rhe British cabinet, the acknowledged weakness and insta- 
bility of the principles of tho king's government, all pre- 
nf^ coining calamllies to England; the only man whose 
nius might still bo feared is removed from aff;iirs, and 
fcL-bled by gout, and hia stnte of mind U a problem. 
{ tho others whom birth, credit, wealth, or eloquence may 
■stino to high places, not one appears like!}' to become a 
nni'lablo enemy." 

This letter from Du Chiltclet to Choiseul was in- ngg_ 

pirod neither by the courtiers nor the ]>ar]iament9 ^"''■ 

lire aristocracy, nor even by the burgesses of France ; 

IS the philosophy of the eighteenth century, the rijjened 

^of tbc ages from Descartes to Turgol, uttering its 

its counsels in the palaces of absolute nionarchs, 

excited the moat attenilvo curiosity of Louis XV. and of 

TOL. ir. 10 



every one of his council. An extract of it was sent lo 
Madrid, to ascertiun the Bentimcnts of the Catholic king; 
the minister of the marine and the minister of fioiinco were 
directiiJ to consult the chambers o£ conimerco of the kiu^ 
dom; while Choiseal, nwaro of the novelty of a eystem 
foanded on the principle of a free trade, looked about him 
on every side for prevailing arguments against beredittu; 

The Bourbon kings were still deliberating, as, on the 
eighth of February, the state of America was again tha 
theme of conversation in the houBe of commons; and 
Btrenuons efforts were once more made to prove the ille- 
gality and cruelty of fetching Americans across the Atlantlo 
for trial. 

"They may save themselves," said Rose Fuller, "hy 
going still further, and bringing the question to the point 
of arms." "You have no rigjit to tax the colonics," re- 
peated Beckford; "the system has not produced a single 
shilling to the exchequer ; the money is all eaten up by the 
officers who collect it," "Your measures," cried Phipps, 
after an admirable statement, " are more calculated to raise 
than to quell a rebellion. It is our duty to stand between 
the victim and the altar." " The statute of the thirty-fifth 
year of Henry VIII.," observed Froderio Montagu, " was 
passed in the worst times of the worst reign, when tli» 
taste of blood had inflamed the savage disposition of 
Henry ." " The act," declared Sir WUliam Meredith, 
"does not extend to America; and, were I an American, ' 
I would not submit to it." Yet the British parliament, by I 
a great majority, refusing to consider the redress of Aiueri — , 
can grievances, requested the king to make inquisition aO ! 
Boston for treason ; and " ample information " was promptly^! 
sent by Hutchinson and othera from Boston, so that the 
principal Sons of Liberty might be arraigned in Westmin-— 
ster Hall and hanged at Tyburn. 

The press also gave to the world nn el.aboratc reply to th^3 
Farmer's Letters, by Knox, lo whom the board ot traJ^ 
furnished materials, and Grenvillo the constitutional argi*.- 
tnent. " I am tempted," owned Knox, " to deny that ther« 




aoy eiicb thing its represeDtation at all in the British 
DBlitution; until this notion of representation is 
iverthrown, il will be very difBcult to cotiviiioe either j^™; 

c colonies or the people of England that wrong is 
not done the colonies." The love of order began to pro- 
dace apologist* for " absolute government." 

Wliilc Eugland was enforcing its reatrictivo commercial 

stem, Du Chitelet continued bis intercession with Choi- 

nl, to employ free trade as the greiit liberator of eotonies. 

" The questiou," he pleaded, " cannot be submitted to the 

decision of the chnmbers of commerce. They regard 

every tbiug in colonial commerco which does not turn 

cliiaively to the benefit of the kingdom as contrary to 

,e end for which colonies were established, and as a theft 

from the state. To practise on these maxims is impossible. 

The wants of trade are stronger than the laws of trade. 

The north of America can alono furnish supplies to ita 

Boatb. This ia the only point of view under wbieh the 

cession of Canada can bo regarded as a losa for France ; 

bol that cession will one day be amply compensated, if it 

(hall canae the rebellion and independence of the English 

ralonies, which become every day more probable and more 

ntar." At the same time, the Parisian world was alive 

vilh admiration for the Americans and their illustrious 


But Spain had been the parent of the protective system, 
ind remained the supporter of that restrictive policy by 
*bich, in the midst of every resource of wealth, she had 
Iwen impoverished. From the first proposal of throwing 
wkmial commerce open, she feared the contraband expor- 
t»tinii of gold and silver. " Besides," ibns Grimaldi, the 
Spwiifh minister, gave his definitive answer, "the position 
"111 strength of the countries occnpicd by the Americana 
*tWo a just alai-m for the rich Spanish possessions on their 
'•Ofder?. Their interlopers have already introduced their 
piuu and ricx; into our colonies. If this Mhould be legaliaied 
^iiii extended to other objects, it would increase the pros- 
Parity of a neighbor already too formidable. Moreover, 
ihU ucighbor, if it should separate from ita metropolis, 



■would assume the republican form of governnient ; and 
a republic is a government dangerous from the wisdom, 
the consistency, and the BoUdtty of the measuroB which it 
would adopt for executing such pi'ojcctB of conqucats as it 
would naturally form." 

The opinion of Spnin was deliberately pronounced and 
sternly adhered to. She divided the continent of North 

America with England, and loved to bco " her en- 
Fab.' ''™y " embarrasse J by war with its colonies ; but, 

while she feared England much, she at that early 
day feared America more, and, for a neighbor, preferred a 
dependent colony to an independent republio. 





March— Mat, 1769. 

The docision of the king of Spain had been hastened by 
tidings of the rebellion in New Orleans. The cabi- 
net, with but one dissentient, agreed that Lomsiana jj^u. 
must be retainei), aa a granary for Hav.ana and Porto 
Rioo, a precaution against the contraband trade of France, 
and a barrier to keep off English encroachments by tlie 
disputable line of a great river. 

"Still more," aaid the Duke of Alba, "the world, and 
especially America, must see that the king can and will 
crash even an Intention of diarea])Oct." " If France should 
recover Louisiana," said Maaones do Lima, " she would 
annex it to the EngHsh colonies, or would catablish ira 
independence." "A republic in Louisiana," such was Do 
Arand.i's carefully prepared opinion, "would bo indepen- 
dent of the European powers, who would all cultivate 
her friendsliip and support her existence. She would in- 
crease her population, enlarge her limits, and grow into 
1 ricli, flourishing, and free state, contrasting with our 
exhausted provinces. From the example before them, 
the inhabitants of our vast Mexican domain would be led 
consider their total want of commerce, the extortions of 
their governors, the tittle esteem in which they themselves 
^^re bi'ld. the few offices which they arc permitted to fill ; 
they would hate still more the Sjianish rule, and would 
think to brave it with security. If, by imjiroving the gov- 
*nnnent of the Mexican provinces and the condition of 
their inhabitants, we should avoid the fatal revolution, 
isiona would still trade with the harbors on our coast. 



Chap. XL. 

and also by land with Texas and New Mexico, and throogh 
them wilh Old 3Iexico. Between Loiiisinna and Mexico, 
there are no established limits ; the rebels, if they 
1(^5^ remain as they are, will have a pretext for claim.iflg 
an arbitrary extension of territory," lie therefore 
advised to snbdiio the colony, but to lieep New Orleans 
in such insigiiifioanco as to tempt no attack. 

The king accepted the decision of his cabinet ; adding 
his fear lest the example of Louisi.ina should influence the 
colonies "of other powers," in which he alre.idy discerned 
the "spirit of sedition and independence," A diJierent 
train of reasoning engaged the cabinet of France, 

" riere," said one of its adrisors, " ia tlie happy oppor- 
tunity of dividing the British empire, by placing before 
its colonies the interesting spectacle of two potentites who 
pardon, who protect, and who deign in concert to utter the 
powerful word of liberty. War between France and Eng- 
land would bind these countries more fimdy to tbeir me- 
tropolis. The example of happiness will ulliiro them to the 
independence towards which they tend. By leading them 
to confide in France and Spain, they will dare more 
and dare sooner. Nothing can belter persuade to this 
confidence than to establish liberty in Louisiana, and to 
open the port of New Orleans to men of all nations and all 

" The piiasion for extended dominion must not hide from 
Spain that a discontented and ill^uarded colony cannot 
arrest the raarcli of the English, and will prove an unprofit- 
able expense. Were wo to take back Louisiana, our best 
efforts could effect less than the charm of liberty. Without 
the magio'of liberty, the territory will never become mor^ 
than a simple lino of demarcation. Severity would throws 
it into despair and into the arms of the English. To giv * 
voluntarily what the British parliament haughtily refuses, t * 
assimilate New Orleans in it^ form to the freest of the ErL*» 
iah colonies, to adopt for it from each of them whatever i* 
the dearest to them, to do more, — to enfranchise it ara <i 
maintain invariably privileges capable of intoxicating ttifl 
English and the Americans, — thiB is to arm their Amerlc?^ 




l^^aiBfit themselvee, by risking no more than what would 

otherwise be neglected." Every Freiichmiin had in hla 

heart an eictiae for the insurgents, and waa ready 

to applaud their delirium of nationality and courage, li^i. 

Choiscul allowed their deputies to live at Paris, and 

to publish their griefs ; and he communicated to the ambas- 

endor in England the project of the republic on the bunks of 

the Miaaissippi. 

The idea, and the reasoning in its support, pleased Du 
Chiitelet infinitely. "Spain," said he, "can never derive 
benefit from Louiiiiana. She neither will nor can take eifec- 
live measurea for its colonization and culture. She has not 
inhabitants enough to fui-ntah emigrants; and the religious 
Mid political principles of her government will always keep 
away foreigners, and even Frenchmen. Under Spanish 
dominion, the vast extent of territory ceded by France to 
Spain on the banks of the Mississippi will soon become a 

" The expense of colonies is requited only by commerce ; 
ud the commerce of Louisiana, under the rigor of the 
furnish prohibitive laws, will every day become more and 
BOre a nullity. Spain then will make an excellent bargain, 
il she accords liberty to the inhabitants of Louisiana, and 
ptrmils them to form themselves into a republic. Nothing 
ttn BO surely keep them from falling under English rule as 
nuking them cherish the protection of Spain and the Bwect- 
tuss of independoncG. 

"The example of a free and happy nation, under the 
purdianship of two powerful monarohs, without restraint 
on its commerce, without any taxes but those which the 
Woti of the state and of the comraou defence would 
Nqnire, without any dependence on Europe but for neces- 
■>rj protection, would be a templing spectacle for the Eng- 
lish colonies ; and, exhibited at their very gates, will hasten 
™ei!poch of their revolution." 

But, while the statesmen of France were pleasing them- 
*^lv(;s with the thought of founding at New Orleans a com- 
mercial republio like Venice or Amsterdam, as a place Of 
ttuge for the discontented of every creed and tongue, 



Cbap. XL. 

Spain took counsel only of her prida. " The world must 
Bee that I," siiiJ ihe Catholic king, " unaided, can cnish the 
audacity of sedition." Aware of the wishes of the French 
ministers, ho concealed his purpose by making no 
1^^ military preparations at Cadiz, and despatched Alex- 
ander O'llciily in all hjiste for Cuba, with orders to 
extirpate the sentiment of independence at Kew Orleans. 

England had proved herself superior in war to the com- 
bined power of Spain and France. Could not she crush the 
insolent town of Boston, suppress its free schools, shut up 
its town-ball, seqiiestor its liberties, drag its patriots to the 
gallows, and for the Ufe, restless enterprise, fervid charities, 
and liberal spirit of that moral and industrious town, sub- 
Btituto the quiet monotony of obsequious obedience ? Eng- 
land could not do what a feebler despotism might have 
undertaken without misgivings. Slie stood sclf-reslratnod. 
A part of the ministry wished the charter of M.-tssnchusetu 
abrogated ; and the lawyers declared that nothing had been 
done to forfeit it. They clamored for judicial victims; 
and the lawyers said treason bad not been committed. 
They thought to proceed by the hand of power, amd were 
rcslrained by debates in parliament. Feeble aud fluctnat- 
ing as waa the opposition in numbers, it uttered the lan- 
guage of the British constitution and the sentiment of the 
British people, when it spoke for freedom ; and it divided 
the ministry, when it counselled moderation. England waa 
a land of Hlicrty and law; and the question between her and 
her colonics must bo argued ut the bar of reason. Spam 
could send an army aTid a special tribunal to sequester 
estates and execute patriots, England must arraign its 
accused before a jury ; and the necessity of hunting up an. 
enactment of Henry VIII. discovered the supremacy o£ 
law, of which the petulant ministry must respect the bounds- 

The patriots of Boston were confident of recovering thei» 
rights with the consent of England, or by independence- 
John Adams, though anxious for advancement, sourned ll3« 
service of the king ; and his associates .it the bar rendered 
" themselves unfit for the favor of government," by " abet- 
ting" "the popular party." The people of LeiingloD 


oame into a resolution to ctrink no more tea, till the ciicoii- 
Stitutionol reveaue act should bo repeiilud. On the anni- 
Tersary of the repeal of the sttimp net, Samiie! Ailams held 
np to piiblio yiew the grievancea inSioted on AratricanB, by 
eoiubining the power of taxation with a commercial mo- 
Dopoly, aod enforcing them both by fleets, armies, commis- 
sioners, guarda^cottt-is, judges of the admiralty, and a host 
of insolent and rapacious petty officers. He pointed out, 
on the one hand, the weakness of Great Britain, arising 
from its cormptioD, its debt, its intestine division!), its 
•carcity of food, its want of alliances; and, on the other, 
the state of the American colonics, their various cJimiites, 
•oil^ firoduce, rapid increase of population, and the virlua 
of their inhabitants, and drew the inference that the con- 
duct of Old England was " permitted and ordained by the 
unsearchable wisdom of the AUutghty for hastening" Amer- 
ican independence. 
^ The representation of New York, though carefnlly writ- 
^Hteu, was rejected by the bouse of commotis, because it 
^^ qaestioncd the right of parliament to tax America. But, 
^^this sovereignty being asserted, the ministry, terrified by the 
^Hreeovery of Chatham and by the diminution of oxport-s, 
^Bvtiibed the controversy with the colonies well over. HUls- 
^Hbofough's plan for altering the cb.irter of Massachusetts was 
^^ laid aside; discretionary orders were transmitted to GagO 
to " send back to Halifax the two regiments, which were 
brought from that station, and to send two others to Ire- 
Unil." Bernard was to be supcrsisded by Hutchinson, a town- 
born citizen of Boston. New York was to be secured by a 
OonSnnation of its jurisdiction over Vermont, and the per- 
miwion lo issue paper money ; Virginia, by a more extended 
boundary at the west. 

At the same time, England professed to seek a good un- 
demanding with France, But Choiseul remembered 
too well the events of 1755. He witnessed, also, the ^^L 
•Sort of England to counterbalance the influence of 
France by a northern alliance. Just before leaving office, 
Shclbume had planned a concert with France, that their 
joint interposition might rescue Poland ; It was Rochford's 



Cti*r. XL 



fired deaire that tho empress nhoiild derive advantage from 
the war ngainat the Turks, should be able to dispose of tho 
whole north by main strength or by predominant influence, 
aiid Bhould then sanction an alliance with the court of London. 
" The English secretary," answered Choiaoul, " does not 
look at these objects from tho higher point of view, which 
should engHgo the attention of a great minister. Nothing 
can be more dangerous for the repose of humanity, nor more 
to be feared for tho principal powers of Europe, than the 
Buecess of the ambitious projects of Russia. Far from seek- 
ing, on such a supposition, the alliance of the emprees, 
it would become their most esacnlial interest to unite 
to destroy her preponderance. IE the pretended bal- 
ance of power can be annihilated, it will be by the prodigious 
increase of the material nnd moral strength of Ituasia. She is 
now laboring to enslave the north ; she will next encroach 
on the liberty of the south, unless an effective check is sesi- 
Bonahly put to her inordinate passion of despotism. Instead 
of contributing to tho aggrandizement of Russia, the prin- 
cipal courts ought jointly to restrain her cupidity, whifh may 
in some respects realize the chimerical idea, once attributed 
to Franco, of aiming at universal monarchy." 

Thus the rivalry of England nnd France met at every 
point; yet how changed were their relations 1 The cabinet 
of France desired to loosen tho bonds that shackled trade ; 
that of England, to hold them close, France aspired to pro- 
tect the liberties of Europe against Russian inroads ; Eng- 
land invited Russia to become iho arbiter for Europe and the 
world. France desired the independence of all colonial pos- 
Beasions; England, to retain her own in complete depen- 
dence. Both needed pence ; but Choiseul, fearing a rupture 
at any moment, " never lost out of sight that, to presen-e 
peace, it was necessary to be in a condition to sustain s^ 
■war." England nnd France grew more and more distrustfiaX 
of one another ; and, while the latter was accepting the Iit»— 
eral results of free inquiry, England more and more forgo* 
that her greatness sprung from her liberty. 

The publication of American letters, which had been lai<J 
before parliament and copied for Beckford, tmmasked Bee- 






's duplicity. The town of Boston repelled Ihe allega- 
tion that they were held to their allegiance only by " terror 
and force of arras." In their representation to the king, 
which Barro presented, they entreated the reraoviil of tha 
troops, a communication of the charges against lliem, nnil 
an opportunity to muka their defence. The council, too, 
calmly and nnanimoualy proved iheir own andeviating re- 
for law, and set in a strong light Bernard's perpetual 
mspiracy for " the deatriiclion of their constitution." All 
the colonies, one nftcr another, matured agreements for 
paosivo resistance to parliamentary taxation. On the tenth 
of April, the gcner.'d assembly of New York, at the motion 
Philip Livingston, thanked the merchants of the city and 
lony for suspending trade with Great Britain. IIo would 
xt have renewed the resolves, which had occasioned the 
lutiun of the last assembly; but he was him.self 
ousted from the present one, for want of a residence ^"*|^ 
itbin the manor for which he had been retnrned. 

the system of non-importation was rigorously carried 
t. The merchants of Phdadolphia unanimonaly adopted 
le agreement, whleh a few months before they had de- 

At Jloant Vernon, Washington tempered yet cheered 
ud animated those around him. " Our lordly masters in 
Great Brit.'iin," said he, " will be satisfied with nothing leea 
tiian the deprivation of American freedom. Something 
itcmld be done to maintain the liberty which we have de- 
rived from our ancestors. No man should hesitate a mo- 
ment Id use arms in defence of so valuable a blessing. Yet 
Wns should he the last resource. Wo have proved the 
incffioacy of addresses to the throne and remonstrances to 
pwliaraent; how far their attention to our rights and priv- 
ily is to be awakened by star^-ing their trade and manu- 
'"ttures, remains to bo tried." And, counselling with his 
"iend George Mason, he prepared a scheme to he offered at 
'licuoming session of the Virginia honse of burgesses. 

While the British ministry was palsied hy indecision, 
Tbomaa Pownall urged " parliament at once, in advance of 
Dev tllfficultiea, to repeal the act, end the controversy, and 




Ca»p. XL. 

pve pence to the two countries," Trpcotliick seconded 
the motion, dwelling on commercial renHona. " We will 
not consent," replied Lord North, " to go into the question, 
on Hcoomit of the combinations in America. To do bo 
would bo to furnish a fresh instance of h.iate, impatience, 
levily, and fielilenoss. I see nothing uncommercial in making 
the Americans pay a dnty upon tea." 

The Rockingham party were willing that the act shonld 
remain to enibarraaa tho minifitora. Conway proposed to 
defer its consideration to tho next session, " I approve the 
middle course," said Beckford, " The duty upon tea, witit 
a great army to collect it, has produced in the southern 
part of America only two luiudred and ninety-four ponndft, 
fourteen shillings; in the northern part, it has produced 
nothing." " For the sake of a paltry revenue," cried Lord 
Bcauchamp, "we lose the ftffection of two millions of 
people." " We liave trusted to terror too long," obaerTcd 
Jackson. " Washing my hands of the charge of severity," 
answered Lord North, " I will not vote for holding out 
Lopt-s that may not be realized." " If you are ready to 
repeal tliis act," retorted Grenville, " why keep it in force 
for a single hour? You ought not to do eo from anger or 
ill-humor. Why dally and delay in a busineaa of such 
infinite importance? Why pretend that this is not the 
time, when the difficulty is every day increasing? If the 
act is wrong, or you cannot maintain it, give it up like men. 
If you do not mean to bind tho colonies by your laws io 
cases of taxation, toll the Americana bo fairly, and concihaie 
their aftections." Lord North put an end to the con- 
versation, by moving the previous question lor the 
order of the day. " The British .idministration will 
come to no decision," anch was I>u Chi'itelet's rc])ort lo 
Choiseul, " till the Americans consolidate their union, and 
form a general pian of resistance." 

America waa not alone in asserting tho right of repre- 
sentation ; tho principle waa at the same time violated in 
Englimd. The freeholders of Middlesex elected Wilkes to 
represent their shire in parliament. The king wished him 
expelled i and the house of commonH expelled him, Tho 



^H>eop1c rallied to hia support ; the clly of London made him 
^fone of its magistrutes ; by the uaaniiiioud vole of Middlcecx, 
be was again returned. The house of commona voted tlie 
return to be null and void. "Supporters o£ the bill of 
li^ta " united to pay hia debts and liis election expenses. 
The third lime his intended competitor proved too mufh 
of a craven to appear, nnd ho was returned unanimously. 
Once more his election was annulled. At a fourth trial, he 
■was opposed by Luttroll, but polled nearly throe fourtha of 
all the votes. The house of commons, this time, treated 
bim as a person incapacitated to be a candiditte, and admitted 
Luttrell. In disfranchising Wilkea by their own resolution, 
without authority of law, they riolated the vitid principle 
of representative government j by admitting Luttrell, they 
B«quc6tcrcd and usurped the elective franchise of Sliddlesex ; 
ind Wilkes, who, if he been left to himself, would have 
fallen into insignificance, l>ecame the most oonspieuous man 
in Enghmd. Yet the adminiatration heard with alarm how 
iridely paasive resistance was extending. Besides, Chatham 
might reappear ; nnd Grafton and Camden, in constant 
dread of his rebuke, insisted that some attempt should be 
made to conciliate the colonies. 

Accordingly, on the first day of May, just on the itbs. 
eve of the prorogation of parliament, the cabinet *'"''■ 
discussed the policy which it should definitively adopt. All 
agreed that the duties on the British manufactures of glass, 
piptr, and painters' colors, were contrary to the true prin- 
ciples of commerce, nnd should be repealed : there remained 
ot Charles Townshend's revenue act nothing but the duty 
on tija; and this, evaded by smuggling or by abstinence 
from its use, yielded in all America not fifteen hundred 
<lollars, not three hundred pounds a year. Why should it 
I^Mained, at the cost of the affections of thirteen prov- 
Wms und two millions of people ? Grafton, the head of the 
Ifsaiury board, spoke first and earnestly for its repeal ; Cam- 
den Bfconded him with equal vigor; Granby nnd Conway 
p™ their voice and tlieir vote on the same side ; and Sir 
*flWnrd llawke, whom illnesa detained from the meeting, 
vas of their opinion. Had not Grafton and Camden coo- 



CitAP. XL. 

sented to romove Shelbame, the measiiro would liave been 
carried, and American independeneo indefinitely postponed. 
But Rochford, with Gower and "Weymouth, adhered to 
HillsboroQgli. The reaponsibility of deciding fell to Lord 
North. 0£ ft merciful disposition and of rare intelligence, 
lie Wiis known to be at heart for the repeal of the tax on tea. 
The most quealionable acts of his public career proceeded 
from "an amiable weakness, wliich followed him through 
life, the want of power to resist the influence of those La 
loved." It was the king who swayed him, contrary to liis 
most earnest wish, and his intention at that very time, to 
give his deciding vote in the cabinet against the repeal. 

NeiUior the Bedford party nor the king meant to give np 
the right to tax ; .ind they clung to the duty on tea, as an 
evidence of lordly superiority. " Wo can nothing to 
the Americans," said Hillsborough, " except what they may 
ask with a halter round thoir necks." " They are a race ot 
convicts," said the famous Samuel Johnaon, "and ought to 
be thankful for any thing wo allow thcra abort of banging." 
A circular was sent forthw^ith to all the colonies, promising, 
on the part uf the ministry, to lay no more taxes on America 
for revenue, and to repeal those on paper, glass, and colors. 
It was pitiful in Camden to blame the paper Jis not couched 
in terms so conciliatory as those in the minute of the 
cabinet, for the substance of the decision had been 
truly given. More honeyed words would bavo been 
useless hyirocrisy. When Camden acquiesced in the removal 
of Shelburne, be gave his assent to his o>vii humiliation. 

On the day of the prorogation of parliament the legis- 
lature of Virginia assembled at WiJliamsbui^. men 
wei-e there ; some who were among the greatest, Wash- 
ington, Patrick Uenry, and, for the first time, Jefferson. 
Botetourt, who opened the session in state, was in |)erfect 
harmony with the council ; received from the house of 
burgesses a most dutiful address ; and entertained fifty-two 
guests at his table on the first day, and as many more on 
the second. He took care to raako "a judicious nae" of 
the permission which he had received to negotiate an ex- 
tended boundary with the Cherokees. Presiding in tho 





igliest court in Virginia, he concurred with the council in 
deciding thiit the grant of a writotassislnnct to cuatom-houao 
officers wa§ not warranted by act of parliament. But the 
assembly did not forget ha duty, and devised a measure 
hich became the example for the continent. 
Sletling the deolaration of parliament by a direct nega- 
ave of its own, it claimed the sole right of imposing taxea 
on the inhabitants of Virginia. With equal unanimity, it 
assertt-d the LiwfulncBS and expediency of a concert of the 
Ionics in care for the violated rights of America. It laid 
re the flagrant tyranny of applying to America the ob- 
Bolcle elaCuto of Henry VIII., and it warned the king of 
" the dangers that would ensue," if any person in any 
part of America should be seized and carried beyond sea 
for trial. It consummated its work by communicating its 
resolatioDS to every Icgialalure in America, and asking ibeir 
ooncorrence. The resolves were concise, simple, and effec- 
tire ; so calm in manner and no perfect in substance that 
time finds no omission to regret, no improvement to sug- 
gest. The menace of arresting patriots lost its terrors; 
ind Virginians declaration and action consolidated union. 
Is it asked who was tho adviser of the measure? None 
tell. Great things were done, and were done tranquilly 
tai modestly, without a tbougJit of the glory that was iheir 
Jiie. Had tho Ancient Dominion been silent, I will not 
lay that M.iasachnsetts might have faltered ; but mutual 
tnisl would have been wanting. American freedom was 
wore prepared by courageous counsel than by successful 
viw. The assembly bad but one mind, and their resolves 
*«(! iho act of Virginia. Had they been framed by the 
Wi;rs in Massachusetts Bay themselves, " they could not 
liaTa been better adapted to vindieale their past proceedings, 
■"111 lo encourage them to perseverance." 

Tlie next morning, the assembly had just time to 1709. 
"lopt nu address to the king, when tlio governor *'"'■ 
inminoQed ibem, and said : " I have heard of your resolves, 
»nd «ngur ill of their effects ; you have made it my duty lo 
^solve you, and you are dissolved accordingly." 
Vfaa this, the burgesses met together as patriots and 



Chap. XL 

friends, with their speaker as moderator. They adopted 

the resolves which Washington had brought with him from 
Mount Vernun, and which formed a well-digusled, stnn- 
gent, and practicable scheme of non-importation, until ull 
the " uncunstitutioDiil" revenue acts should be repealed. 
Such, too, was their zeal against the slave-trade that they 
made a special covenant with one another not to import 
any slaves, nor purchase any imported. These associations 
were signed by Pejton Randolph, Richard Bland, Archi- 
bald Cary, Robert Carter Nicholas, Richard Henry Lee, 
Washington, Carter Braxton, Henry, Jefferson, Nelson, 
and all the burgesses of Vir^ia there assembled ; and 
were then sent throughout the country for the signature 
of every man in the colony. 

1769. The voice of the Old Dominion roused Pennsyl- 

*'"'■ vania from its slumbers to express through its mer- 
chants their approval of what had been done. Delaware 
did still better : her assembly adopted the Virginia resolves 
word for word ; and every colony south of Virginia followeil 
the example. 





May — AuotJST, 1769. 

For more Uinn ten monlha, the colony remained without 
an WBombly. Of five hundred and eight votes that were 
east in Bo§ton at the ensuing choice of its reiiresen- ^'j^ 
lUves, Otis, Cushing, Samuel AdaiuB, and Hancock, 
l6 old members, received more than five hundred. They 
were instructed to insist on the departure of the army from 
the town and province, and not to pay any thing towards its 
su|)[ii>rt. Of the ninety-two who voted not to rescind, eighty- 
one, probably all who were candidates, were re-elected ; of 
tlic evvpDteon reseinders, only five. Especially Siilom con- 
demned the conduct of ita former representatives, and sub- 
Mtttited two Sons of Liberty. Cambridge charged Tliomaa 
GantncT, its representative, "to use his best endeavors that 
alt tbeir rights might be transmittetl inviolable to Iho latest 
prteicrity." Nor let history speak the praise only of those 
who win glory in the fieM or high honors in the state ; a 
pluce should be reserved for a husbandman like him, rich 
in the VTrluos of daily life, of calm and modest courage, 
inirtwoHhy and unasauming, who was sent from cultivate 
ing liis fields to take part in legislation, and carried to his 
Uak a discerning mind, a gailek-ss heart, and fiilelily even 
to death. The town of IJoxbary recommended a corre- 
spondence between the house of representatives in M:tes^ 
diuotts nnd the assemblies of other provinces. 

Meantime, Bernard received hia letters of recall. The 
blow came on him unexpectedly, as he was procuring settlura 
TOt. IT. 11 



CuiP. XIX 

for his lands, and promising himselE a long enjoyment of 

office under military protection. True to liia character, he 
remained, to got, if ho could, an apiiropriation for his own 
salary for a year, and to beqnealh confusion to Iiis successor. 
The legislature, before even electing a clerk or a speaker, 
complained to him of the presence of " the armament by sea 
and land, in the port and the gates of the city, during the 
session of the assembly." On the election of councillors, 
he disapproved of no leas than eleven ; among them, of 
Brattle nnd Bowdoin, who had been chosen by a unanimous 
vote. The house then considered the presence among them 
of troops, over whom the governor avowed that the civil 
power in the province did not extend. In a message 
M^. '"^ '''""i ^^^y represented that the employment of the 
militai-y to enforce the laws was inconsistent with the 
spirit of a free conslilulion ; that a standing array, in so far 
sa it was uncontrollable by the civi! authority of the prov- 
ince, was an absolute power. Gage had at that time 
discretionary authority to withdraw all the forces from 
Boston ; ho had ordered two regiments to Halifax, and" wm 
disposed to send away the rest ; but BemanI, after cousulta- 
tioL with the crown ofGcerB,gave his written opinion that il 
would be ruinous to remove them. 

To worry the house into voting him, on the eve of bii 
departure, a full year's salary, he adjourned the legislature to 
Cambridge; the house, by a unanimous vote, one htindred 
and nine members being present, petitioned the king to 
remove him for over from the govemraent. Another week 
passes. Bernard threatened to give his assent to no act which 
the grant of his salary did not precede. The house, disdain- 
fully rejeciing his renewed demand, adopted nearly word 
tor word the three rcsohitions of Vii-ginia on taxation, inter- 
colonial correspondence, and trial by a jury of the vicinage. 

For the troops thus quartered in Boston against the will of 
the province, Bernard demanded the appropriations which 
the billeting act required. "Be esplicit and distinct," said lie* 
in a second message, " that there may be no miatake." After- 
grave deliberation in a most unusually numerous bouse o£ 
one hundred and seven, they made answer: "As rcpreseo— 




LTCS, by the royal charter and ihe nature of our trust, 
only Empowered to grant such aids as fire rea- 
Bonable, of whicli we are free and jnilepeadeiit judgea, 
at liberty to follow the dictates of our own under- 
standing, without regard to the mandates of another, 
we cannot, conaiatcntly with our honor or interest, 
mueh leas with the duty we owe our constituents, eo we 
shall SEVER make provision for the purposes mentioned in 
your messages," 

'■To his majesty," rejoined Bernard in his last worda, 
" and, if he plcase-a, to hia parliaraent, must be referred your 
invasion of the rights of the imperial sovereignty. By your 
own acts you will be judged." And he prorogued the gen- 
eral court to the tenth of January. 

Newport, Rhode Island, witnessed bolder resistance. A 

vessel with a cargo of prohihitod goods was rescued from 

the revenue officers, whose ship, named "Liberty," waa 


Just OS this was heard of at Boston, Hillsborough's circu- 

', promising relief from all " real " grievances and a repeal 

of the duties on glass, paper, and colors, as contrary to the 

true principles of commerce, waa made public by Bernard. 

The merchants, assembling on the twenty-seventh of July, 

ananimously voted this partial repeal insufficient, aince the 

duty reserved on tea was to save "the right" of taxing; 

sn-i they resolved to send for no more goods from Great 

Britain, a few specified articles excepted, unless the revenue 

acta should be repealed. The inhabitants were to purchase 

nothing from violators of this eng.agement ; the names of 

twiiaant importers were to be published ; and a committee 

*M appointed to state the embarrassments to coumierce, 

jruwing out of the late regulations. 

On the last evening of July, Bernard, having completed 
his pecuniary arrangements with Hutchinson, who was to be 
lii» MMesaor, left Boalon. " He was to have scut home 
*'hora he pleased," said the Bostonians ; "but, the die being 
^wn, poor Sir Francis Bernard was the rogue to go 

Titined oa a wrangling proctor in an eoclesiaatical court. 




be had been a qnarrclsome diapatant rather than a statett- 
man. His parsimony went to the extreme of meanness ; 
his avarice was insatiable and restless. So long as he con- 
nived at smuggling, he reaped a harvest in thiit way ; when 
GrenviJlo's sternness inspired alarm, his greed was for for- 
feitures and penalties. Assuming to respect the charter, he 
was unwearied in zeal for its subversion ; professing oppo- 
silion to taxation by parliament, ho urged it with all his 
power; asserting most solemnly that he had never asked 
for troops, lie importuned for ships-of-war and an armed 
force. His reports were often false, partly with design, 
partly from the credulity of panic. Ho placed every thing 
in the most unfavorable light, and was at all times ready 
to magnify trivial rumors into acts of treason. The 
officers of the army and the navy openly despised 
bim for his cowardly duplicity. " He has essentially 
served us," said the clergyman Cooper; "had he been wise, 
our liberties might have been lost." 

As be departed, the bells were rung, and cannon fired 
from the wharfs; Liberty Tree was gay with flags; and at 
night a great bonfire was kindled upon Fort Hill. When 
he reached England, ho found that the ministry had prom- 
ised the London merchants never to employ him in Amer- 
ica again. 

While Boston was advancing towards republicanism, the 
enthusiasm which had made the rcvolution_at New Orleans 
could not shape for that colony a tranquil existence. A 
new petition to France expressed the resolve of the inhabi- 
tants to preserve the dear and inviolable name of French 
citizens, at the peril of their lives and fortunes. They 
applied to the English ; but the governor at Pensacola ab- 
stained from offending powers with which his soveretgn was 
at peace. The dread of Spain inspired the design of foand- 
ing & republic, with an elective council of forty and a pro- 
tector. It WHS even proposed, if Louisiana was to l>e given 
np to his Catholic majesty, to bum New Orleans to the 
ground, and leave to an unwelcome master nolbing but a 
desert. Wlien, near the end of July, O'Reilly arrived at the 
Balise with an overwhelming force, despair prevailed for a 



moDieot ; and irhito cockodeB were distributed by tbe repub- 
lituDe. " O'Reilly is not come to ruin the colony," said 
Aubpy, who had received iastructioDs to feig^n iiigeDuons 
condor. "If you submit," he repeated publii'ly and by 
.ority, "the general will treat you with kindness, anil 
may have full confidence in the clemency of bis Cath- 
olic naajesty." These promisoa won fuith ; and, with Au- 
'b concurrence, a committee of three, Lufr^niere for the 
cll, Slarquis for the colonists, and Itlilhet for the nicr- 
cbajita, wailed on O'Reilly at the Baliae, to recognise bis 
autliority and implore his mercy, 
O'Reilly welcomed the deputies with treacherous 1700. 
it«nessand the fairest promises, detained them to *""■ 
and dismissed them confident of a perfect amnesty. 
Viller^, who had escaped, returned to the cily. 
On tbe morning of tbe eighth of August, the Spanish 
ron of four-and-tweuty vessels, bearing three tbou- 
chosen troops, anchored in front of New Orleans; 
ire the day was over, possession was taken in behalf of 
ihe Catholic king, and tbe Sp.inish flag was raised at every 
po«t. On the twentieth, Aubry made a full report of the 
erents of the revolution, and named its chiefs in the enter- 
prise. " It was not easy to arrest them," wrote O'Reilly ; 
I contrived to cheat their vigilance." On the twenty- 
be received at his home the principal inhabitants ; and 
vited the people's syndics, one by one, to pass into bis 
fate apartment. Each one nceepted the invit.ition as a 
kpecial honor, till, finding themselves assembled and alone, 
llicy showed signs of anxiety. " For me," says O'Heilly, 
* 1 uow bad none for the Bnccess of my plan." Entering 
bis cabinet with Aubry and three Spanish civil officers, ho 
qioke to those who were thus caught in his toils : " Gentle- 
men, the Spanish nation is venerated throughout the globe. 
l^ouifiiaua is then the only country in tbe universe where 
it faih to meet with tbe respect which is its due. His 
Catholic majesty is greatly provoked at the violence to bis 
governor, and at the publications outraging bis government 
Mul the Spanish nation. You arc charged with being tbe 
thivtM of this revolt; I arrest you in bia name," Th« 





Cmt. XU 

accusofl were condncted with ostentation to separate places 
of confinenient ; Viller6, to tlie frigate that lay at the levee. 
It is the tradition that hia wife vainly entreated admission 
to htm; that VillerS, hearing her voice, demaodi-d to ate 
her; beoamo frantic with love, anger, and grief, struggled 
with hia guard, and fell dead from passion or from their 
bayonets. Tho official report sets foith that he did not 
survive the first day of bondage. 

iiKB. Tho unexpected blow spread consternation. An 

*"' amnesty for the people reserved the right of making 
further nrrcsts. On the twenty-aixth and the following 
days, the inhabitants of New Orleans and ila vicinity took 
the oath of allegiance to tho Catholic king. 

Nearly two months passed in collecting evidence against 
the devoted victims. They denied tho jnrisdiction of the 
Spanish tribunal over actions done under the flag of France 
during the prevalence of French laws. But the estates of 
the twelve, who were the richest and most considerable men 
in tho province, were confiscated In whole or in part for the 
benefit of the officers employed in the trial; six were sen- 
tenced to imprisonment for six or ten years, or for life ; the 
memory of Vil!er4 was declared infamous; the remaining 
five, Lafr6ni6re, his young son-in-law Noyau, Caresae, Mar- 
quis, and JoBcjih WiJhct, were condemned to be hanged. 

The citizens of New Orleans entreated time for a petition 
to Charlea III.; tho wives, daughters, and sisters of those 
who had not shared in tho revolution appealed to O'Reillv 
for mercy, but without effect. Tradition will have it that 
the yonng and gallant Noyau, newly married, might have 
escaped ; but he refused to fly from the doom of his associ- 
ates. On tho twenty-fifth of October, tho five martyrs to 
their love of Franco and liberty were brought forth pin- 
ioned, and, in jiresence of the troops and the peop-le, were 
shot. "At length," said O'Reilly, "llie inaolt done to the 
king's dignity and authority in this province ia repaired. 
The example now given can never bo effaced." 

Sjianiards, as well as men of oilier nations, censored the 
sanguinary revenge. In the parishes of Lonlsiana, O'Reilly 
was received with silent submiasion, Tho king of Spnin 


approved his acts ; and the oonncil for the Indiea found in 
hia ttdminUtnilion "nothing but evuleni-e of the 
iiumeogity and sublimity of his giiriius." Anbry uao. 
perished on bis vny;ige to FraiiCL-, ia a ship which 
fonndereil in the Garonna. By the aid of France, the six 
prisoners were set free. 

The censaa of the city of New Orleans showed a popula- 
tion of eighteen hundred and one white persons, thirty-one 
free blacks, sixty-eight free persona of mixed blood, sixty 
domidliated Indians, and Iweive hundred and twenty-five 
slaves: in all, three thousand one hundred and ninety suuls. 
The population in the valley of the Mississippi, then subject 
to the Spanish away, is estimated at thirteen thousand five 
hundred. The privileges granted by Franco were abolished, 
and the colony was orguniKcd like other poasesaions of Spain. 
But Spain willingly kept New Orleans depressed, that it 
might not attract the cupidity of England. Its system of 
restriction struck its vielira lo the heart. 

The settlement of the wilderness was promoted by native 
pioneers. Jonathiin Carver, of Connecticut, had in three 
(ormer years explored the borders of Lake Superior, and 
the country of the Sioux beyond it; had obtained more 
aceurale accounts of the Great River, which bore, as he 
reported, the name of Oregon and flowed into the Pacific; 
and he returned to celebrate the richncsH of the copper 
mines of the north-west ; to recommend English settlements 
on the western extremity of the continent ; and to propose 
Opening, by aid of lakes and rivers, a passage to the Pacifii.', 
u the best route for communicating with Chuia and the 
-East Indies. 

Ulin'iis invited emigrants more than ever; for its ab- 
original inhabitants were fiist disappearing. In April, 17C9, 
Pouiiac had been assassiuated by an lllinuis Indian, in time 
of peace; the Indiana of the north-west sent belts to all 
the nations to avenge tho murder. In vain did five or six 
hundreil of the Illinois crowd for protection round the walla 
o( Fort Chnrtrcs: (he ruthless spirit of reciprocal slaughter 
WM not appeased till the Illinois tribes wore nearly all 
ei terminated, and their fertile prairies, cooled during the 



CaiF. XLL 

Bummcr by the prevuling west wind, vere left vacant lor 
the white man. 

Cunnecticiit, which nt this time was exercising a lUsputed 
jurisdiction tn the valley of Wyoming, did not forget thiil 
by its charter its possessions extended indefinitely 
1708. to (he west ; and a cumpLtny of " military adveniur- 
era," headed by one of its most intelligent sons, was 
also soliciting leave from England to found a colony ud the 
Bouih-e^ist bank of the Mississippi. 

In his peaceful habitation on the banks of the Vadidn, 
in North Carolina, Duniel Boodo had beard Finley, the 
memorable pioneer trader, describe & tract of land west of 
Virginia aa the richest in North America or in the world. 
In May, 1709, having Ftnley as hia pilot, and four others u 
companions, the young man, then about three-and-tweuty, 
leaving his wife nud offspring, wandered forth " in quest 
of the country of Kentucky," midway between the subjeois 
of the Five Natioua and the Cherokees, known to the eav- 
agea as "the Dark and Bloody Ground." After a fatiguing 
journey through mountain ranges, the party found ibem- 
aelves in June on the Red River, a tributary of ibe Ken- 
tucky, and from the top of an eminence surveyed with 
delight the beautiful plain that stretched to the north-west. 
Here they built their shelter, and began to reoonnoitre the 
country and to hunt. All the kinds of wild beast that were 
natural to America, the stately elk, tlie timid deer, the 
antlered stag, the wild-cat, the bear, the panther, and the 
wolf, couched among the cauefl, or ro.'mied over the rich 
grasses, which sprung luxurUntly even beneath the thickest 
shade. The buffaloes cropped fearlessly the herbage, or 
browsed on the leaves of the reed, and were more frequent 
than cattle in the settlements of Oiroliua herdsmen. Some- 
times there were hundreds in a drove, and round tlie salt 
licks their numbers were amazing. 

The summer, in which for the first time a party of white 
men remained uear the Elkhorn, pnsBed away in exploration* 
and the chase. But Boone's companions dropped off, till 
he was left alone with John Stewart. These two found un- 
ceasing delight in the wonders of the forest, till one evening, 


near Kentucky River, thcv were taken prisooers by a band 
of Indiaofi, wanderers like iheruaelves. Tlit'y escaped, and 
■were joined by Boone's brother; so that when Stewart waa 
aoon after killed by §avage8, the first among the hecatombs 
of whit-e men slain by them in Ihcir desperate baitliag for 
ibe lovely hnnting-groaod, Boone still had his brother to 
sliare with him the building and occupying of the first cot- 
tar in Kentucky. 

In the spring of 1770, that brother returned to the settle- 
ments for horses and supplies of araraunition, leaving the 
rrnowned hunter "by himself, without bread, or salt, or 
sugar, or even a horse, or dog." " The idea of a beloved 
wife," anxious for iiis safety, tinged his thoughts with sad- 
ni?»s; but othenvise the cheerful, meditative man, careless 
of wealth, knowing the use of the ride, though not the 
plotigh, of a Etrong, robust frame, in the \'igorou8 health of 
early manhood, ignorant of books, but versed iii forest life, 
evor fond of tracking the deer on foot, away from men, yet 
in fais disposition humane, generous, and gentle, wjis happy 
in the nninlernipted succession "of sylvan pleasures." 
lie held unconscious intercourse with beauty 
Old aa creation. 
One calm summer's evening, as he climbed a commanding 
ri'lge, and looked out npon remote " venerable mountains," 
llic nearer atnjde plains, and the distant Ohio, his heart 
overflowed with gladness for the beantiful land whirh he 
kad fonnd. "AH things were still." Not a breeze so much 
M shook a leaf. Kindling a fire near a fountain of sweet 
wMcr, he feasted on the loin of a buck. He was no more 
*l"ne than a liee among flowers, but communed famiUarly 
*ilb till' whole universe of life. Nature was bis intimate ; 
■"H, OS the contemplative woodsman leaned trustingly on 
litr bosom, she resjionded to his love. For him, the rocks 
I"'! iLc crystal sjirings, the leaf and the blade i-f grass, had 
l''*^; the uoolmg air, laden with the wild perfume, came to 
liiiii as a friend ; the dewy morning wrapped him in its em- 
■"Me; the trees stood up gloriously roiuid about him, as so 
■""nj myriads of companions. How couM he be afraid P 
Trimuphiug over danger, ho know no fear. The nightly 




howling of the volvcs, near his cott^e or his bivoaao in the 
brake, wiu hia diversion ; and by dhj he had joy in survey- 
ing the various species of uiimals that sarrounded him. 
lie loved the solitude better than tbe toirered city or the 
hum of business. 

Kear tbe end of July, 1770, his fuithfol brother came 
back to him at the old camp ; and they proceeded together 
to Cumberland River, giving names to the different vatere. 
He then returned to hia wife and children, fixed in his pur- 
pose, at the risk of life and fortune, to move them as soon 
as possible to Kentucky, which he held to be a seoond pax- 




AnoDsT, 1769 — January, 1770. 

*' TnK lientcn ant-govern or well uiKlerstanda my syBtein," 
[wrote Bi?m:ir<l, as he transferred the government, 

hinson waa descended from one of the curliest "^; 
JerB of Mosaiidiusetts, and loved the land of Lia 
birtb. A nntive of Boston, he was its representative for ten 
years, dnring three of which he was spealier of the assembly ; 
for more ibna ten other years, he was a member of the 
ootuicil, 3s well as judge of probate; sbce June, 1T58, be 
bod been lieutenanlr^goveruor, nnd since September, 1760, 
I chief justice also ; and twice he had been chosen colonial 
agent. No man was bo experienced in the public affairs of 
the colony; and no one was so familiar with ila history, 
usages, and laws. In the legislature, he had assisted to 
raise the credit of Massachusetts by eubstitutJn.L; hai'd money 
for a paper currency. As a judge, though he decided polit- 
ical questions with the subserviency of a courtier, yet, in 
approving wills, he was considerate towards the orphan and 
the widow, and lie heard private suits with unblemished in- 
tegrity. In adjusting points o£ difference with a neighbor- 
ing jurisdiction, ho was faithful to the province by which he 
was employed. His advancement to administrative power 
was fatal to England and to himself ; for the love of money, 
which was hia ruling passion in youth, had grown with his 

A nervous timidity, which was natural to him, had been 
incrciased by age as well as by the riots on account of the 
■tamp act, und aC times made him false to bis empluycra. 

While he cringed to the minister, be trembled before the 
people. At Boston, he professed iieal for the interests and lib- 
erties of the province ; had at one lime eonrted its favor 
by denying the right of parliament to tax America either 
internally or externully ; and had argued with concliisivo 
ability against the expediency and the equity of such & 
measure. lie now redoubled his attempts to deceive ; wrote 
favorable letters which he never sent, but read to those 
about him as evidence of his good-will ; and professed even 
to have braved hostility in England for his attachment to 

colonial liberties, while he gave in his adhesion to 
JJ™' the highest system of metropolitan authority, and 

devoted his rare ability and his intimate acquaint- 
ance with the history and constitution of the province to 
suggest a system of coercive measures, which England 
gradually and reluctantly adopted. 

AVherever the colony had a friend, he wonld set before 
him such hinta as might incline him to liarsh judgments. 
Even to Franklin, he vouched for the tales of Bernard as 
"most just and candid," He paid court to the enemies of 
American liberty by stimulating them to the full indul- 
gence of their malignity. He sought out great men, and 
those who stood at the door of great men, ihe underlings 
of Grenvillo or Hillsborough or Jeukinson or the king, and 
urged incessantly the bringing on of the crisis by the imme- 
dinte intervention of parliament. Jle advised the change 
of the charter of the province, as well as of those of Rhode 
Island and Connecticut; the dismemberment of Maiwaehn- 
setts; the diminution of the liberties of New England 
towns; the ostablisliraent of a citadel within the town of 
Boston; the stationing of a fleet in ils harbor; the e:xpert- 
ment of martial law; the transporlalion of " incendiaries" 
to England ; the prohibition of iho New England fisberics; 
with other mejisures, like closing Ihe port of Homon, which 
he dared not trust to pajior, and rceomuiended only bjr 
insinuations and verbal messagf-s. At il'i- *"•"" '^^ 

entreated the concca' ^M 

secret every thing I ^| 

for communicatiiir ^| 



ny nitionitl plan for a pnrtial subjection, " ho writi^a to 
Jcnkinson'a influential friend, Mauiluit, whom he retained 
aa his own agent ; " my sentiments a[>on these points should 
be concealed." Though he kept back many of his thoughts, 
he begged Bernard to burn his letters. "It will bo 
happy if, in the next eession, parliament m.ike thorough 
work," ho would write to tho secretary of the board 
of Irade ; and then "caution" bim to " sufl^er no parts of 
his letters to transpire." "I humbly cntreut your lordship 
that my letters may not be maile public," was his ever 
renewed prayer to successive secretaries of state, ao that ho 
conducted the government like one engaged in a consfiiraoy 
or an intrigue. But some of bis letters could hardly fail 
to be discovered ; and then it would be disclosed that he 
bad laid snares for the life of patriots, and hud urged iha 
••thorough" overthrow of English liberty in America. 

In Kew York, where the agreement of non-importation 
originated, every one, without so much as a single dissen- 
tienl, approved it as wise and legal ; persons in h igh stations 
«leclared against the revenue acta ; and tho governor wished 
"Cheir repeal. His acquiescence in the associations for coerc- 
i ug that repeal led the moderate men among the patriots of 
^ew York to plan a union of the colonies in an American 
parliament, preserving the govcrntnents of the several colo- 
niet, and having the members of the general parliament 
oliogen by their respective legislatures. Their conSdcnce 
of immediate success assisted to make them alike disin- 
clined to independence, and confident of bringing England 
t-o reason by suspending trade. 

fcT\nl people of Boston, stimulated by the scrupulous not. 
I'lily of New York, were impatient that a son of '*"'*■ 
D?rnanl, two sons of Hutchinson, and about five others, 
not accede to the ngroement. At a meeting of 
'whiinta in Fancuil Ilall, Hancock proposed to send for 
"UU'liiuson's two sons, hinting what was true, that the lieu- 
ptKuntgovemor was himself a partner with them in their 
We extraordinary importations of tea. As the best means 
^ coercion, it was voted not to purchase any thing of the 

( ._ 




reousants: subscription papers to that effect wore carried 
rotitid from house to house, and everybody complied. 

The anniversary of the fourteenth of August was com- 
memorated with unusual solemnity. Three or four hun- 
dred dined together in the open field at Dorchester ; and, 
Binoe the ministry had threatened the leading patriots with 
death for treason, the last of their forty-five toasts was : 
" Strong haltera, firm blocks, and sharp axes, to such as 
deserve them." The famous liberty song was sung, and 
all the corapftny with one heart joined in the chorus. At 
five in the afternoon, they returned in a proceissiou a mile 
and a fialf long, entered the town before dark, marched 
round the state house, and quietly retired each to bis own 

Massachusetts was sustained by South Carolina, whose 
assembly, imperfectly imitated by New Jersey, refused 
compliance *ith the billeting act, and whoso people en- 
forced the agreement of not importing, by publish- 
ing the names of the few enemies to America who 
kejJt aloof from the association. 
Incensed at having been aspersed in letters from the 
public officers in Boston which had been laid before parlia- 
ment, Otis, who was become almost irresponsible from his 
nearness to madness, wild with rage, provoked an affray. In 
which he, being qnito alone, was set upon by one of the 
commissioners of the customs, aided by bystanders, and 
received " mnch hurt " from a very severe blow on the 
head. This affair mixed personal quarrels with the strug- 
gle for suspending trade. 

Early in October, a vessel, laden with goods shipped 
by English houses themselves, arrived at Boston. 
Hie military officers stood ready to protect the factors ; 
. llulebinson permitted the merchants to reduce the 
irgnces to submission, and even directed his two sons 
pve up eighteen chests of tea, and enter fully into 
ngrecmerit. Only four merchants held out ; and their 
pa, with thoso of the two sons of Hutchinson, wbosa 
Drity Was (|nCBtionc^d, remain inscribed as infamous In 
Journals of the towa of Boston. On the fifteenth. 






mother ship arrived ; again the troops lookeil on as hy- 
Elaui]erg, anil witnessed ihe victory of the people. 

New York next invited Boston lo extend llie agreement 
ngainjit imporling, iiiilU every net imposing duties 
ahonid lo repe:iled ; and on the seventeenth, by the 
■eat influence of Molineux, Otis, Samuel Adams, 
d William Cooper, this new form was adopted. 
On the eighteenth, the town, summoned together by law- 
ful anlhority, made their "Appeal to the Worhl." They 
refuted and covered ivilh ridicule " the false and malicious 
ipcTaions" of Bernard, Gage, flood, and the revenue ofB- 
s; and adopted the language and intrepidity of Samuel 
'Adams as their own, with a boldness that might be censured 
09 arrogance, bad not events proved it to have been magna- 
Dimity. " A legal meeting of the town of Boston," Buch 
ere ihcir words, '"is an assembly whero a iioble freedom 
speech is ever expected and maintained ; where men 
ink as they please, and speak as they think. Such an 
sembly has ever been the dread, often (he scourge, of 
(Tants. We should yet bo glad that the ancient and 
lappy union between Groat Britain and this country might 
restored. The taking oS the duties on paper, glass, and 
laiatcrs' colors, upon commercial principles only, will not 
give satisfaction. Discontent runs through the continent 
tijion mncli higher principles. Our rights are invaded by 
llm revenue acts; therefore, nnlil they arc all rcpe.iled," 
"ud the troops recalled," "the cause of oar just oom- 
plaints cannot be removed." 

meet this dechu-ation, Hutchinson, through secret 

icls, sent word to GrenviUe, to Jenkinson and Hills- 

h, that all would bo set right. If parliament, within 

lu first week of its Bession, would change the muuicipal 

{government of Boston, incapacitate its patriots to hold any 

Jiublic office, and restore the vigor of authority by decisive 

*ciion. But, foreseeing the inaction of parliament, he 

*fuli! orders for a new and large 6uj>ply of teas for his 

»ia' shop ; and instructeil his correspondent how lo send 

llinn to market, so as to elude the vigilance of the Boston 






On the twonty-eighth, a great multitude of people laid 
hold of nn informer, besmenred hiiu with tar and feathers, 
and, with the troops under arms na Bpectatoi-s, carted hiin 
through the town, wliich was illutniiiuled for the occasion. 
Terrilicd by the commotions, the only importers who had 
continued lo stand out capilulaled. 

The loeiil magistrates put the aoldiors on trial for every 
transgression of the provincial laws. " If they touch you, 
run them through tho bodies," s.iid a captain in the twenty- 
ninth regiment to his soldiers, and was indicted for 
]JJJ'_ tho speech. In November, a true bill was found by 
the grand jury against Tliomas Gage, as well as many 
others, " for slandering the town of Boston." Martial law 
not h.aving been proclaimed, " a militnry furce," Hutchinson 
owned, " was of no sort of use," and was " perfectly de- 
spised." " Troops," said Samuel Adams, " which have here- 
tofore been the terror of the enemies to liberty, parade the 
streets, to become tho objects of the contempt even of 
women and children." The menace that he and his friends 
should be arrested and shipped to England was no more 
heeded than idle words. 

But a different turn was given to public thought, when 
Botetourt, the king's own friend, communicated to the as- 
sembly of Virginia the ministerial promises of a partial 
repeal, and with the most solemn asseverations abdicated in 
the king's name all further intentions of taxing America, ' 
saying "that his majesty would rather forfeit his crown 
than keep it by deceit." The council, in its reply, advised 
tho entire reped of the esisting taxes ; tho burgossca ex- 
pressed their gratitude for " information sanctitieil by the 
royal word," and considered the king's influence to bo 
pledged " towards perfecting the hapiiiness of all liis peo- 
ple." Botetourt was so pleased with their address that ho 
found his prospect brighten, and, praising their loyalty, 
wished them freedom and happiness " till time should be no 

The flowing and positive assurances of Botetourt encour- 
aged the expectation that the unproductive tax on tea would 
also be given up. Such was his wish ; and such the advice 



of Kdi'H, the new lioutonnnt-governor of Jlaryland. To tho 
IcgUlature of New York, Colilen, who, on the dciith of 
Moore, administered tho government, announced " tho 
grentcst probsihility that the late duties imjiosed by tho 
nutbority of parliament, so much to ihe dissatisfaction of 
e colonics, would be takt-n olf in iho ensuing session," 
(• confident promise confirmed th(-> loyally of iJio house, 
tliough, by way of caution, they adoptud and put upon their 
journals the resolves of Virginia, 

lo the general tendency to conciliation, the mer- itot. 
chants of Boston, seeing that those of Philadelphia ^'"^ 
con lined their agreement for non-importation to tho repeal of 
Townsbend's act, gave up their more extensive covenant, 
and for the sake of union reverted to their first stipuliitjona. 
The Ic^slataro of New York, pleased with the permission 
lo issuB colonial bills of credit, sanctioned a compromise by 
a majority of one. 

Tlius all America confined its issue with Great Britain to 
llie re[>e(d of the act imposing a duly on tea. " Will not a 
ropeml of all other duties satisfy the colonists?" asked one 
the ministerial party, of Franklin in London. And he 
■ered : "I think not ; it is not the sum paid in the duly 
oa tea that is complained of as a burden, but tho principle 
u( tho act, expressed in the preamble." 

The question was not a narrow colonial one respecting 

thrwpcnce a pound duty on tea; it involved the reality of 

rcpn-sfritiiiive gnverumcnt. As the cause of tho people wna 

etcryit'lu're the same. South Carolina in December remitted 

lo I^ndon ten thousand five hundred pounds currency to 

Iho Bocirty fur supporting the bill of rights, that the liberties 

tii Gival Britain and America might alike be protected. 

In InOund, Bushe, the friend of Grattnn, in imitation of 

■It, published " The Case of Great Britain and Amer- 

idi a Vehement invective against Grenville. " llato 

him," Maid he to Graltan ; " I hope you hate him." It was 

Grcnvilb-'?! speeches and Grenvillu's doctrine "that roused 

iMilur on hiH great career in Ireland." In tho hia- 

KngH»h people, this year marks tho establishment 

lectlnga, under the load of Yorkjihire. The {jriu- 




ciple of repre§cntation, trampled upon by a venal parliament, 
was to be renovated by tbe influence of voluntary assemblies. 
" Ciin yon conceive," wrote the anonymous Junius to tlke^_ 
king, " that the people of this country will long submit t^H 
be governed by so ilexible'a house of commona? The op- 
pressed people of Ireland give you every day fresh marks 
of their resentment. The colonists left their native lnn<l for 
freedom, and found it in a desert. Looking forw.'ird to in- 
dependence, they equally detest the page.intry of a king 
and the auperciJioua hypoensy of a bishop." 
iTifi. The meeting of parliament in Janu.iry, 1770, would 

''■"^ decide whether the British empire was to escape dis- 
memberment. Oialham recommended to ihc more liberaJ 
Bristocraey the junction with the people, which, after sixty 
years, achieved the refonn of the British conatitulion ; but 
in that day it was opposed by the passions of Burke and 
the reluctance of the high-hum. ^J 

The debate on the ninth turned on the rights of the peo-^B 
pie, and involved the complaints of America and of Irelnnd, 
not less than the disfranchisomont of Wilkes. " It is vain 
and idle to found the nnthority of this house upon the pop- 
ular voice," said Jenkinson. "The discontents that are 
held up as spectres," said Thomas de Grey, brother of the, " are the aenselesa clamors of the thought- 
less and the ignorant, the lowest of the rabble. The West- 
minster petition was obtained by a few despicable mechanics, 
headed I ly base-born people." "The privileges of the |>eo- 
ple of this country," interposed Sergeant Glynn, " do not 
depend upon birth and fortune; they hold their rights as 

'ijlistiuicn, and cannot be divested of them but by the sub- 

of the constitution." "Were it nut for petition 

nd incendiaries," said Itigby, "the farmers of 

Dould not possibly take an interest in the Middle- 

l of representatives in parliament. The majority, 

3 frectkoldcrs, is no belter than an ignorant mill- 

i the representative of the Torksliire weavers 
IJers, " the siiotless" Sir George Savillo. " The 
'il," said ho, " that can befall this nation is the 



invasion of the people's rights by the authority of thia 
honse. I do not say ibal the mnjority have sold the rights 
of thpir constituents ; but I do say, I have aniil, and I shall 
|Al%(raya say, that they have betrayed thorn. The people 
oderstand their own rights and know tlicir own interests 
U well as we do ; for a large paternal estate, n pension, 
and support in the treasury are greater recouimeudutioua 
to a seat in this assembly than either the honesty of the 

I heart or the clearness of the head." 
I Gilmour invited censure on such unprecedented exprea- 
Bons ; Conway excused them ns uttered in heat. " I am 
iot conscious," resumed Saville, "that I have spoken in 
lent ; if I did, I have had time to cool and I again say, as 
X said before, that this bouse has betrayed the rights of its 
constituents." "In times of less been uousn ess," rejoined 
Gilmour, " members have been sent to the Tower for words 
ot less offence." " The mean consideration of my 
own safety," answered Saville, " shall never be put in j"J_ 
the balance against my duty to my constituents. I 
vUl own no superior but the laws, nor bend the knee to 

kwy but to Ilim who made me." 
The accusation which Saville brought against the honse 
ot commons was tfie gravest that could be presented ; if 
fatw, was an outrage, in comparison with which that of 
Wilkes was a trifle. But Lord North bore the reproach 
nn'okly, and soothed the majority into quietude. The 
liebute proceeded, and presently Barri5 siioke : " The peo- 
ple fit England know, the people of Ireland know, and the 
American people feel, that the iron band of ministerial 
il^sipotism is lifted up against them; but it is not less 
funaudable against the prince than against the people." 
"Tie trnmpeters of sedition have produced the disaffeo- 
tion," replied Lord North, speaking at groat length. " Tlie 
Jftiikta ragurauflins of a vociferous mob are exalted into 
s^niil importance with men of Judgment, morals, and prop- 
^'J. I can never acquiesce in the absurd opinion that all 
"Hn are equal. The contest in America, which at first 
""ght easily have been ended, is now for no less than 
*ovcreignty on one side, and Indcpeudcncc on the other." 



The ministry, though vanquished in the argument, carried 
the house by a. very large m^ijority. 

In the liouse of lords, Chittham, whose voice bad not 
been huanl for ihroo years, proposed to consider the causes 
of the discontent which prcvniled in so many parts of the 
British dominions. " I have not," said he, " altered my ideas 
with regard to the principlea upon whiL'h America should 
be governed, I own I have a natural leaning towards that 
couniry ; I cherish liberty wherever it is planted. America 
was settled upon ideas of liberty, and the vine has taken 
deep root and spread tliroughout the land. Long ni;iy it 
flourish. Call the eombinalions of the Americans danger- — 
OUB, yet not unwarrantable. The discontent ol two millions J 
of people should be treated candidly; and its foundation 
rera<tved. Let us save this constitution, dangerously in- — 
vadcd at home, and extend its benefits to the remotest •- 
corners of the empire. Let slavery exist nowhere among —~ 
us ; for whether it be in America, or in Ireland, or here at 
home, you will lind it a disease which apreuda by contact, 
and soon reaches from the extremity to the heart." 
Camden, whom Chatham's presence awed more than, 
office attracted, awoke to his old friendship for Amer- 
ica, and by implication accused his ooUe^ues of conspiring 
against the liberties of the country. 

Lord Mansfield, whose reply to Chatham "was a master — 
piece of art and address," declined giving an opinion oa«- 
the legality of the proceedings of the house of commons ii^ 
rcferauce to the Middlesex election, but contended tbat-^ 
whether they were right or wrong, the jurisdiction in tht^* 
case belonged to them, and from their decision there «"a^» 
no appeal, "I distrust," rejoined Chatham, "the refines — 
ments of learning, which fall to tho share of ho small ^* 
number of men. Providence has taken belter care of on «" 
happiness, and given us, in the simplicity of common senae** 
a rule for our direction by which we shall never be mLaled.* 
The words were revolutionary, Scotland, in uncoiiscioiaS 
harmony with Kant and the ablest minds in Germany, w»^ 
renovating philosophy by the aid of common sense and 
reason; Chatham transplanted the theory, so favorable t^ 




tiemocracy, into the halls of tpgisliition. "Power vnthoiit 
riylit," lie conliiiued, niminghis invyctiveat ihe vt-nal lumse 
commons, "is a thing hateful in it«elf, anil ever iodining 
itx fall. Tyranny is ilelestnble in every shape ; but in 
nooe 8o fnrmitlablo iw when it is nssumoil and oxerciaed by 

PR nnmlicr of tyrants." Though the house of lords o]i|>osi'(I 
htm by a vote nf moro than two to one, the ministry was 
■hntt«red ; and Chatham, feeble and emneiated as he wfie, 
Bprnng forward with the party of Rockingham, to beat 
down the tottering system, and raise on its ruins a govern- 
ment more friendly to liberty. 

But the king wns the best politician among thcra all. 
DitaniBsing Camden, he sent an offer of tlie chancellor's 
plttce to Charles Vorke, who wan o£ the Ruckinglinra con- 
iCctJon. He had long covoletl the high dignity beyond 
Iny thing on earth. Now that it was within his re.ich, he 
Tacill.iied, wished delay, and put the temptation aside. " If 
you will not comply," said the king, "it must make an 
elemiil breach between us." Yorke gave way, was re- 
ifoiiched by Iliirilwieke his brother, and by Rot-kingbam ; 
d his brother's forgiveness, kissed him, and parted 
ids; and tlien, with a fatal sensibility to fame, went 
lomo to die by his orni hand. His appalling fate dis- 
■nayvd the ministry, and encouraged the opposition. 

On the twenty-second, Rockingham, overcoming his 1770. 
nervous weakness, summoned resolution to make a '''''■ 
long speech in the house of lords in defence of the old system 
of Knglish government, which restrained the royal preroga- 
tivi- by privilege. While the leader of the great whig party 
chprislied no hope of imjirovenicnt from any change in the 
furmii of the constitution, Chatham, onoe moro the man of 
iho people, rose to do serviee to succeeding generations. 
*• Whoever," caid he. " understands the theory of the Eng- 
Ufih constitution, and will compare it with the fact, must 
»""e nt once bow widely they differ. We must reconcile 
thctn to each other, if we wish to save the liberties of this 
rountry. The constitution intended that tliere should bo a 
li. riii.incnt relation between the constituent and representa- 
-.1 , 1 body of the people. Aa the house of commons is now 





formeil, that relotioa is destroyed;" and he proceeded to 
opGD, as tUe mature rcsuU of loug reflection, a inoat caulioas 
bcjrmniug of parliamentary reform. The reform of the 
English pari in men 1 1 llow much must take ptaoe before 
that event cnn come about I 

Shrinking from the storm, Grafton threw up his office. 
The king afftcted regret, but had provided against the con- 
tingency. He would not bear of trying Rockingham and 
bia friends ; and " as for Chatham,*' said lie, " I will abdicate 
the crown sooner than consent to his requirements." Bifore 
the world knew of the impending change, he sent Wey- 
mouth and Gower, of the Bedford p:irty, " to press Lord 
KorLh in the most earnest manner to accept the office of 
first lord commissioner of the treasury," preceding their 
visit by a friendly autograph note of bis own. Lord North 
did not hesitate; and the king exerted all his ability and 
bis ton years' experience to establish bis choice. 

On the last day of January, the new prime minister, 
amidst great excitement and the sanguine hopes of the 
Opposition, appeared in the house of commona. " The ship 
of state," said Barrfi, " tossed on a stormy sea, is ecudding-^E^ 
under a jury-mast, and liangs out signals for pilots frotu-^c^-^ 
the other side." " The pilots on board are very capable o^fc^ / 

conducting her into port," answered North ; and he pre 

Tailed by a majority of forty, "A very handsome major — ~ 
ity," said the king; "a very favorable auspice on you^^ 
taking the lead in administration. A little spirit will i"" r' ' 
restore order In my service." From that night the nev^fc" 
lory parly ruled the cabinet. Its opponents were dividcK^ 
between those who looked back to privilege as their o\^c3 
harbor of refuge, and those who saw beyond the abascmeL^t 
of the aristocracy a desirable tncreaso of popular pover. 




las boston uasbacicb. hills do bo ugq^ 3 aj>ministbatiok 
of tdk colonies continubd. 

January— March, 1770. 

" Thb troops must move to the caatle," saiil Samuel 
kdams ; " it must bo the first business of the genera] court 
to move ibem out of town," Otis went about declaiming 
tliat " the g'jvernor had power to do it by the constitution." 
*■• We conaidor this metropolis, and indeed the whole prov- 
ince, under duress," wrote Cooper, the minister, "The 
troops greatly corrupt our morals, and are in every senae an 
oppression ; " and his New Year's prayer to Jlouven asked 
dfliverance from their presence. 

The Miiasaehust'tts assembly was to meet on tho itto. 

tenth of J^uiuary, and distant members were already ''•"■ 

on their journey; when Hutchinson most unwisely and 

causelessly prorogued it to tho middle of March. The 

de-lay prevented any support of its petition against Bernard, 

The reason assigned for the prorogation was neither the 

good of the colony nor the judgment of the H eu ten ant-go v- 

ern.jr, but .in arbitrary instruction from Hillsborough; and 

oi sueh an instruction Samuel Adams denied the validity. 

The spirit of non- import at ion had not abated ; yet, as tea 
had advanced one hundred per cent, IIut<:binson, who wna 
liitnwlf a very liirgo importer of it, could no longer restrain 
tiis covetouancss. His two eldest sons, therefore, who wero 
Ms ngents, violating their engagement, broke open the lock, 
"i whic-h they had given the key to tho committee of mor- 
dants, and secretly made sales, " Do they imagine," cried 
Swaucl Adams, " they can still weary the patience of an 
"ijured country with impunity?" and avowing that, In the 




present ensc, the will of snciety was not declai'cd in its laws^ 
he called not on the morpliants only, but on every individ— 
mil of every class in city and country, to compel the strictest^ 

adherence to the agreement. " This," said Bernard"^ 
j^^' friends, " ia ns good a time as any to eiill out the 

troops;" for tbcy thought it best to bring matters 
"to extremities," and Dalrymple ordered his men tg equip 
themsetves with twolve rounds for an attack. 

The merchants, in pursuance of a vote at a very full 
meeting, went in a body l;o the house of the Ilntcbinsons. 
Allowing; none of them to enter, the lien tenant-governor 
bimdulf threw up a window, and pretended to charge ibera 
with & tumnltaouB and menacing application to him as 
chief magistrate. " We come," they answered, " to treat 
with your sons, who have violated their own contract, to 
which they had pledged their honor." "A contract," an- 
swered Hutchinson, from the window, " without a valuable 
consideration is not Talid in law;" but he remained in 
great perplexity, fearing loss of property by riot. Early 
the nest morning, he sent for the upright "William Phillipa, 
the moderator of the mei'ting, and engaged for his sons 
to deposit the price of the tea that had been sold, and 
to return the rest. The capitulation was reported to the 
meeting, and accepted. 

"lie h^a now thrown down the reins into the hands of 
the people," cried the customs' commissioners, " and he con 
never recover them." "I am a mined man," said he d&- 
Bpondingly to Phillips. " I humbly hope," thus he wrote 
to those who dealt out offices in London, "that a single 
error in judgment will not cancel more than thirty years' 
laborious and disinterested services In support of govern- 
ment." lie looked to hts council; and they would tidic no 
part in breaking up the system of non-importatinn. He 
called in all the justices wbo lived within fifteen miles ; and 
they thought It not tncunibeut on them to interrupt the 
proceedings. He sent the sheriff into the adjourned meet- 
ing of the merchants with a letter to the moderator, re- 
quiring them in bia majesty's name to disperse; and the 
owBtiiig, of which iuaticea oi peace, aelectman, repreawiitar 


tives, constables, and other officers maJe a |iart, sent liim an 
auswer that their assemljly was wurrunleil by law. He saw 
■t-hat tbe answer was in IlauL-ouk's liauilwrillng ; anil ho 
-treasured uji tbe autograph, to be produced one day when 
flancock ehould be put an trial. 

"It ia hard," said Trumliull, now governor of Connecticut, 
*' to bre-aV couneecions with our ninthcr country ; but, when 
e'he strives to enslave na, tbe slriclefit union must be dia- 
e«jlved." " Tbe acuoaiplialinient of some notable propbeoiea 
is ut hand." 

The liberty pole raised by tbe people of New York in 

tbe Park stood safely for nearly three years. Tbo 

Boldii-ry, in February, resolved to cut it down, and y^^'_ 

after three repulses succeeded. The people, riasem- 

bling in tbe fields lo the number of three thousand, and wilh- 

oaipIanninjT retaliation, expressed abhorrence of the soldiers, 

aa enemies to the constitution and to the peace of tbo city. 

The soldiers replied by an insulting placard ; and, on two 

SQcccssive Jays, engaged in an affray with the citizens, in 

*"liieh the latter had the advantage. Tbe newspapers loudly 

'^<^ltbrateil the victory ; and the Sons of Liberty, purchasing 

* |>ieee of land near tbo junction of Broadway and the high 

foaii to Boston, erected a pole, strongly guarded by iron 

bands and bars, and inscribed '• Liberty and Property." 

At ihe same lime, Macdougall, son of a Presbyterian of tlio 

Scottish isle of 11a, having |iublicly censured tbe act of the 

"SMmbiy in voting supplies to the troops, was iudieted for 

|> liWl ; and, refusing to give bail, this " first Son of Liberty 

}" bon>ls for the glorious cause " was visited by such throngs 

>« bis prison that ho was obliged to appoint houi-a for their 


The men of Boston emulously applauded tbe spirit of tbo 
"Vgrkers." Hatred of the parliament's taxes spread into 
**ery social circle. One week three hundred wives of 
8o«ton, the next a hundred and ten more, with one hundred 
■•d twenty-six of the young and unmarried of their sex, 
^uunced the use of tea till the revenue acts should be 
f'pealtd. How could tbe troops interfere? Everybody 
Ww that it was against the law for them to fire without 




the nuthorily of a civil ma^atrato; and the more thpy 
paraded ivUli ibeir muskets aiid twelve rounds of bnll, the 
more they were despiBtd, as men who desired to terrify and^^B 
had no power to bartn, Hutchinson, too, was taunted ii illi ^ ii 
wiBhing to destroy town-meetings, through whicb lie him — -^ 
self had risen ; and the pros.'!, c.tllinn; to mind his days oK~ W 
shojikecping, jeered him for liis old frauds, aa a notoriouirtr m 
BU) ussier. 

Theophilus Lillie, who had begun to sell contrary to 
ngreenieut, found a post phuited before his door, with 
hand pointed towards his house in derision. Richardson- 
an informer, asked a countryman to break the post dowt 
by driving the wheel of his cart against it. A crowd o 
boys chased liiuhardson to his own house and threw stoue 
Provoked but not endangered, ho fired among them, anc 
killed one of eleven years old, the son of a poor Gcrmai^^. 
At his funerd, five hundred children walked in front of ih -^^ 
bier ; six of his school-fellows held the pall ; and men of aK-l 
ranks moved in procession from Liberty Tree to the towr:«.- 
hou^e, and thenee to the " burying-plaoe." Soldiers aiiA3 
officers looked on with wounded juade. Dalrymple vi^s 
impatient to be set to work iu Boston, or to be ordere-*! 
elsewhere. The common soldiers of the twenty-ninth reg'l- 
ment were notoriously bad fellows, licentious and ovar- 
bearing. " I never will miss an opportunity of firing upOD 
the inhabitants," said one of them, Kilroi by name. It xrn^ 
a common feeling in the regiment. On the other band, a 
year and a h.iirs training had perfected the people in their 
part, It was no breach of the law for them to expres)" con- 
tempt for the sobliery ; they were ready enough t'l eonfronl 
them, but Ihoy woi-e taught never to do it, except to repcJ 
an attack. If any of the suldiers broke the law, which ibcv 
often did, complaints were maile to the local magistrate*, 
who were ready to afford redress. On the other himd, llie 
officers screened their men from legal punishment, aitJ some- 
times even rescued them from the conBtablos. 
i7jn. On Friday the second day of Mareb, a soldier "f 

MurcU. ,[|g twenty-ninth asked to bo orajiloyed at Gray''' 
ropewalk, and was repulsed in the coaraesl words. li'> 





lien defied the rope-mnkera to a boxing match ; anil, otic of 
lliem accoptinf; his cballeuge, ho was beaten off. lioliirtimg 
xilh several of hLt companionB, tliey too were drivtiii away. 
A larger number camo down to renew the fight with clubs 
snd cutlasses, and in their turn encountered defeat. By 
tills time. Gray and others interposed, and fur that day 
prevented further disturbance. 

At t.hc barracks, the soldiers ioflanied each other's passions, 
u if the honor of the regiment were tarnished. On Satur- 
day, ihey prepared bludgeons ; and, being resolved to brava 
the cittKi-ns on Monday night, they forewarned their par- 
ticular aotiuftintancea not to be abroad. Without duly 
icdtraining his men, Carr, the lieutenant-colonel of the 
twenty-nijith, made complaint to llie lieu tenant-governor 
of the insult they hail received. The council, deliberating 
on Monday, seemed of opinion that tho towu would never 
be safe from quarrels between the people and the soldiers, 
a« long as soldiers should be quartered among thcin. In 
the present case, the owner of the ropewalk gave satisfaction 
by dismiwing the workman complained of. The oflicora 
sboiUd, on their part, have kfpt their men within tlio bar- 
racks after nightfall; instead of it, they left them to roam 
the streets. Hutchinson shouU have insisted on measures 
of precaution ; bat be too mnch wished tho favor of all who 
bad influence at Westminster. 

The evening of the fifth came on. Tho young 17711, 
moon was shining brightly in a cloudless winter sky, ^'""'^ 
and its light was inereuserl by .1 new-fallen snow. Parties of 
soldiers were driving about the streets, making a parade of 
valor, challenging resistance, nnd striking the inhabitants 
iadiBcriminately with sticks or ehe^uhed cutlasses. 

A band, which poured out from Murray's barracks in 
Brattle Street, armed with clubs, cutlasses, and bayonets, 
provoked resistance, and a fniy ensued. Ensign Maul, at 
the gale of the barrack-yard, cried to the soMiers : "Turn 
out, and 1 will stand by you ; kill them ; stick thorn ; knock 
(him down; run your bayonets through ihem," One soldier 
after unulher levelled a firelock, and threatened to " make 
a lane " through the crowd. Just before nine, as an officer 



crossed King Street, now State Street, a barber's bid crie 

after liim : " There groea a mean fellow who bulb not 
jjiij"^ paid my master for dressing his hair;" on wbich, 
llic sentinel stationed at the westerly end of the 
custom hoiiso, on the corner of King Street and Excban^ 
Liinc, left his post, and with his musket gave the boy a stroke 
on ihe hoafl, that made him stagger and cry for pain. 

Tlie street soon boeame clear, and nobody troubled the 
acnlry, whi-'n a party of soldiers issued violently from the 
main guard, their arms glittering in the moonlight, anc 
passed on, hallooing: " Wliere are thoy? where are ihey"^ i 
Let thi'Ki come." Presently twelve or Hftoen more, utterin^^^ 
the samo cries, nisbod fi'om the south into King Street, ant 
Bo by way of Comliill, towards Murray's baiTucks. " Pray 
soldiers, s]inro ray life." cried a boy of twelve, whom the^^ 
met, " No, no, I'll kill you all," answered one of them. aDci3 
knocked him down with his cutlass. They abuited an«:3 
insulted several persona at their doors and others in th^ 
street; "running about like madmen in a fury," crvin^» . 
" Firo I " whieh seemed their watchword, and " WTiore ar^ ' 
they? knock them down." Their outrageous bebaviojr 
OGcasiouud the ringing of the bell at the bead of Kin^ 

The citicens, whom the alarm set in motion, came out 
with canee and clubs ; .and, partly by the intorfen-nce 
of well-diaposed officers, partly by the courage of <^rispris 
Attucks, a tnulalto. and some others, the fray at the bar- 
racks was soon over. Of the citixens, the prudent Bhoiiipd, 
"Home! homel" others, it was said, called out, "IIuMfl 
for the main guard! there is the nest;" but the main 
guard was not molested the whole evening. 

A body of soldiers came up Royal Exchange Lane, ery-1 
ing, "Wliere are the cowanls?" and, brandishing theifl 
nrtns, passed tbiMUgh Kmg Street. From ten to twcniJi 
bo^'s c.ime after tbem, askiug, "Where are they? whfU 
aro ibi'v?" "'Tliere is the soldier who knocked mc downj 
said the barber's boy ; and they began ]>n.shing one anotli 
towanls the sentinel. He loaded and pnracd his mu^lT 
•* The lobster is going to fire," cried a boy, WaTing| 


piece nhont, the sentinel piille-1 the Iriggpr. "If you fire, 
you must die for it," said llfnry Kmix, wIjo whs jjassiiig 
by. " I ilon'l care," replied the sentry ; " if they toueh 
me, I'll fire." "Fire!" ahoulod the boys, for they ^^'^ 
were pcrsunOod he could not do it mthoixt leave from 
a civil oflieer ; and n young fidlow spoke out, " Wc will knock 
him down for snapjdng ; " while they wldsllwl through 
tlieir fingers nnd hiizz-ied. "Stand off!" said the sentry, 
and shouted nl-iiid, " Turn out, niiuti guard ! " " They »re 
killing the Benttnoj," re])orted a 3crv:mt from the euslora 
house, running to the main gimrd. " Turn out ! why don't 
you turn out?" cried Preston, who was captain of the day, 
lo the guard. " He appeared in a great flutter of spirits," 
and " spoke to them roughly." A party of six, two of 
whom, Kilroi and Montgomery, had been worsted at the 
rcipownlk, formed with a corporal in front and Preston 
following. With bayonets livod, lliey "rushed through 
the people" upon the trot, cursing ihem, and pushing them 
u ihcy went along. They found about ten persons round 
Ihv sentry, while about Gfty or sixty came down with them. 
"For God's sake," said Knox, holding Preston by the coat, 
"Uike yonr men back again; if they fire, your life must 
iDswer for the consequences." " I know what I am about," 
Mid he haelily, and much agitated. None pressed on them 
or provoked them, till they began loading, when a party of 
aboat twelve in number, with sticks in their hands, moved 
from the middle of the street where they bad beeo stand- 
iog. gave three cheers, and passed along the front of tho 
toUlier^, whoso muskets some of them struck as they went 
by. "You are cowardly r.iseals," they said, "for bringing 
orms ngitinst naked men." " Lay aside your guns, and we 
nrtj ready for you." "Are the soldiers loaded?" inquired 
Palmes of Preston. "Yes," he answered, "with ponder 
and hall," " Are they going to fire ujum tho inhabitants ?" 
■aked Theodore Bliss. " They cannot, without my orders," 
replied Preston; while "the town-born" called out, "Come 
on, you rascals, you bloody backs, you lobster scoundrels, 
fire, if you dare. We know you dare not." Just then 
Jlontgomery received a blow from a stick which bad iiit 



his mnsfeet ; and the word " Firo I " being given by Pre 
ton, he stepped a little on one side, and shot Attucts, who nt- 
the lime was quietly leaning on a long stick. The people 
immediately ijcgan to move off. " Don't fire ! " said Lung- 
ford, the watchman, to KUnii, looking him full in the face; 
biit yet he did bo, and Samuel Gray, who was standing 
next Lansjford, with his hands in his bosom, fell lifeless. 
The rest fired slowly and in eucoession on the people, who 
were dispersing. One aimed deliberately at a bny, who 
was ninnini; in a zigzag line for safety. Montgomery then 
pushed at Palmes to stab him ; on which, the latter knocked 

his gun out of his hand, and levelling a blow at him 
MBrcii '''^ Preston. Tlirco persons were killed, among them 

Attueks the mulatto; eight were wounded, two of 
them mortally. Of all the eleven, not more than one had 
had any share in the disturbance. 

So infuriated were the soldiers that, when the men 
returned to take up the dead, they prepared to fire again, 
but were checked by Preston, while the twenty-ninth regi- 
ment appeared under anns in King Street. " This is our 
time," cried soldiers of llio fourteenth ; and dogs were 
never seen more greedy for their prey. 

The belU rang in all the chiirohes ; the town drums beat. 
" To arms ! to arms ! " was the cry. All the sons of Boston 
came forth, nearly distracted by the sight of the dead 
bodies, and of the blood, which ran plentifully in the 
street, and was im|iririlcd in nit directions by foot-tr.icks 
on the snow. "Our hearts," aaj-s Warren, "beat to arms, 
almost resolved by one stroke to avenge the death of our 
slaughtered brethren ; " but they stood self-possessed, de- 
manding justice according to llie law. "Did yon not 
know tliat j'on should not have fired without the order of 
B civil magistrate?" asked TTutcUinson, on meeting Pres- 
ton. "I did it," answered Preston, "lo save my men," 

The people would not he pacified or retire till the regi- 
ment was confined to the gnard-room and the barracks; 
and Hutchinson himself gave assurances that instant in- 
*)nirie8 should bo made by the county magistrates. One 
hundred persona remained to keep watch on the cxamlaa- 

tioa, which lusted till three boura after midnight. A war- 
i^aot was issued against Preston, who surrcnilored Lireself 

Hko the sherifF; and the soldiers of his party were delivered 

^pp and committed to prison. 

P Thp next morning, the selectmen ot the town and the 
justices of the counlj- spoke with Hutchinson at Uie council 
chamber. "The inhabitants," eaid the former, "will pres- 
ently meet, and cannot bo appeased while the troops are 
among them." Quincy, of Brnintree, on behalf of the 
jtiaticcs, pointed out the danger of " the most terrible con- 
sequences. " " I have no power to remove the troops," snid 
Hutchinson, "nor to direct where they eliall be jilaced ; " 
but Dalrymple and Carr, the commanding officers, attended, 
on his invitation, in council, and the subject w>is "largely 

■ At eleven, the town-meeting was opened in Faneuil Hall 
with prayer by Cooper ; then Samuel Adiims nml fourteen 
olhei"s, among them Hancock and Moliueu-X, were chosen to 
proceed to the council chamber, where in the name of the 
town they delivered this message: "Tlie inhabitants and 
•oldiery can no longer live together in safety ; nothing can 
tvstore peace and prevent further carnage but the imme- 
dinte. removal ot the troops." 

Hutchinson desired to parley with them. "The people," 
' they answered, " not only in this town, but in all the neigh- 
ng towns, are determined that the troops shall 
'removed." "An attack on the king's troops," ^i^i,. 
replied Hutchinson, "would be high treason, and 
every man concerned would forfeit his life and estate." 
The committee, unmoved, recalled his attention to their 
peremptory demand, and withdrew. 

Sly readers will remember tliat the inatmetions from the 

I Jiing, which placed the army at)ove the civil power in Amer- 

I Jrra, contained a clause tliat, where there was no ofheer of 

I the riink of brigadier, the governor of the colony or province 

Jit give the word. Dalrymple accordingly offered to 

■ the lieutenant-governor, who, on his part, neither dared 

lid the troops remain nor order their withdrawid. So 

opiaion which had been expressed by Bernard durij^ 



the last Gumcner, and at the time hail been approre<l hy Dal- 
ryni|ile, was called to mind as tlio rule for the occasion. 
Kinii. '^'*^ licutenanUgoYcrnor acquittnted the town's eom- 
raittoe that the tweuty-niiith rvgiment, which was 
particularly coiiceriiod in the late diffisreiieca, shoithl with- 
out ilclay be jihiced at the cnatle, and the fourteenth only 
bo rcl.'iined in town under efficient restraint. Saying tliis, 
ho adjournwl the council to the afternoon. 

Ab Faneuil Hall could not liold the throng from the unr- 
rounding country, the town had adjourned to ihe Old South 
meeting-house. The street between the state house and 
that church was filled with people. " Make way for tbo 
committee!" was the shout of the multitude, aa Adama 
osmo out from the couneil chamber, and baring hia head, 
which was already becoming gray, moved through their 
ranks, inspiring confidence. 

To ibe people who crowded even the gallery and aisles 
of the spacious meet ing-hiLi use, he made his re]>ort, and 
pronounced the answer insufficient. On ordinary occUBions 
he seemed liko ordinary men ; but, in moments of crisis, he 
rose naturally and unaffectedly to the highest dignity, and 
epoke ns if iho liopes of hnninnity hung on his words. The 
town, after deliberation, raised a new and smaller committee, 
composed of Samnel Adama, Ilancock, Molincux, William 
Philhps, Wiirren, Ilenshaw, and Petnberton, to bear their 
final message. They found the lieutenant-governor snr- 
roundcd by the council and by iho highest officers of (he 
British army and navy on the station. 

llntcbinson had done all he could to get Samuel Adams 
shipped to Knglaud as a traitor; at this most important 
*uoment in their lives, the patriot and the courtier stood 
to f;ice, " It is the unanimous opinion of the meeting." 
Samuel Adama to him, in the name of a!I, '"-ihal ihe 
made to Ihe vote of the inhabitants in the morning 
iHtisfui'lory ; nothing less will B.itisfy than a total and 
3i»tc removal of nil the troops." "The troops .are 
abject to my authority," repeated Hutchinson; "I 
no power to remove them." Stretching forth his 
which slightly shook as if "his frsme trembled at the 




^Pvnergy of bis soul," in tonca not load, but clear and dis- 
tinctly audible, Adams rcjoineil : "K you hiive power to 
^—XciDovo one rogiment, you have power to remove both. It 
^^Bs at your peril if you do not, Tbo meeting is composed 
^Vof three thouaand people. Tbey are become very impatieut. 
^^A thousand men arc already arrived from ibc neigliborbood, 
and the country is in general motion. Night is approach- 
ing ; an immediate answer ia expected." Ah lie spoke, he 
gazed intently on his irresolute adversary. " Then," said 
Adama, who not long afterwards described the scene, " ut 
the appearance of the determined citizens, perempto- 
rily demanding the redress of grievances, I observed h™;,. 
his knt-cs to tremble ; I sitw his face grow pale ; and 
I enjoyed the eight." As the committee left the council 
^■chamber, Ilutchinsoo's memory was going back in his rev- 
^Kerio to the days of tbe Revolution of 16i^8. Ue saw, in hia 
^^ mind, Androa seized and impriaoneJ, and the people insti- 
tuting a new government ; he reflected that tbe citizens of 
Boston and the country about it were become four times as 
numerous as in those d.iys, and their " spirit full as high." 
He fancied them insurgent, and himself their ciiptive ; and 
he turned to the council for advice. " It ia not such peo|)lo 
aa formerly pulled down your bouse, who conduet the 
present mcaaurea," said Tyler ; " but they iire people of llio 
best characters among us, men of estates, and men of re- 
lifpon. It ia impossible for the troops to remain in town ; 
there will be ten thousand men to effect their removal, bo 
the consequence what it may." 

RuRselJ, of Charleatown, and Dexter, of Dedham, a man 
of superior ability, confirmed what was said. They spoko 
truly: men were ready to come from tbe hills of Wor- 
03t4ir county and from the vale of the Cunnecticut. The 
auncil unnnimously advised sending the troops to tbe 
forthwith. "It is imposaiblo for me," said Dalrymplo 
and again, weakening the force of what he said by 
i-quently repeating it, " to go any further lengths in this 
aittl«r. Tbe information given of tbo intended rebellion 
a fluffioient reason against tbo removal of bis majesty'a 

VOL. ir. IS 


THE AMEHICAN revolution. Chap. TT.TTT. 

" Yon have asked the advice of the conncil," wud Gray 
to tho lieutenant-governor; "they have given it nnam- 
mously ; you are bound to conform to it." "If mischief 
ahonlcl come, by means of your not joining with us," pur- 
Biied Irving', " the whole blame must full upon yon ; but if 
you join wilh us, and the commanding officer after that 
should refuse to remove the troops, the blame will then be 
at his door." Ilatchinson finally agreed wilh the conncil, 
and Dalrymple assured him of hia obedience. The town'a 
committee, being informed of this decision, left the state 
house to make their welcome report to the meeting, 
jj^J^ The inhabitants Ustened lyith tho highest satisfac- 
tion; but, ever vigilant, they provided measures for 
keeping up a strong military watch of their own, until the 
regiments should leave the town. 

It was a humihation to the officers and soldiers to wit- 
ness the public funeral of the victims of the fifth of March ; 
but they complained most of the watch set over them. The 
colonel of the town militia had, however, taken good legal 
ad\'ice, and showed the old province law under which he 
acted ; and the justices of the peace in their turns attended 
every night during its continu.ance. The British officers 
gnashed their teeth at the contempt into which they had 
been brought, Tho troops came to overawe the people, 
and maintain the laws ; and they were sent as law-breakera 
to a prison rather than to a garrison. " There," said 
Edmund Burke, " waa an end of tho spirited way we took, 
when the question was whether Great Britain should or 
should not govern America." 




adiediistb&tion of tbb c0l0nik8 covtimued. 
March — Jdlt, 1770. 

At the cry of innocent blood shed by the soldiery, the 
conlinent heaved like & troubled ocean. But, in 
Boston, the removal of the troops smoothed the Marah. 
wny for coDciliation. The town was resolved on 
bringing the party who had firod to trial, that the suprem- 

■V of the civil authority might be vindicated ; at the same 

■. it wished to the prisoners every opportunity of de- 

Mid with the very general approbation of the peo- 

J urged by Samuel Adams and his associates, John 

jia and the younger Quincy consented to be retained 

Iheir counsel, 

It was for England to remove the cause of the strife. In 
the bouse of lords, Chatham, affirming, as lie had done four 
years before, the subordination of the colonies and the 
right of parliament to bind their trade and industry, dis- 
claimed the American policy adopted by his former col- 
leagnes when he himself was nominally the minister. " The 
idea of drawing money from the Americans by taxes was 
ill-judged; trade is your object with them. They should 
be encouraged ; those millions nre the imlustrious hive who 
Itecp you employed;" and ho inviled the entire repeal of 
the revenue act of Charles Townshend. 

On the evening of the fifth of March, in the house of 
commons, Lord North founded a motion for a partial relief; 
not on the petitions of America, because they were marked 
by X denial of the right, but on one from merchnnts and 


traders of London. " Tho subject," said be, " is of the 
Ligbest iiDportiUico. The combiiiittions and associations of 
the Amoriuana for the temporary interruption of trade have 
already been called unwarrantable in an address of this 
house; I n-ill call them insolent and illegal. The duties 
upon paper, glasa, and painters' colors, bear upon the manu- j 
facturcra of this country, are uncommercial, and ought to 
be taken off. It was my intention to have extended 
Mnoii. *^^ proposal to the removal of the other dutios ; but 
the jVmericans have not deserved indulgence. The 
preamble to the act and the duty on tea must be retained, 
aa a mark of the supremacy of parliament and the efficient 
declaration of its right to govern the colonies. 

" I saw nothing unjust, uncommercial, or unreasonable in 
the stamp act ; nothing but what Great Britain might fairly 
demand of lier colonics; America took flame and united 
against it. If there had been a permanence of ministers, 
if there had been a union of Englishmen in the cause of 
England, that act would at this moment have been subsist- 
ing. I was much inclined to yield to the wishes of many, 
who desire that the duty upon tea should be rope:iled. But 
tea is not a manufacture of Great Britain. Of all commo- 
dities, it is the properest for taxation. The duty is an tax, such as the Americans have admitted the 
right of parliament to impose. It is one of the best of all ; 
the port duties. When the revenue is well established, ic . 
will go a great way towards giving additional support to ^ 
onr government and judieatures in America. If we are - ■« 
to run after America in search of reconciliation, I do not— •* 
know a single act of parliament that will remain. Are w^ 
to make concessions to these people, because they have th» 
hardihood to set ue at defiance? No authority was ever 
confirmed by the oonceBsion of any point of honor or oE 
right. Shall I give up my right? No, not in the first step- 
I will strengthen my water-guard : I will do any thio^ 
before I will buy off contraband trade. New York has 
kept strictly to its agreements; but the infractions of iheff* 
by the people of Boston show that they will soon come K> 
nothing. The necessities of the colonies and their want o( 


union will open trade. There Is an impossibility of their 
manufacturiug to supply any considerable purt of their 
wants. If Uiey should attempt it and be likely to succeed, 
it is in our power to make lawa, and bo to check iho manu- 
facturea in America for many years to come. This method 
I will try, before I will give up niy right. Gentlemen 
talk of the harsh measures pursued by this country 
towards America. Every session has produced some jJiJ^i,. 
3uark of a£fection towards her ; boimty after bounty ; 
importation of flax; permission to export rice. We are 
"•reated as hard taflk-maeters, becanse we will not give up 
^an undoubted right of the iegislaturo." 

Thomas Pownall moved the repeiU of the duty on tea 

.salso. The house of commons, like Lord North in his heart, 

^^as disposed to do the work of conciliation thoroughly. 

-M- 1 waa known that Grenviile would not give an adverse 

'^P'ote, "It is the sober opinion of the Americans," said 

^^Mackay, fresh from the military command in Boston, " 

yen have no right to tax them. When beaten out of every 

*iTgaraent, tliey adduco the authority of the first man of 

t-lie law, and the first of the state." Grenvillo assumed 

fully the responsibility of the stamp act; but he revealed 

■to the house that taxing America had been the wish of the 

King. On the present occasion, had the king's friends re- 

*niiined neutr.Tl, the duty on tea would have been repealed ; 

witli all their exertions, in a fidl house, the majority for 

Wlaining it was but sixty-two. Lord North seemed hardly 

■atisficd with his success; and reserved to himself liberty 

to Btccde to the repeal, on some .igroement with the East 

India company; with fatal weakness, del.iying the eoncoB- 

ucn which his good sense and humanity approved. 

Tbe decision came from the king, who was the master of 
lie iwuso of commons, and the soul of the ministry, busy- 
ing liimaelf even with the det.iils of affairs. He had many 
TuJiiiea that become a sovereign ; temperance, regularity, 
md industry ; decorous miiuners and unaffected piety; fru- 
pilily in his personal expenses, so that bis pleasures laid no 
burrlcn on bia people ; a moderation which made him averse 
■d wars of conquest ; courage, which dared to assume r&- 



spODsibility, and could even contemplate death serenely ; a 
fortitude that rose with adversity. 

But he was bigoted, morbidly impatient of being ruled, 
and incapable of reconeilmg the demands of civilization 
with the establish me nta of the pa§t. He was tlie great 
founder and head of the new tory or conservativo party, 
which had become dominant through bis support. To that 
cause all bis instincU were blindly true ; so that, throughout 
his career, he was consistent in zeal for authority, hatred of 
reform, and antipathy to philosophical freedom and to pop- 
ular power. On these points, he was inflexibly obstinate 
and undisguised ; nor could he be justly censured for dis- 
simulation, except for that disingenuousness wblch studies 
the secret characters of men. In order to use them as 
jj^;, its instruments. No one could tell whether tbo king 
really liked him. lie could flatter, cajole, and humor, 
or frown and threaten ; he could conceal the sensG of injuries 
and forget good service ; bribe the corrnpt by favors, or ter- 
rify deserters by punishment. In bestowing rewards, it was 
his rule to make none but revocable grants ; and ho required 
of Ilia friends an implicit obedience. lie was willing to 
govern through parliament, yet was ready to stand by lus 
ministers, even in a minority ; and he was sure that one d.iy 
the government must disregard majorities. 

With a strong physical frame, he bad a nervous suscepti- 
bility which made him rapid in his utterance; and so im- 
patient of contradiction that he never could boar the presence 
of a minister who resolutely differed from biin, and was 
easily thrown into a state of excitement bordering upon 
madness. Anger, which changed Chatham into a seer, 
pouring floods of light upon his mind and quickening has 
discernment, served only to cloud or disturb the mind of 
George III., so that he could not hide his thoughts from 
those about him, and, if using the pen, could neither spell 
correctly nor write coherently. Hence the proud, unbcndin}; 
Grenville was his aversion ; and his years with the compliant 
Lord Korth, though full of public disasters, were the bnppieat 
of his life. Conscious of bis devotion to the cause of legiti- 
mate authority, and viewing with oomplnoency his om 


oorrectncas of morals, he identified himself ^th tho cause 
which he vcnerateil. His eye did not rc-st on colonial 
liberty or n people struggling towards more intelli- mSii. 
gcnce and hnppincss ; the crown wns to him the ora- 
blem of all righlful power. He had that worst quality of evil, 
ihat he, as it were, adored himself ; and regarded opposition 
to his designs ns an offence agiiinst integrity and patriotism, 
lie thnuylit no exertions too great to crush l.he spirit of rev- 
olution, and no sufferings or punishment too cruel or too 
severe for rebels. 

The chaotic Mtate of parties in England at this period 
of transition from their ancient forms favored the king's 
porposes. Tlic liberal branch of the aristocracy had ac- 
complished the duty it had imdertaken, and had not yet 
^scovered the service on which humanity would employ 
iincxt. After the Revolution of 1088, the defeated cause, 
whose followers clung to the traditions of tho middle age, 
had its strongest support in the inhabitants of the rural 
&trict8. Through them only could the tory, who retained 
tho implicit reverence for monarchy and for the church, 
ho[>e to Bocceed against the friends of the new political 
^tem; and the more frequent and the more complete tlio 
opportanity of the appeal, the greater was his prospect of a 
^ciory. The tory faction, therefore, addressed itself to tho 
fjmpaihiea of the common people. It would have annual 
psiliaments; it would have democratic supremacy; it led 
^e van of patriotism, and its speeches even savored of 
republican iam. The party of the past sought to recover 
office by making an alliance with the party of the future, 
The wiiigs for half a century stood between the increase of 
DiDaarchicai power on tho one hand, and the hereditary 
iSt-ction of the country for the old social hierarchy on ihe 
oilier; fighting strenuously alike against tho prerogative 
Mil againat tho people. But time, which is the greatest of 
•U innovators, had changed their political relations, "flie 
pf«scnt king found the whig aristocracy divided ; and ho 
Wiidily formed a coalilion with that part of it which re- 
■PWted the established forms more than the principles of 
the revolution. Xo combination could rise against th\& 




organized conservatism of England, bnt one wliich should 
inaist on a nearer Liirmonj' between those principles and 
the forms of the constitution. As yet Rockingham and bis 
adherents avowed llie same political creed with Bedford, 
and were loss friendly to reform than Greiiville. When 
Burke and Wedderbum were alliea, the opposition wore 
the aspect of a selfish struggle of the discontented for 
place; and the whig aristocracy, continuing its war against 
the people as well as against the king, fell more and more 
into disrepute. A few commoners, Chatham and Shelbame 
and Stanhope among the peers, cried ont for parliamentary 
reform; they were opposed by the members of the great 
whig connection, who may have had a good-will to advocate 
public liberly, but, like hounds which have lost the scent, 
wandered this way and that, ignorant in what direction to 
go, and too haughty to be taught by men of humble birlii. 
The king, thorofore, had nothing to fear from an 
Muuii opposition. The changing politicians were eager to 
join hia st-andard ; and. while the great seat was for 
a time put in commission, Thurlow Bnporaeded the liberal 

The new solicitor-general, whose "majestic sense" and 
capacity were greatly overrated, had a coarse nature and a 
bad heart. The mother of his children was a kept mistress ; 
he himself was strangely profane, and unmindful of social 
decorum. His manners were so rough that he enjoyed the 
credit of being fearless of the aristocracy; but no man wai 
more subservient to their interests. Lord North governed 
himself on questions oE law by his advice; and Thurlow 
proved the evd genius of that minister and of England. 
Towards America no man was more unrelenting. ' 

The cardinal policy of New York the security and — , 
development of colonial liberty tiirough an American con- 
stitution, based upon a union of the colonics in one^ 
general congress, without dissolving the connection wiiIb. 
Great Britain, "They are jealous of the scheme in Eng — 
land," said William Smith; "yet they will find the spiriC 
of democracy so persevering, that they will bo under ih^ | 
nccesMty of coming into it." Under the pretext of friiraing" 


nnLBioD rcguLitions of trade with the Indians, tho nsserably 
ȣ New York at its present session, with the concurrence 
of ii9 lientenant-governor, had, in the previous Deci^mbur, 
iviied each province to elect represenlativea to a body 
rhi(.'h should exercise legislative power for them all. It 
'■was a groat step towards the American union. Virginia, 
when she heard of the proposal, directed Patrick Henry 
sod Richard Bland to appear as her representatives. But 
the British ministry, who saw in union the certain fore- 
runner of independence, defeated the scheme. 

Plans were revived for aibnilting representotives from 
lio American colonies into the British house of commons ; 
lilt they attracted little attention. The well-founded pcti- 
3on of Massachusetts against Bernard was dismissed by the 
rivy council, as "groundless, vexations, and aeandalous," 
'At the same time, his interference bad involved bis successor 
in noodk-sa embarrasamcnts. By his advice, llutchinson, 
Kgainst bis own judgment, convened tho legislature at 
Cambridge. For this he could give no plausible reason. 
To the assembly bo excused himself, by saying that bia 
inotructions had " made it necessary ; " but lie produced no 
Much instructions : the pica, moreover, was false, for Ilills- 
borongh had left him discretionary power. Popular liberty 
"Was all the time gaining ground. The last public act of 
Grenville's life was a stop towards representative reform 
by establishing a more impartial method of deciding con- 
troverted elections. It was perhaps the most honorable 
trophy of his long career. 

On the ninth of April, four days after Grenville itkj, 

haii carried bis bill triumphantly to the bouse of ^P'^- 

lordii, one more attempt was made to conciliate America; 

' »nd Trocothick, supported by Beckford and Lord Beau- 

rtsmp, by Dowdeawell, Conw.ay, Dunning, and Sir George 

Bavillc, proposed the repeal of the duty on tea. The king 

wag indignant at this "debate in the teeth of a standing 

onicr," on a proposal which bad already been voted 

flofn, " I wish to conciliate tho Americans, and to re- 

'U)n? harmony to the two countries," said Lord North ; 

"bat I will never be intimidated by tho threats Qor covu- 




pelled by the combinatioas of the coloiiica to make imreftT 
eonublo or impolitic concessions." So Iho next order o£ the 
day was callod for by a vote of eighty to fifty-two, 

Tlie news at the Boston massacre readied England aC 
time when ihe legislature of Miiasachusetts was solemnly 
declaring that keeping a standing army in the colony, in a 
time of peace, without its consent, was against law. " God 
forbid," said Grenville, in the house of commons, on tliu 
twenty-sixth of April, " we should send soldiers to net with- 
out civil authority," " Let us have no more angry votes 
against the people of America," cried Lord Beaucbump. 
"The officers," observed Barrfi, "agreed in sending the 
soldiers to Castle William ; what minister will dare to send 
them back to Boston ?" " The very idea of a military es- 
tablishment in America," cried William Burke, " is wrong." 
In a different spirit, Lord Barrington proposed to chaiig 
the too democratical charter of Massachusetts. 

The American question became more and more compi] 
cated with the history and the hopes of freedom in Eng- 
land. The country was suffering from the excess of 
aristocracy ; Burke prescribed more aristocracy aa the core. 
But English liberty waa like the lofty forest tree 
]^JL which begins to dec.iy at its top : it needed fresh 
soil round its root. Unable to obtain from Rocking- 
ham the acceptance of his far reaching views, Chatham 
stepped forward aa the champion of the people. " I pledge 
myself to their cause," said he in the house of lords, on the 
first of May, "for it is the cause of truth and justice." "I 
trust the people of this country," said Camden, " will renew 
their claims to true and free and equal representation, ns 
their inherent and unalienable right." Shelburne iusisleJ 
that Lord North, for his agency with regard to the Middle- 
sex elections, deserved impeachment. Stanhope pledge^_ 
his life to the causa of liberty. ^H 

On the ninth of May, Edmund Burke, acting iu conjoniv 
tion with Grcnrltlc, brought the affairs of America before 
the house of commons, in resolutions condemning the con- 
tradictory measures that had been pursued since hia friends i 
had been dismissed, but avoiding any indication of tliB I 


policy which iho party in power should adopt. Burke waa 
eapported by Wedderburn, who said: "Nothing offers it- 
Belf but despair. Lord Flillsburough la untit for hia office. 
The nation suffers by bis conlinuance. The people 
havearight to say they will not be under tlie authority ^"J; 
of the sword. li you drive men to desperation, they 
will act opon the principles of bumiin nature. At the close of 
the la&t reign, you had the continent of America in one com- 
pact coantry. Sol quite ten years have passed over, and 
I yon have lost those provinces by domestic mismaniigemcui. 
All America, the fruit of bo mnny years' suttlemcnt, nurt- 
ured by this country at the price of bo much blood and 
treasure, is lost to the crown of Great Britain in the reign 
of George III." Lord North, in his reply, declared hirasclf 
the only man of the ministry who was decidedly for the 
repeal of the revenue act oE 1767; defended tbe partial 
repeal, because be wished to sco the American associations 
defeat themselves ; questioned the veracity of Wedderburn; 
and treated the ill-cemented coalition as having no plan 
beyond the removal of the present ministers. " God forgivo 
the noble lord for the idea of there being a plan to remove 
him," retorted Wedderburn ; " I know no man of honor 
and respectability who would undertake to do the duties of 
the situation." 

The resolutions, which only censured tbe past, were de- 
feated by a vote of more than two to one. When they were 
brought forward in tbe house of lords, Chatham would not 
attend tbe debate, but placed himself btfore the nation i:s 
the guide to "a more full and equal representation." Ilia 
patriotism was fruitless for that generation : light on repre- 
sentative reform was not to break on England from tbe 
house of lords. But America was an essential part of tbe 
English world. To New England, the men of the days 
preceding the ill-starred conimonweallh bad borne their 
ideas of government, and there tbe system of an adequate, 
tincorrupt, and equal representation preserved its undimmed 
lastre. There the people annually came together in their 
towns, annually elected their representatives, and gave them 
instruotiona, which were sacredly obeyed. 



Tbe instructions which the town of Boston, adopting the 
languitgo of the younger Quincy, this year adJreseed to the 
faithful representatives of its choice, cited the journals of 
the house of lords in evidence of "a desperate plan of im- 
perial despotism," which was to he resisted, if necessary, 
" even unto the uttermoHt ; " and therefore recommended 
martial virtues, and the lasting nnion of the colonics. 

Of this document, Ilutcliinsou made an effective use; 
nod its reception contributed to that new set of meusiires, 
which hastened Americim independence hy seeking to 
crush its spirit. England assumed a design for a gcnenil 
revolt, when there only existed a desire to resist " innova- 
tions ; " hut the inference was a just one, that the opinioos 
of the huuse of lords and those of the town of Boston were 

llutchinson called the newly elected legislature, as he 
had done the la«t, to Cambridge. " Not the least sbadov 
of necessity," said the house in its remonstrance, "eiUia 
for it. Prerogative is a discretionary power vested 
in tlio king only for the good of the subjeLt." 
Hutchinson had overacted his part; and found bim- 
eelf cmhamiHScd by his own arbitrary act, for which he 
dared not assign the true reason, and could not assign B 
good one. The house censured his conduct by a vote of 
ninety-six against six, and refused to proceed to nny olher 
bufiinoss than that of organizing the government. Thus 
Hutchinson opened his administration with a fooUeh strife, 
wantonly provoked, and promising no advantage whatever 
to British authority. 

Bleantiino a most elaborate paper on the disorders in 
America w;ia laid before the Briiish council. J^ng ani 
earnest deliberations ensued. On the one side, IliUshorough. 
pressed impetuously for the execution of his plans, as tlia 
only moans of arresting the progress of Americji towarda 
independence; while Lord North, with belter judgmeol, 
was willing to wait, being persuiided that the associiitioa* 
for non-hnportation would f;Jl asunder of themselves. 

Canada, Carolina, and Georgia, nnJ even Morylatt«- 
and Virginia, had Increased their importationa ; Ne«v 

I no 




^^EDglaml ami PennBvlvania hnd imported nearly one li:i]f as 
^pnuch as usual ; New York alone liml been true to ha cu'^-jge- 
mem, anJ ita imports liad fallen off more than five parts in 
six. It was impatient of a system of voluntary reiiuueiation 
whieii was bo luieijually kept. Merchants of New York, 
therefore, consulted those of Philadelphia on a general im- 
portation of all articles except of tea ; the Philadolphians 
favored the proposition, till a letter arrived from Franklin, 
urging ihem to persevere on their original jilan. Sears and 
Macdougall tn New York resisted concession ; but men went 
from ward to ward to take the opiniona of the people, and 
it wa§ found that eleven hundred and eighty against three 
hundred were disposed to confine the restriction to tea 
alone. " If any merchant should presume to break through 
the non-imporlation agreement, except in concert with the 
several provinces, the goods imported should be burnt oa 
Boon as landed ; and I am ready to peril mv life in the Bt- 
lempt." Such were the words of Imaac Sears, at a public 
meeting of the resolute patriots. The decision was on the 
IktUnoe; an appeal was i^in taken to the people; and, as 
the majority favored resuming importations, the July packet, 
¥hich had been detained for a few days, sailed before the 
taiiirlle of the month, with orders for all kinds of merchandise 
nwpting tea. " Send as your old liberty pole, as you can 
hSTB no further use for it," said the Pbiladelpbians. The 
•tudpnis at Princeton, one of whom was James Madi- 
wn, appearing in their black gowns, and the bell toll- j^?; 
ing, liumed the New York merchants' letter in the 
"illege yard. Boston tore it into pieces and threw it to the 
"mds. South Carolina, whose patriots had just raised the 
"Mae to Chatham, read it with disdainful anger. But there 
*u no help ; bo far Lord North had reasoned correctly ; 
tbe Don-importution agreement had been enforced by New 
iwk alone, and now trade between America and England 
w« open in every thing but TEA. 




Boaocan's abministiiation or the colohiss coxTnnjED. 
July — October, 1770. 

Grsat joy prerniled in T^n^on at the news that Amer- 
ic!i was resmning commercial intercourse. The occa- 
Jvif. ^^"^ invited correBponding concessions, which Lord 
North would hnve willingly made ; but the majority 
of his colleaf^es hnd been led to consider "the state of tlie 
colony of Massachusetts Bay more desperate than ever;" 
and, on tlie sixth of July, the king in coimcil gave an order, 
making a beginning of martini law within that province, and 
preparing the way for cbsing the port of Boston. 

Ilutehinson in July once more summoned the Icgtslatnre 
to Cambridge, for which he continued to offer no other ex- 
cnse than the king's will. The highest advocate for the 
dii-ine right of regat power had never gone so far as to claim 
that it might be afcd at ciprice, to inflict wanton injury. 
There was no precedent for the measure but during the 
worst of times in England, or in France, where a parUament 
had soraotimea been worried into submission by exile. 

The assembly expressed in the strongest terms the superi- 
ority of the legislative body to royal instructions ; and, in 
answer to the old question of what is to he done upon the 
abusive exercise of the prerogative, they went back to the 
principles of the revolution, and the words of Locke: "In. 
this as in all other oaaes, where ihey h.avo no judge on eartb^ 
the people have no remedy but to appeal to Heaven." They 
drew a distinction between Ihe king and his servants; aiiii 
attributed to " wicked ministers " the encroachments on their 
liberty, as well as " the impudent m.indnte " to one assembiy 
" to rescind an excellent resolution of a former one." 




On tlie tliird of August, Hutchinson coramiini- 
cateil to Uie house that the instruction to rescinii, 
Trhicli they had cnlled an impuilent mandate, was an order 
from tho king himself, whose "immodiate attention," he 
assared them, they wonid not be able "to escape." In this 
manner, the royal dignity and character were placed on trial 
bijfore a colonial assembly, and monarchy itself was exposed 
to contempt. 

The se^ion had passed without the transaction of Sept. 
«iiy business, when, near the evening of the eighth 
of September, Hutchinson received the order which had 
been adopted in July by the king in council, and which 
marka the beginning of a eyetem of measures having for 
their oliject the prevention of American independence. The 
harbor of DoRton was made "the rendezvous of all ships 
stationed in North America," and the fortress which com- 
manded it was to be delivered up to snch officer as Gage 
should appoint, to be garrisoned by regular troops, and put 
into a respectable state of defence. But the charter of Mas- 
Baehusetts reserved to its governor the command of its mili- 
tia and of its forts ; tlie castle had been built and repaired 
auid garrisoned by the colony, at its own expense ; to take 
the command from the civil governor, and bestow it on tho 
commander in chief, was a violation of the charter, as well 
as of immemorial usage. For a day, riutchinson hesitated ; 
Imt, on second thoushts, he resolved to ol>ev 'lie order. 
Enjoining secrecy on the members of the council upon their 
oniliR, he divulged to them his instructions. The council 
^M struck with amazement ; for tho town was very quiet, 
■n'l the measure seemed a wanton provocation. '■ JJoes not 
the eli.irier." they demanded of him, " place the command 
of llie castle in the governor?" After a secret discussion, 
?hich [aslcd for two hours, he entered his carriage which 
*M waiting at the door, hurried to the Neck, stole into a 
liiw^, and was rowed to the castle. The officers and garri- 
•on were discharged without a moment's warning; he then 
delivered up the keys to Dalrj-mple, and in the twilight re- 
'ifwl lo his country house at Hilton. But he was in dread 
(^ being waylaid ; and the next day fled for safety to the 



caBtIc, as ho and Bernard had done five years before, an^H 
remained there every night for the rest of the week. The 
breach of the Massachusetts charter by the delivery of the 
castle was a commencement of civil war; yet the last appeal 
was not to be madi: without some prospect of success. 

" As a citizen of the world," cried Turgot, " I see with 
joy the approach of an event which, more than all the books 
of the philosophers, will dissipate the puerile and sanguin- 
ary phantom of a pretended exclusive commerce. I speak 
of the separation of the British colonies from their metrop- 
olis, which will soon bo followed by that of all America from 
Europe. Tlien, and not till then, will the discovery of thai 
part of the world become for us truly useful. Then it will 
multiply our enjoyments far more abundantly than when we 
bought them by torrents of blood." ^H 

iTTD. To prevent that separation, Hillsborough thoo^l^l 

'^'" it necessary, without loss of lime, to change "the 
constitution of the MassachusL<Ms Bay," Conspiring wil^— 
fierce zeal against the liberties of his native country, IIutedH 
inson advised not a mere change of the mode of electing th# 
council, but "a bill for the vacating or disannulling (he 
charter in all its parts, and leaving il to the king to settle 
the gorernment by a royal commission." As Hillaboro 
and the king seemed content with obtaining the appoi 
ment nf tho council, Hutchinson forwarded lists from whi 
the royal councillora were to he named. " If the kingdom," 
said he, " is united and resolved, I have but very little doubt 
we shall be as lame as lambs ; " and ho presented distinctly 
the option, either to lay aside taxation as inexpedient or to 
deal with the inhabitants as being "in a state of revolt." 
After that should be decided, ho proposed to starve the col- 
ony into obedience, by narrowing its eommerce and exclnding 
it from the fisheries. If this ahonld fail, the military inigl 
bo authorized to act by their own authority, free from 
restraints of civil government. Boston, he thought, shouli 
he insulated from the rest of the colony, and specially dealt 
with; and ho recommended the example of Home, which, 
on one occasion, seized the leading men in rebellious colo- 
nies, and detained them in tho metropolis as hostages. An 





I act of parliam<4Dt curtailing Massachusetts of all the land 
' east of the Penobscot was a supplementary proposition. 

Leas occasion never existed for martial rule than at Boa- 
ton. At the euauing trial of Preston, every indulgence waa 
iliowD him by the- citizens. Auchmuty, his oounsel, had the 
uaistiiDce of John Adams and Quiney. The prosecution 
Lwas conducted with languor and inefficiency, the defence 
fwilh consummate ability ; important witnesses were sent out 
of the way ; the judges were the partisans of the prisoner ; 
aod selected talesmen were pat upon the jury. As the 
slaughter of the citizens took place at night, it was not 
difficult to raise a plausible doubt whether it was Preston 
or Bome other person who had given the command to the 
Aoldiers to fire ; and on thiit iloubt a verdict of acquittal wiis 
obtained. Quiney, who had taken part in the defence, 
afterwards denied the propriety of the verdict. The pub- 
lic acquiesced, but was offended at the manifest want of 
npri^tness in the court. "The firmness of the judges" 
VAB vaunted, to obtain for them all much larger salaries, to 
be paid directly by the crown. The chief justice, who was 
1 a manufacturer, waited, moreover, money in the shape of 
pay for some refuse oannon-boUs, which the province had 
ref ased to buy. 

The trial of the eight soldiers who were with Preston fol- 
lowed a few weeks after. Two of them were proved 
to have fired, and were found guilty of manslaughter. '^J; 
1,Ab seven guns only were fired, the jury acquitted the 
Bther six ; choosing that five guilty should escape rather 
than one innocent be convicted. 

In selecting an agent to lay their complaints before the 

king, Samuel Adams and about one third of the house, fol- 

^_lowitig the advice of Joseph lieed, of Philadelphia, gave 

^■lieir suffrages for Arthur Lee ; but, by the better infiuence 

^Ktf Bowdoin and of the minister Cooper, Benjamin Franklin, 

^^P^^^^^^ ^^ *^^ ^'"'^ ^^ Boston, was elected. Arthur Lee 

WW then chosen as his substitute. Franklin held under the 

erown the office of deputy postmaster-general for America, 

ud h'la son was a royal governor ; but his mind reasoned 

on politics with the same freedom from prejudice which 

VOL. IV. 14 



marked bis investigutions into the laws of nature ; and, 

from questioning tiie right of parlianaeot to tax the colonies 
externally, he hail been loJ to the conviction thsit the colo- 
nies were originall}' oonsthuted dlntincl states; that the 
logisliitive authority of parliament over them was a usurpa- 
tion ; that parliament was not supremo, nor the American 
assemblies enbordionte ; ihnt the American assemblies, vrilh 
the king, had a true Icgislrttive anthority, which ought not 
to be limited by his parliament in Great Britain ; and that 
the keeping up a standing army in America, without the 
consent of the oolonial assemblies, had no sanction in the 
constitution. From the knowledge that these were his 
principles, and from confiiienue in his integrity and ability, 
the honse readily confided the redress of their grievances to 
his care. 

At the lime when Franklin was thus called by the 
people of Massachusetts to be ihoir mediator with the 
mother conntry, he was sixty-four years of age. Experience 
had ripened hie judgment ; and he still retained ilic vigor 
of mind, the benignity of manner, genial humor, and com- 
prehensive observation, which made him everywhere wel- 
come. The difficult service demanded of him by the colony 
of his nativity was attended by embarrassments of all kinds. 
Ilutchinson reminded Hillsborough not to recognise him as 
an agent, and negatived all appropriations for hia salary. 




oriam of tennessee. hills bobodghs abuisia- 
tbatiok of thb coloiflkb continubd. 

October, 1770 — Jdne, 1771. 

"No one had more viridly discerned the capacity of the 
es'iBsippi valley, not. only to snstain common we altliH, bat 
» connect them with the world by commerce, than 
Franklin; and when the ministers would have re- '^' 
L^ jecttd the Fort Stanwix treaty, which conveyed from 
^b tbc Six Nations an inchoate title to an immense territory 
^M tOQth-weflt of the Ohio, his influence secnrcd its ratification, 
^P V organizing a powerful company to plant a province in 
r Uiai piirt of the country which lay between the AUeghaniea 
^L mJ a line drawn from the Cumberland Gap to the mouth 
H ol ilie Scioto. 

^M Virginia resisted the proposed limitation of her juriadio- 
^M Uod, as fatal to her interests ; entreating on Gxtensinn of 
Wr borders westward to the Tennessee River. It would be 
t'»!iiiii8 to rehearse the pleas of the colony ; the hesitations 
"i Hillaborongh ; the solicitations of Botetourt ; the adverse 
f^preBcntatious of the board of trade ; the meetings of 
sgenu with the beloved men ol the Cherokees. On the 
•eventeenth of October, two days after the death of Bote- 
tourt, a treaty, conforming to the decision of the British 
^inct, was made at Lochaber, confining the Ancient 
^minion on the north-west to the mouth of the Eanawha, 
*bil« on the south it extended only to within six miles of 
te llolslon River. The Cherokees would willingly have 
wded more land ; and, when in the following year the line 
I *M run by Donelson for Virginia, their chief consented 
t ^t it should cross from the Holston to the Looisa, or 
itucky River, and follow it to the Ohio. But tto 




change was disapproved in England : so that the west, little 
encumberei] by valid titles, was reserved for the self-directed 

The people of Vii^inia and others were exploring ami 
marking the richest lands, not only on the Redstone anil 
other waters of the Monongahela, but atotig llie Ohio, at 
low as the Little Kanawha ; and with each year were get 
ting further and further down the river. Wheu Wnshinf 
ton, in 1770, having estriblished for the soldiers and ofEcen 
who had served with him in the French war their right to 
two hundred thousand acres in the western valley, went W 
select suitable tracts, ho was obliged to descend to the 
Great Kanawha. As he floated in a canoe down the Ohifli 
whose banks he found enlivened by innumerable turkcTi 
and other wild fowl, with deer browsing on the shore or 
stopping down to the water's edge to drink, no good lawl 
estsaped his eye. Where the soil ami growth of timber 
wore most inviting, he would walk through the woods, aai 
set his mark on a maple or elm, a hoop-wood or ash, as tbt 
comer of a soldier's survey; for he watched over the itit*^- 
ests of his old associates in arms as sacredly as if he hail 
been their trustee, and never ceased his care for them, lill 
by his exertions, and •' by these alone," he had secured w 
each one of them, or, if they were dead, to their heirs, itif 
fidl bounty that had been promised, flis journey to thf 
wiideraess was not without its pleasures ; he amused liim- 
self with the sports of the forest, or observing new kinds c( 
water-fowl, or taking the girth of the hirgeet treea, cue at 
which, at a yard from the ground, measured within tt" 
inches of five-and-forty feet. His fame had gone befow 
him ; the red men received him in council with puhhc hon- 
ors. Nor did he turn homewards without inquiring of 
Nicholson, an Indian interpreter, and of Connolly, an iQl^i- 
ligent forester, the character of the country further wert- 
From these eye-witnesses, he received glowing accounts f^ 

the climate, soil, good streams, and plentiful gaint 
JJ^J- of the Cumberland valley, and there he was pensuadw 

a new and most desirable government might be es- 


DftDiel Boone was then exploring the land of promise. 
[Of forty advontiirers who £rom the Clinch River 
f pltmged into the west uuder the lead of James Knox, J^J; 
' and became renowned as " the Long Hunters," some 
found their way down the Cumberland to the limestone 
bluff where Nashville stands, and where the luxuriant, 
gently undulating fieids, covered with groves of beech and 
woJnat, were in the possession of countless buffaloes, whoso 
beUowings resounded from hill and forest. 

Sometimes trappers and restless emigrants, boldest of 
their class, took the risk of crossing the country from Caro- 
lina to the Mississippi ; but, of those who perished, no 
tradition preserves the names. Others, following the natu- 
ral highways of the west, descended from Pittsburg, find 
from Red Stone to Fort Natchez, The pilot who con- 
dacted the parly, of which Samuel Wells and John Mac- 
Inlire were the chiefs, was so attracted by the lands round 
the fort that be promised to remove there in the spring 
with bis wife and family, and believed a himdred famihes 
from North Carolina would follow. 

This year, James Robertson, fi'om the home of the regn- 
litors in North Carolina, a poor and unlettered forester, 
of humble birth, but of inborn nobleness of soul, cultivated 
maize on the Watauga. The frame of the heroic planter 
wu robust, his constitution hardy ; he trod the soil as if 
he were its rightful lord. Intrepid, loving virtue for its 
own sake, and emulous of honorable fame, he had self-pos- 
seesion, quickness of discernment, and a sound judgment. 
Wherever he was thrown, on whatever he was engaged, he 
knew how to use all the means within his reach, whether 

lall or great, to their proper end, seeing at a glance their 
»lent capai'itiea, and devising the simplest and surest way 
to bring them forth ; luid so he became the greatest ben&- 

ctor of the early settlers of Tennessee. 

He was followed to the west by men from the same 

Livince with himself, where the courts of law offered no 
redress against extortion. At the inferior courts, the jus- 
ticos, who themselves were implicated in the pilfering of 
public money, named the juries. The sheriff and re- 



oeivers of taxea were in arrears for near soventy thoiisaa'l 
pounds, which they had extorted from the people, and 61 
which more than two thirds had been irretrievably em- 
bezzled. In the northern part of the colony, where ihe 
ovk-nership of the soil had been reserved to one of the old 
proprietaries, there was no land-office ; bo that the people 
who were attracted by the excellence of the land could nol 
obtain freeholds. Every art was employed to increase the 
expenses of suits at law; and, as some of the people 
wreaked their vengeance in acts of foUy and madness, thej 
were misrepresented as enemies to the constitution ; and 
the oppressor acquired the protection which was dne lo 
the oppressed. In March, 1770, one of the associate jo»- 
tices reported that they could not enforce the payment of 
.taxes. At the court in September, the regulators appeared 
in numbers. " We are come down," they said, " with the 
design to have justice done;" they would have businui 
proceed, but with no attorney except the king's ; aod, find- 
ing that it had been resolved not to try their causes, some 
of them pursued Fanning and another lawyer, and best 
them with cowskin whips. 

177(1, The assembly, which convened in December, >' 

''™- Newbem, was chosen under a state of nlartu and 
vagne apprehension. Tryon had secured Fanning a seal, 
by chartering the town of Hillsborough as a borough ; bal 
the coimty of Orange, with great unanimity, selected He^ 
man Husbands as its representalive. The rustic patriol 
possessed a good reputation and a considerable estate, and 
was charged with no illegal act whatever; yet he wa* 
Toted a disturber of the public peace ; on the twentieth oi 
December, was expelled the house ; and against the opiniiM 
of the council, and without evidence that be had been evfo 
an accessory to the riots at Hillsborough, Tryon seized him 
under a warrant concerted with the chief justice, and kept 
him in prison without bail. 

The Presbyterian party was the strongest in the house: 
to conciliate its power, a taw was passed for ecdowinS 
Queen's College in the town of Charlotte, MecklenliniK 
county ; a deceitful act of tolerance, which was sure to b* 





annulled by the Idng in council. Bui the great object of 
Tryon was the riot act, by which it was declared a felony 
for more ihitn ten men to remain assembled after being 
required to diBperae. For a riot committed before or after 
the publication of the act, persons might be tried in any 
anperior court> no matter hoiF distant from their homes ; 
imd if within sixty days they did not make their ap- 
pearance, whether with or without notice, they were 
to be proclaimed outlaws, and to forfeit their Uvea 
with all their property. The governor also sent letters into 
the neighboring counties, to ascertJiin how many would 
volnnleer to serve iii a military expedition against "the 
rebels ; " but the assembly, by withholding grants of money, 
■et itaelf against civil war. 

Tryon had won at the colonial office the reputation of 
being the ablest governor in the thirteen colonies : the 
death of Botetourt opentid the way for his transfer to New 
York; the Earl of Dunmore, a needy Scottish peer of the 
faotue of Murray, passionate, narrow, and unacrupuions in 
his rapacity, being promoted to the more desirable one of 

Dunmore came over to amass a fortune, and, in his 
)iassion for Sudden gain, cared as little for the policy of the 
tninisters, or his instructions from the crown, as for the 
rights of property, the respective limits of jurisdiction of 
the colonics, or their civil and political privileges. To get 
money for himself wjs his whole system. He did not 
Temain in New York long enough to weary the legislature 
into A spirited resistance. Its members remained steadfast 
in their purpose to connect loyalty with their regard for 
American liberty ; and, adopting the nomination made by 
Schuyler a year before, they unanimously elected Edmnnd 
Burke, for whom his own country had no employment, 
their agent in England, allowing " for his services at the 
rate of five hundred pounds per annum." 

Tlie moderation which might have persuaded the ministry 
to conciliatory measures extended to South Carolina. On 
the thirteenth of December, at a meeting of the planters, 
mercliuDts, and meohanica of Charleston, Thomas Lynch, a 


man of sense and inflexible fimme^B, strove to keep alive 
the spirit of resistance, and even abed tears for the expiring 
liberty of hia country. He was seconded by Gadsden, who 
was an " enthusiast in the cause," ever aiiapicious of " British 
moderation ; " and by John Mackenzie, whose English educa- 
tion at Cambridge had made him niore able to defeod the 
colonies. But South Carolina could neither continue non- 
importation alone, nor by itself devise a new system. Its 
association was therefore dissolved, like the rest ; the goods 
of importers which hud been stored by the general committee 
were delivered up ; and in Charleston, the fourth largest city 
in the colonies, then having five thousand and more white 
inhabitants, with nearly six thousand blacks, commerce re- 
sumed its wonted activity in every thing but tea. 

In foreign relations, Lord North was still more fortunate. 
England, following the impulse given by Lord Egmont 
daring the administration of Grenville, had taken possession 
of the Falkland Islands as the key to the Pacific, and had 
been ejected from them by Spain. Weymouth would have 
retaken them at all hazards; Lord North gained honor by 
consenting to abandon Port Egmont, on its temporary 
restitution and a disavowal of its seizure by the SpanUh 
government. The terms would have been rejected with 
disdain, had not Choisenl, who would not have feared 
war for a great cause like the emancipation of the colonial 
world, checked the rashness of Spain and assumed the 
direction of its diplomacy. The opposition to the English 
ministry raised a vehement clamor against the wise settle- 
ment of the question. Sir Robert Walpole had yielded to 
a similar clamor, and had yet lost his place ; Lord North 
resisted it, and gained strength by securing peace without 
a compromise of the public dignity. The administration 
needed for its defence no more than the exposition of the 
madness of modern wars in the brilliant and forcible lan- 
guage of Johnson, and it obtained the applause of Adam 
Smith and the approval of the country. 

iTTi. Moreover, a way was opened to the ministry to 

*""• attract to itself that part of the opposition which 
waa composed of the friends of Grenville, who was now 



no more. Suffolk became eecretary of state instead of 
Weymoutli ; and. Thnrlow being promoted, Wedderburn, 
whose " credit for voracity " Lord Nortli so lately im- 
peached, and who in hie tnrn had denied to that miniHter 
"honor and respectability," refused to go npon a forlorn 
hope, and leased his eloquence to the government for the 
office of Bolicitor-general. 

By these arrangements. Lord North obtained twelve new 
votes ; and still farther good luck was in store for 
him. On the twenty-fourth of December, just as he '^ 
Lad rendered to his country the benefit of averting a 
war without a national object, Choiseul, the ablest French 
minister of the century, was dismissed from office and exiled 
to Chanteloupe, not because he was impassioned for war, 
as bis enemies pretended, but because be was the friend of 
philosophy, freedom of industry, and colonial independence. 
Thoroughly a Frenchman, as Chatham was thoroughly an 
Englishman, he longed to renovate France that she might 
revenge the wounds inflicted on her glory. For this end, 
he had sought to improve her finances, restore her marine, 
reform her army, and surround her by allies. Marie An- 
toinette, the wife of the dauphin, was a pledge for the 
friendship of Austria ; Prussia was conciliated ; and, as the 
family compact was in force at Naples and in the Spanish 
peninsula, he left France with friends, and friends only, 
from the Bosphoinis to Cadiz. Crowds paid their homage 
to the retiring statesman ; he was dear to the parliaments 
he had defended, to men of letters he had encouraged, and 
to Frenchmen whose hearts beat for the honor of their land 
in its rivalry with England. Hia policy was bo idenLified 
with the passions, the sj-mpathies, and the culture of hia 
country, was so thoroughly natlonnl and so liberal, that it 
was sure to return in spite of the royalist party and the 
court. But for the time dynastic monarchy carried the 
day ; and, had Anierica then risen, she would have found 
no friends to cheer her on. 

This was the happiest period in the career of Lord North. 
His system acquired atabOity, and v-m sure of majorities. 
No danger hung over him but from his own love of ease. 




" Seated on the treasmy bench, between his attorney and 
solicitor general," his equals in ability, but moat unlike him 
in character, he indulged in slumber when America required 
all his wakefulness. As he failed in vigilance at the hclni, 
he was soon throivn upon a lee ehore by the scltishness ;ind 
vain-glory of American governors. Hutchinson was lapping 
himself in the promise of being paid a secure and boimtifut 
salary out of the las on tea; and Tryon, juat before leaving 
his province, was trampling out all trust in the uprightness 
of the servants of the crown. 

The regulators of North Carolina gathered to- 
gether in the woods, on hearing that their represen- 
tative had been expelled and arbitrarily imprisoned, and 
they themselves menaced with exile or death as outlaws. 
They had toiled honestly for their own support; not liv- 
ing on the spoils of other men's l.ahors, nor snatching the 
bread out of other men's hands. They accepted the maxim, 
that litws, statutes, and customs, which are against God's 
law or nature, are all null ; and that civil officers who 
exacted illegal taxes and fees from the industrious poor 
were guilty of a worse crime than open robbery. They 
asked no more than that extortioners might be brought to 
fair trials, and "the collectors of the public money called 
to proper settlements of their accounts." Honor and good 
faith prompted them to join for the rescue of Husbands. 

Without some sanction of law, Tryon dared no longer 
det.iiu in custody the sturdy freeholder, who had come 
down under the safeguard of his unquestioned election to 
the legislature ; he therefore conspired with the chief justice 
to get Husbands indicted for a protended libel. But the 
grand jury refused to do the work assigned them ; and the 
prisoner was set free. 

The governor, by a new commission, called another 
tunh. court for the eleventh of March ; and by the strictest 
orders to the sherifEs, many of whom were defaiUters, 
&nd by the indefatigable exertions of liia own private secre- 
tary, lie took care to obtain jurors and witnesses suited to 
his purpose. 

The liberation of Husbands having stopped the march 




of the regulatore, it ooourred to some of them on their re- 
turn to visit Salisburj' superior court. On the sixth of 
March, about four or five huudrod of them encamped jj^oii. 
in the woods near the ferry, west of the Yadkin River. 
"The lawyers are every thing." they complained. "There 
should be none in the province." " Wo shall be forced to kill 
them all." " There never was such an act aa the riot act in 
the laws of England." This last was true; the counsel to 
the board of trade, making his official report upon that law, 
declared its clause of outlawry " altogether unfit for any 
part of the British empire." " We come," said the chiefs 
in the regulators' camp to an officer from Salisbury, " with 
no intention to obstruct the court, or to injure the person 
or property of any one, but only to petition for a redress 
of grievances against officers taking exorbitant fees," " Why 
then," it was asked, "are some of you armed?" "Our 
arms," said they, "are only to 'lefend ourselves." They 
were told that no court would be held on account of the 
disturbances ; but the very persons of whom they complained, 
finding them " peaceably disposed beyond expectation," 
agreed with them that all diilereuoes with the officers of 
the county of Rowan should be settled by arbitration on 
the third Tuesday in May. The umpires being named, the 
regulators marched through Salisbury, gave throe cheers, 
and quietly returned to their homes. 

But Tryon and Panning were bent on revenge. On the 
eleventh of March, the court opened at Newbern ; with 
willing witnesses and a unanimous grand jury, sixty-one 
indictments were found, for felonies or riots, against the 
leading regulators in Orange county, who lived two hundred 
miles off, and many of whom liud been at home during the 
riots of which they were accused. By law, criminal juris- 
diction belonged in the first instance to the district within 
which offences were charged to have been committed ; every 
one of the indictments was illegal ; and yet those charged 
with felony mnst appear within sixty days, or a merciless 
governor will declare them outlaws. 

Tryon next received the grand jury at the palace, and 
Tolunteered to them to load troops into the western coun- 



ties. The obsequious body, passing beyond their proper 
functions, uppluncled his purpose ; and the council ocqui- 
esc«d. To obtain the necessary funds, which the legisla- 
ture had refused to provide, Tryon crealed a paper currency 
by drafts on the treasnry. 

1771. The northern treasurer declined to sanction the 

*" illegal di'afts, and, in consequence, the eastern coun- 
tiea took no part in the scenes that followed ; bnt the 
southern treasurer complied. Prom Wilmington, a body 
of militia, under the command of Waddel, was sent to 
Salisbury, while Tryon liimBelf, having written a 
Uaj. harsh rebuke of the agreemeut in Rowan county for 
arbitration, marched into Orange connty. His prog- 
ress was marked by the destruction of wbent-fields and 
orcharrls, the burning of every house which was fonnd 
empty ; the seimre of cattle, poultry, and all the produce 
of the plantations. The terrified people ran together lllte 
sheep chased by a wolf. Tryon crossed the Eno and the 
Haw; and the men who bud been indicted at Newbem for 
felonies were already advertised as outlaws, when, on the 
evening of the fourteenth, he reached the Great Alamance. 

His army was composed of one thriusan<l and eighteen 
foot soldiers and thirty light-horse, besides the officers. 
The regulators, who had been drawn together not as in- 
surgents, but from alarm, — many, perhaps most of them, 
without guns, — may have numbered rather more, and were 
encamped about five miles to the west of the stream. They 
gathered round James Hunter as their •' general ; " and 
hiB capacity and couri^e won from the unorganized host 
implicit obedience. They were almost in despair, lest the 
governor " wonld not lend a kind ear to the just complaints 
of the people." Still, on the evening of the fifteenth, they 
entreated that harmony might yet be restored, that " the 
pressed tragedy of warlike marching to meet each other 
might be prevented;" that the governor would give them 
leave to present " their petition," and treat for peace. 

The next day, Tryon crossed Ahimance River, and 
marched out to meet the regulators. As he approached, 
Jnmes Hunter, and Benjamin Merrill, a captain of militia. 


" a man in general eateeni for his honesty, integrity, piety, 
and moral good life," received from him this answer: " I re- 
quire you to lay down your arma, surrender up the outlawed 
ringleaders, sabmit yourselves to the laws, and rest on the 
lenity of the government. By accepting these terms in one 
hour, you will prevent an effusion of blood, as you are at 
this lime in a stale of war and rebellion." 

The demands were unjustifiable. No one of the regula- 
tors had been legally outlawed, or even legally indicted. 
The governor acted against law as against right, and by 
every rule deserved to be resisted. Tet the regulators 
reluctantly accepted the appeal to arms ; for they had noth- 
ing to hope from victory itself. 

The action began before noon, by firing a field-piece into 
the midst of the people. Many of the regulators, perhaps the 
larger number, retired ; but those who remained disputed 
the field for two hours, fighting first b the open ground and 
then from behind trees, till, having nearly expended their 
ammunition. Hunter and his men were compelled to retreat, 
Nine of the king's troops were killed, and sixty-one wounded. 
Of the regulatore, above twenty full in battle, besides the 
wounded. Some prisoners were taken In the pursuit. Be- 
fore sunset, Tryon returned in triumph to his camp. 

The next day, James Few, one of the jirisoners, was, by 
the governor's order, hanged on a tree as an outlaw ; and 
his parents were ruined by the destruction of their estate. 
Then followed one proclamation after another, excepting 
from mercy outlaws and prisoners, and promising it to none 
but those who should take an oath of allegiance, pay taxes, 
submit to the hiws. and deliver up their arms. 

After this, Tryon proceeded to the Yadkiu to join n;]. 
Wiuldel, who had incurred some danger of being cut J'"^ 
off. Waddel then moved through the south-western coun- 
ties, nntnolested, except that in Mecklenburg his ammuni- 
tion was blown up; while Tryon turned back, living at free 
quarters on the regulators, burning the houses, and laying 
waste the plantations of every outlaw. 

On the ninth of June, ho arrived at Hillsborough, where 
the court awaited him. His first work was a proclamation 




[ 222 

I inviting " every person " to shoot Herman Husbands, or 

James Hunter, or Redknap Howell, or William Butler ; and 
offering a hundred pounds and a thousand acres of land, as 
a reward fur the delivery of either of them alive or dead. 
Then twelve men, tafeen in battle, were tried and brought 
in guilty of treason ; and, on the nineteenth of June, six of 
them were hanged under the eye of the governor, who bim- 
self marked the spot for the execution, gave directions for 
clearing the field, and sketched io general orders the line of 
march of the army, with the station of each company round 
the gallows. The victims died bravely. It is yet kept in 
memory how heroically Benjamin Merrill met his fate, sus- 
tained by the affection of his children, and declaring that 
he died at peace with his Maker, in the cause of bis country. 
The nest day, Tryon tiiking care to make the moat 
of the confiscated lands, which were among the best 
on the continent, left Hillsborough ; and, on the thirtieth, 
sailed to New York, leaving the burden of an illegally con- 
tracted debt of more than forty thousand ponnds. Hia suo- 
oessor dared not trust the people with the immediate election 
of a new assembly, though terror and despair had brought 
six ibonaand of the regulators to submission. 

The governors of South Carolina and of Virginia were 
requested not to harbor the fugitives. But the wilderness 
offered shelter beyond the mountains. Without concert, 
instinctively impelled by discontent and the wearisoraenesa 
of life exposed to bondage, men crossed the Allegliauies, 
and, descending into the basin of the Tennessee, made their 
homes in the valley of the Watauga. There no lawyer 
followed them with writs; there no king's governor came 
to be their lord ; there the flag of England never waved. 
By degrees, they extended their settlements to the broader 
Nolichucky, whose sparkling waters spring out of the tallest 
mouiJtaiua in the range. The health-giving westerly wind 
prevailed at all seasons ; in spring, the wild crab-apple filled 
the air with the sweetest of perfumes. A fertile soil gave 
to industry good crops of maize; the clear streams flowed 
pleasantly without tearing floods ; where the closest thickets 
of spruce and rhododendron flung the cooling shade furthest 






over tie river, trout aboundud. The elk and the red deer 
were not wanting in the natural parks of ouk and hickory, 
of maple, elm, black ash, and buckeye. Of qu.iils and tur- 
keys and pigeons, there was no end. The golden eagle built 
its nest on the topmost ledge of the mountain, wheeling in 
wide circles high above the pines, or dropping like a meteor 
upon its prey. The black bear, whose flesh was held to be 
the most delicate of meats, grew so fat upon the abun- 
dant acorns and chestnuts that he could be run down in a 
race of three hundred yards; and somotimes the hunters 
gave chase to the coward panther, strong enough to beat off 
twenty dogs, yet flying from one. To acquire a peaceful 
title to their lands, the settlers despatched James Robertson 
to the council of the Cherokees, from whom he obtained 
promises of confidence and friendship, and a lease of 
teiTitory. For government, its members, in 1772, ina. 
came together as brothers in convention, and founded 
a republic by a written association; appointed their own 
magistrates, James liobertson amoug the first ; framed laws 
for their present occasions ; and " set to the people of Amer- 
ica the example of erecting themselves into a state, inde- 
pendent of the authority" of the British king. 

In tlic old counties of Orange and Mecklenburg, in the 
" overhill " gl.ides of Carolina, and the breasts of the moun- 
taineers who planted the commonwealth of Tennessee, a 
bloodthirsty governor, in his vengeful zeal for the crown, 
had treaaured up vn^ath for the day of wrath. 





June, 1771— August, 1772. 

" The glorious spirit of liberty is vanquished, and left 
without hope but in a miracle," said desponding 
injie. patriots in Boston. " I confess," said Samuel Adams, 
"we have, aa Wolfe expressed it, a choice of difScul- 
tiea. Too many flatter themselves that their pusillanimity 
is true prudence ; but, in perilous times like these, I cannot 
conceive of prudence without fortitude." John Adams 
retired from " the service of the people," and, devoting 
himself to his profession, for a time ceased even to employ 
his pen in their defence. Olis, now disordered in mind 
and jealous of his declining influence, did but Impede the 
pubho cause. In Hancock, vanity so mingled with patriot- 
ism that the government hoped to win him over. 

The assembly, wbicli for the third year was convened at 
Cambridge, adopted a protest in which Samuel Adams lirew 
the distinction between a prerogative and its abuse; and 
inquired what would follow in England, if a British king 
should call a parliament in Cornwall and keep it there seven 
years. Nor did he omit to expose the rapid consolidation 
of power in the hands of the executive, by the double pro- 
cess of making all civil oflicera dependent for support solely 
on the king, and giving lo arbitrary instructions an author^ 
ity paramount to the charter and the laws. 

The protest had hardly been adopted, when the 
application of its doctrines became necessary. The 
commissioners of the customs had, through Hutchinson, ap- 
plied for an exemption of their salaries from the colonial 



income tiix ; and Ilillsborough, diBregarding a usago of 
more than fifty years, comm:iudcd tbc corapliaoce of the 
legislature. The engrosswl tax bill for the year was of 
the same tenor with the annual acts from time immemorial. 
The assessors had moreover rated the commiaatoners with 
extreme moderation. Persons who had less iocome were 
taxed aa much as they, so that it did not even appear that 
any regard was had to their aalaries. Paxton'a provincial 
tax, for all his personal estate and all his income, was for 
the last year less than three pounds atevling ; and what ha 
paid to the town and county not much more. And, to 
defeat this little tux, in itself so reasonable, so consonant to 
QBQge, and in ita apportionment so forbearing, Hutch- 
inson, on the fourth of July, greatly against his own jjfj| 
judgment, negatived the bill, and declared his obli- 
gation under hia instruotions to negativo any other drawn 
in the same usual lerma. 

The stopping of BUppllea by a veto of the crown was 
unknown in England ; an order from the king to exempt 
speeial individuals from their share of taxation was uncon- 
stitutional ; the exemption, if submitted to by the assembly, 
would have been an acquiescence in an unwarrantable in- 
struction, and a formal recognition of the syatem of parlia- 
mentary taxation. Samuel Adams perceived all the danger, 
and on the next day the house replied in hia words : " We 
know of no commissioners of his majesty's customs, nor of 
any revenue hia majesty baa a right to establish in North 
America ; wo know and feci a tribute levied and extorted 
from those who, if they have property, have a right to the 
absolute disposal of it. To withhold your assent to this 
bill, merely by force of instruction, is effectually vacating 
the charter, and giving instructions the force of laws, within 
this province. If auch a doctrine shall be established, the 
representatives of a free people would be reduced to this 
fatal alternative : cither to have no taxes levied and raised 
at all, or to have them raised and levied in such a way and 
manner, and upon ihoae only whom bia majesty pleases." 
At the first meeting of the assembly, loyalty had prevailed, 
and the decided patriota were in a minority ; in closing the 

VOL. IV. 15 



sesBioD, ITutchmson put at issuo the respect for monarchy 
itself. " I know," said he, " that your mcsaiiges and resolves 
of the last year were very d^pleasmg to the king ; I ehall 
tranamit ray racssages, and this your extraordinary answer, 
to be laid before him." Thus the province was Jed to Bpeo- 
nlate on the yjersonal opinions of their sovereign, and to 
inquire into the uae of regal power itnelf ; while the king 
regarded llie contest with Massachnsetts ns involving not 
only the p.*wer of Great Britain and the rights of the 
crown, but bis personal honor. 

Wise raon §aw the event that was approaching, but not 
that it was bo near. Franklin foretold a bloody struggle, 
in which " Araerica'p growing strength and magnitude " 
would give her the victory. The instructions of the house to 
its agent imbodlcd the principle that colonial legislation was 
free of parliament and of royal instructions. They were 
drawn by Samuel Adams, who had long before said, in 
towu-meeting : " Independent we are, and independent we 
will be." " I doubt," said llutchinson, " whether there is & 
greater incendiary than he in the king's dominions." Hia 

language became more explicit as danger drew nearer. 
Aaa ^^ August, Boston saw in its harbor twelve vessels of 

war, carrying more than two hundred and sixty guns, 
commanded by Montagu, the brother of Lord Sandwich. 

Yet there was no one salient wrong to attract the sudden , 
and universal attention of the people. The southern gov.' 
emors felt no alarm. Eden from Marj-land congratulated 
Hillsborough on the return of confidence and h.irmony, 
"The people," thus Johnson, the agent of Connecticut, 
wrote after hia return home, " appear to be weary of their 
altercations with the mother country ; a little discreet con- 
duet on both sides would perfectly ro-establiBh that warm 
affection and respect towards Great Britain for which this 

country was once so remarkable." Hutchinson, too, 
Sept reported "a disposition in all the colonics to lot the 

controversy \s-ith the kingdom subside." The king 
sent word to tempt Hancock by marks of favor. " Han- 
cock and most of the party," said the governor, " are quiel ; 
and all of them, except Adams, abate of their virulence. 





Adams would posh the continent into a rebellion to-mor- 
row, if it was in hia power," While America generally 
waa 80 tranquil, Samuel Adams continued musing, till the 
thought of correspoiulence and union among the friends of 
liberty flashed upon his mind. "It would be an ardttous 
task," he said, meditating a project which required a year's 
reflection for its maturity, " to awalcen a Buflicient number 
in the colonies to fo grand an undertaking. Nothing, how- 
ever, should be dcspairod of. Through the press, in 
October, he continued : " We have nothing to rely 
upon but the interpoBition of our friends in Britain, 
of which I have no expectation, or the Last Appeal, 
tragedy of American freedom is neariy completed. A tyr- 
anny seems to be at the very door. They who lie under op- 
pression deserve what they suffer ; let them perish with their 
oppressors. Could millions bo enslaved, if all possessed the 
independent spirit of Brutus, who, to his immortal honor, 
expelled the tyrant of Rome, and his royal and rebellions 
race? The liberties of our country are worth defending at 
all hazards. If we should suffer them to be wrested from 
us, millions yet unborn may be the sharers in the 
event. Every step ha» boon taken but one; and the last 
appeal would require jirudence, unanimity, and fortitude. 
America must herself, under God, work out her own sal- 

In the annual proclamation which appointed the No». 
festival of thanksgiving, and which used to bo 
read from every pulpit, Hutchinson sought to ensnare 
the clergy by enumerating as a cause for gr.ilitudo "that 
civil and religious liberties were continued," and "trade 
enlarged." He waa caught in his own toila. All the Bos- 
ton ministers except one refused to read the paper ; when 
Pemberton, of whose church the governor w.ia a member, 
began confusedly to do so, the jiatriots of his congi'Cgft- 
tion, turning their backs on him, walked out of meeting; 
and nearly all tlio ministers agreed on the Thanksgiving 
Day " to implore of Almighty God the restoration of lost 

Nowise disheartened, Hutchinson waited " to hear Deo. 


how the extravagance of the assembly in their last seB- 
■ion would be resented by ihe king ; " now striTing to set 
Hancock more and more a^iinst Adams ; now seeking 
to lull the people into securitv ; now bousiing of his band 
of writt'rs on the side of goTemment, Charch, a professed 
patriot, being of the number ; now triumphing at the speo- 
taele of Otis, who was carried into the country, bound hand 
and toot as s maniac ; now speculating on the sale of cheap 
teas at high prices ; now urging the government in England 
to remodel all the New England provinces, even while he 
prelcuiled that they were quiet and submissive. His only 
fears were lest his advice should become known in America, 
Uid lest Temple, who had gone to England, and who hated 
And despised him, should estnmge from him the old friendfl 
of Grenville. 

Confirmed by the seeming tranquillity in America, and by 
the almost unprecedented strength of tb« ministry in par- 
liament, Hillsborough gave free scope to his conceit, wrong- 
headedness, obstinacy, and passion, and perplexed affairs 
by the senseless exercise of authority. To show his finn- 
nesa, he sitil required the legislature of Massachusetts to 
exempt the commissioners from taxation, or the tax bill 
should be negatived; while Gage was enjoined to attend 
to the security of the fortress in Boston harbor. 

In Georgia, Noble Wimbcrley Jone8,aman of exemplary 
life and character, had been elected speaker, Wright, who 
reported him to be " a very strong Liberty Boy," woold 
not consent to the choice ; and the house voted the inter- 
ference a breach of their privileges. Hillsborough had 
oensurcd their unwarrantable and inconsistent arrogance. 
He now directed the governor " to put his negative npon 
any person whom they should next elect for speaker, and 
to dissolve the assembly in case they should question the ' 
light of anch negative." 

tns. The aGFL-^tions of South Carolina were still more 

'■^ thoroughly alienated. Its public men were ruled 
by their sense of honor, and fell a stain upon it as a wound. 
Prom the day when Lyttelton had abruptly dismissed a 
Oorolinian from the kiug'a council, it became the pride of 



native Carolmiana not to accept a seat in that body. The 
members of the assembly " tl'iBdained to take any pay for 
their attendance." Since March, 1771, no legialative act' 
had been perfected, because the governor refused to pass 
any appropriations which should cover the grant of the 
assembly to the society for the bill of rights ; but patriot 
planters lent their private credit and purses to the wants 
of colonial agents and committees. To extend the benefit 
of courts of justice tiito the interior, the province, at an 
expense of five thousand pounds, bought the monopoly of 
Ricbard Cumberland as provost by patent for the whole ; 
and offered to establish aalariea for Iho judges, if the com- 
missions of those judges were but made permanent aa in 
England. At last, In 1769, trusting to the honor of the 
crown, they voted perpetual grants of salaries. When thi« 
was done, Rawlins Lowndes and others, their own judges, 
taken from among tboraselves, were dismissed; and an 
Irishman, a Scotchman, and a Welshman were sent over 
by Hillsborough to take their places. "The honors of the 
state," said the planters, "ore all given away to worth- 
less sycophants." The governor, Lord Charles Greville 
Montagu, had no palace at Charleston ; he uttered a threat 
to convene the South Carolina assembly at Port Royal, 
unless they would vote him a house to bis mind. This is 
the culminating point of administrative insolence. 

The system of concentrating all colonial power in mi. 
England was resisted at the west. In Illinois, the Mmis, 
corruption and favoritism of the military commander com- 
pelled the people to a remonstrance. The removal of ihem 
all to places within the limits of some established colony 
was the mode of pacification which Hillsborough approved. 
The Spanish jurisdiction across the river offered so near 
a Bancl.unry, that such a policy was impracticable. An 
establishment by the crown upon the lowest plan of ex- 
pense, and without any intermixture of popular power, was 
thought of, " A regular constitutional government for 
them," said Gage, "cannot be suggested. They don't de- 
serve so much attention." "I agree with you," rejoined 
Hillsborough; "a regular government for that dd&trict 



would be liighly improper." The people of Illinois, weary 
of the Bhameleea despotism which aimed only at forestalling 
tracts of Innil, the monopoly of the Indian trade, or the 
ruiji of the French villages, took their cause into their own 
hands ; they demanded institutions like those of Conncuti- 
cut, and set themselves against any proposal for a govern- 
ment which should be irresponsible to themselves. In 
1771, they assembled in a general meeting, and fised upon 
their si'hcme from which they never departed, *' expecting 
to appoint their own governor and all dvil magistrates." 
Towards the people at Vbconnes, Hillsborough was 
less relenting ; for they were at hia mercy, with no 
Spanish shore to which they could fly. They were, 
by formal proclamation, peremptorily commanded to retire 
within the jurisdiction of some one of the colonies. But the 
men of Indiana were as unwilling to abandon their homes in 
a Bettlcmeat already seventy years old as those of Illinois 
to give up the hope of freedom. And what allegiance 
would men of French origin bear to a British king who 
proposed to toko away their estates and to deny them 

The people of Vii^^ia were overruled on a subject of 
still more vital importance to ibem and their posterity. 
Their halls of legislation had resounded with eloquence 
directed against the terrible plague of negro slaverj-. The 
earnest struggle for their own liberty made them more 
thoughtful of the Borrows of the humble who were oppressed 
by themselves. An act of 1748 had imposed unequal taxes 
on the wives and female children of free people of color ; 
in November, 17C9, the grievance was redressed, because, 
says the statute-book, " it is found very burthcnsome to such 
negroes, mulattoea, and Indians, and ia moreover derogiitory 
o£ the rights of free-born subjects." To Jefferson, it did 
not seem enough to guard the rights of the free-born sub- 
jects of African descent ; in this same session, he brought 
in a bill for permitting the unrestricted emancipation of 
slaves. But the abrogation of the slave-trade was regarded 
by the legislature as the necessary preliminary to successful 
efforts at getting rid of slavery itscIL Again and agaiu 


they had passed hws restraining the importations of negroes 
from Africa ; but tlioir kwa were disallowed, IIow to 
pre\'ent them from protecting themselvea against the in- 
crease of the overwhelming evil was debated by the king 
in council ; and on the tenth of December, 1770, he issued 
an instruction, under his own hand, commanding the gov- 
ernor, " upon pain of the highest displeasure, to assent to no 
law by which the importation oE slaves should be in 
any respect prohibited or obstructed." In April, 1772, ^jj^'_ 
this rigorous order was solemnly debated in the assem- 
bly of Virginia. The negro slaves in the low country were 
double the number of the white people, and gained every 
year from importations and from births, so as to alarm not 
only Virginia, but all America. " The people of this colony," 
it was said, " must fall upon means not only of preventing 
their increase, but also of lessening their number ; and the in- 
terest of the country would manifestly require the tol:d expul- 
sion of them. Supposing it possible, by rigor and exemplary 
pnnisbment, to prevent any insurrection, yet, in case of a 
war, the people, with great reason, tremble at the facility 
that an enemy would find in procuring such a body of men, 
attached by no tie to their masters or their country, ready 
to Join the first that would encourage them to revenge 
themselves, by which means a conquest of this country 
would inevitably be effected in a very short time." The 
abhorred instruction which maintained the nefarious trade 
in men sprung directly from the throne ; Virginia, there- 
fore, resolved to address the king himself. They entreated 
of him leave to defend themselves against the ci-imes of 
commercial avarice, and those were their words ; — 

"The importation of slaves into the colonies from the 
coast of Africa hath long been considered as a trade of great 
inhuinanily ; and under its present encouragement, we have 
too much reason to fear, will cnd:inger the very existence 
of your majesty's American dominions. We are scnsiblo 
that some of your majesty's subjects in Great Dritain may 
reap emoluments from this sort of traffic ; but, when we 
consider that it greatly retards the settlement of the colo- 
nies with more useful inhabitants, and may in time have the 



moBt destnictive influence, we presume to hope that the 
intcTL'st of fl few will bo disrpg;!irdc(i, when placed in com- 
petition with ihe Bfcurity and hoppinesa of such numbers of 
yonr majesty'B dutiful and loyal §uVtjecta, 

"Deeply impressed with these sentiraentB, we most hum- 
bly beseech your majesty to remove all those restraints on 
your majesty's governors of this colony which inhibit their 
&E(ienting to such laws as might check so very pernicious a 

Tliousands in Maryland and in New Jersey were ready 
to adopt a similar petition ; so were the legislatures of North 
Carolina, of Pennsylvania, of New York. Massachusetts, in 
its towns and in its legislature, had reprobated the condition 
of slai'ery as well as the sale of slaves. Tliero was no 
jealousy of one another in the strife against tho crying evil ; 
Virginia harmonized all opinions, and represented the moral 
sentiment and policy of them all. How strong were her 
own convictions, how earnest and united the efforts of her 
statesmen, appears from this, that Dunmore himself, giving 
utterance to a seemingly unanimous desire, was constrained 
to plead with the ministry in behalf of the petitioners for 
leave to prohibit the slave-trade by law. 

When the prayer reached Englonil, it had just been 
decided, on the twenty-second of June, that a negro 
who had been a slave iu Massachusetts, and had been taken 
to England, became free the moment that he set his fool on 
English ground ; for, said Lord MansGcId, in pronouncing 
the opiniou of himself and all the judges present, "the 
power of a master over his slave must be supported by tho 
laws of particular countries ; a claim to a right over a man 
is not known to the laws of England ; tracing tho subject 
to natural rights, the claim of slavery never can be sup- 
ported ; the power claimed never was in use here, or ac- 
knowledged by law." But the British govM-nment was 
le^s liberal than the bench of judges; and the king of Eng- 
land, though he blushed to reject in form the appeal of 
Virginia to himself, made no reply, and still stood forth aa 
the unyielding protector of the slave-trade. Wherever in 
the colonies a disposition was shown for its restraint, his 



aiTvantB were peremptorily ordered to maintain it without 

" Pharisaical Britain ! " said Franklin, through the press ; 
"to pride thyself in setting free a single slave that happened 
to land on thy coasts, while thy merchanta in all thy ports 
are eni'ouraged by thy laws to continue a commerce whereby 
8o many hundreds of thousands are dragged Into a slavery 
that can scarce be said to end with their lives, since it is 
entailed on their posterity." Yet the decision of the king's 
bench was momentous ; for it settled the question that 
slavery, in any part of the British domittione of those days, 
rested only on local laws. 

The great men of Virginia already looked forward 
to a thorough social change. In January, 1773, j^ 
Patrick Henry, writing to a member of the society 
of Friends, chid those of them who were " lukewarm in the 
abolition of slavery." " Is it not amazing," bo he expressed 
himself, " that, at a time when the rights of humanity are 
defined and understood with precision, in a conntry above 
all others fond of liberty, in such an age, we find men pro- 
fessing a religion the most humane, mild, meek, gentle, and 
generous, adapting a principle as repugnant to humanity as 
it is inconsistent with the Bible and destructive to liberty? 
Every thinking honest man rejects it in speculation ; but 
how few in practice, from conscientious motives 1 Believe 
me, I shall honor the Quakers for their noble cSorta to 
abolish slavery; they are equally calculated to promote 
moral and political good. Would any one believe that I 
am master of slaves of my own purchase? I am drawn 
along by the general inconvenience of living without them. 
I will not, I cannot, justify it; however culpable my con- 
duct, I will so far pay my devoir to virtue as to own the 
excellence and rectitude of her precepts, and to lament my 
want of conformity to them. I believe a time will come 
when an opportunity will be offered to abolish this lament- 
able evil; every thing ive can do is to improve it, if it 
happens in oar day ; if not, let us transmit to our descend- 
antfl, together with our slaves, a pity for their unhappy lot 
and an abhorrence of slavery. We owe to the ^imv\.^ (A. 



our religion to show that it is at rariance with that law 
which warrants slavery, I exhort you to persevere. I 
coultl say many things on this eubject, a serious view of 
which gives a gloomy prospect to future times." 

But the voice of Virginia gained its clearest utterance 
through one of her sons, who was of a deojier, sadder, and 
more earnest nature than Henry or Jefferson. Early 
1773. in 1773, irrought upon by some all-powerful impulse, 
Georg^e Mason addressed to its legislature these pro- 
phetic words: 

"Mean and sordid, but extremely short-sighted and fool- 
ish, is that self-inlercst whicli, in political questions, opposcth 
itself to the public good : a wise man can no other way so 
effectually consult the pcrraancnt welfare of bis own family 
and posterity as by securing the just rights and privileges of 
that society to which they belong. 

" Perhaps the constitution may by degrees work itself clear 
by its own lunate strength, the virtue and resolution of the 
community, .is hath often been the case in our mother coun- 
try. This htst is the natural remedy, if not counteracted by 
that slow poison which ia daily contaminating the minds 
and morals of our people. Every gentleman here is born a 
petty tyrant. Practised in arts of despotism and cruelty, 
we become oallous to the dictates of humanity, and all the 
finer feelings of the soul. Taught to regard a part of our 
own species in the most abject and contemptible degree 
below us, we lose that idea of the dignity of u man which 
the hand of nature bath planted in us for great and useful 
purposes. Habituated from our infancy to trample upon 
' ' ■ nf human nature, every generous, every liberal 
Out extinguished, is enfeebled in our mtnda; 
inferaal school are to be educated our future 
rulers. The laws of impartial Providence 
h means aa thcMe avenge upon our posterity 
o a set of wretches whom our injustice hath 
el wiih the brute rroation. These rem^ivks 
r a kind of irresistible, perhaps an enthusi- 
ind the author of them, conscious of his own 
,, oares not whom tbey please or oSend." 


Tnliabitanta of Providence, ia Rhode Isliiml, had, 
in March, 1772, complained to the deputy governor im. 
of Lieuteniint Dtidinrrston, commander of the " Gaa- 
pee." Hopkins, the chief justice, on being consulted, gave 
the opinion " that any person who Bhould come into the col- 
ony and exercise any authority by force of arms, without 
showing liis commission to the governor, and, if a custom- 
house officer, without being sworn into his office, was guilty 
of a trespaaif, if not piracy." The governor, therefore, sent 
a sheriff on hoard the " Gaspee," to ascertain by what orders 
the lieutenant acted. Dudingston referred the subject to 
the admiral, who anawered from Boston : " The lieutenant, 
eir, has done his duty. I ehall give the king's officers direo- 
tiona that they send every man taken in molesting them to 
mo. As sure as the people of Newport attempt to rescue 
any vessel, and any of them are taken, I will hang them as 
pirates." Dudingaton seconded the insolence of his superior 
officer, insulted the inhabitants, plundered the islands of 
sheep and hogs, cut down trees, fired at market-boata, de- 
tained vca.'tcis without a colorable pretext, and made illegal 
seizures of goods of which the recovery cost more than they 
were worth. 

On the ninth of June, the Providence packet was return- 
ing to Providence, and, proud of its speed, went gayly on, 
heedless of the "Gaspee." Dudingston gave chase. The 
tide being at flood, the packet ventured near shore ; the 
" Gaspee " confidently followed ; and, drawing more water, 
ran aground on Namquit, a little below Pawtuxet. The fol- 
lowing night, a party of men in six or seven boats, led by 
John Brown and Joseph Brown of Providence, and Simeon 
Potter of Bristol, boarded the str-indcd schooner, after a 
scuffle in which Dudingston was wounded, took and landed 
its crew, and then set it on fire. The whole was conducted 
on a sudden impulse ; yet Sandwich resolved never to leavo 
pursuing the colony of Uhodo Island, until its chjirter should 
be taken away. " A few punished at Execution dock would 
be the only effectual preventive of any further attempt," 
wrote Hutchinson, who wished to see a beginning of punish- 
ing American offenders in England. There now exifiLed. «. 


I 236 

1 fltatnte acthorizing Bnch a procedure. Two months before, 

the king bad asaented to an act for the better ecouring dock- 
yards, Bbips, and stores, which made death llie penally for 
destroying even the oar of a cutter's boat or the head of an 
empty cask belonging to the fleet, and subjected the accused 
to a trial in any county in Great Britain ; and this act ex- 
tended to the colon ica. 

For the last five years, there had been no contested elec- 
tion in Boston. Deceived by the apparent tranquillity, the 
friends of government attempted to defeat the choice of 
Samuel Adams as representative ; but the malice of his ene- 
mies rendered him still dearer to the people, and he had 
more thati twice and a half as many votes as his opponent. 

The legislature was for the fourth year convened at Cam- 
bridge; but the governor had grown weary of bis preten- 
sions, and, against bis declared purpose, adjourned the 
session to the accustomed bouse in Boston, 

The asaembly of Mnssachuaelts at that place gave atten- 
tion to the gradual change in the constitution of the 
colony effected by the p:iyment of the king's civil offi- 
cers through warrants under his sign manual, drawn 
on a perennial fund raised by an act of parliament. They re- 
garded the charter as " a most solemn compact," which bound 
them to Great Britain. By that charter, they held, they were 
to have a governor and judges, over whom the power of the 
king was protected by the right of nomination, the power of 
the colony by the exclusive right of providing support. These 
views were imbodicd by llawlcy in a report to the assembly, 
and, on the tenth of July, adopted by a vote of eighty-five 
to nineteen. It followed, and w.ia so resolved, that a gov- 
ernor who, like Hutchinson, was not dependent on the peo- 
ple for support, was not such a governor as the people had 
consented to, at the granting of the charter ; the bouse 
most solemnly protested " that the innovation was on impor- 
tant change of the constitution, and exposed the province 
to a despotic ad rain iat ration of government." The inference 
was unavoidable. If the principle contained in the pream- 
ble to Townshend's revenue act should become the rule of 
administration, obedience would no longer be due to the 



governor, and tho rightful dcpendcnoe on England would 
be at an end. 

On the seventh of August, the aeoretary, with 
eager haste, announced that the king, with the " en- ^^■ 
tire eoncurrence of Lord North, had made provision 
for the support of his law servants in the province of MiiHSa- 
cbusetts Bay." This act, constituting judges, who held their 
offices at the king's pleasure, stipendiaries of the orowc, 
was the crisis of revolution. 

Meantime, Ilillsborongli was left with few supporters 
exeept the herd of flatterers who had made his vanity sub- 
serviont to their selfishness. The king was weary of 
him ; his colleagues conspired to drive him into retirement. 
The occasion was at hand- Franklin had negotiated with 
the treasury for a grant to a company of about twenty-three 
millions of acres of land, south of the Ohio and west of the 
-AJIeghanies ; Ilillsbo rough, from the fear that men in tho 
backwoods would be too independent, opposed the project. 
Franklin persuaded Hertford, Gower, Camden, the secreta- 
ries of the treasury, and others, to become sharehoIderB in 
his scheme ; by their influence, the lords of council disre- 
garded the adverse report of the board of trade, and decided 
in favor of planting the new province. Hillsborough was 
too proud to brook this public insult ; and the king, soothing 
his fall by a patent for a British earldom, accepted his 
resignation. But Thurlow took care that the grant for the 
western province should never be scaled; and the amiable 
Dartmouth, who became secretary for the colonies, had 
been taught to believe with Lord North and the king, that 
it was necessary to carry out the policy of consolidation, aa 
eet forth In Townsbend's preamble. 





AcGtTST, 1772 — Jandaey, 1773. 

" Wk must get the colonies into orcler, before we engage 
with our neighbors," wero the wonls of the king to 
J^^ Lord North in August; and, though nothing could 
be more unlike than the mannora of George III, and 
Louis XV., a cordial understanding sprung up belwcea 
them, and even a project for a defensive alliance, that 
monarchy might triumph in France over philosophy, in 
America over the people. 

If, in other affiiira, Louis XV. was weak of purpose, on 
the subject of royal authority he never wavered. To him 
Protestants were republicans; and he would not even le- 
galize their marriages. Bold in doing ill, he violated tha 
constitutions of Languedoo and Brittany without ncruple, 
employing military force against their states. The parlia- 
ment of Paris, even more than the other companies of judges, 
had become an aristocratic senate, not only distributing 
justice, but exercising some check on legislation. Louis 
XV. demanded their unqualified registry of his edicts. 
" Sire," i-emonstrated the upright magistrate Malesherbea, 
in 1771, "to mark your dissatisfaction with the parliament 
of Paris, the most essential rights of a free people are taken 
from the nation. The greatest happiness of the people is 
always the object and end of legitimate power. God places 
the crown on the head of kings to preserve to their subjects 
the enjoyment of life, liberty, and property. This truth 
flows from the law of God and from tlio law of nature, and 
is peculiar to no constitution. In France, aa in all mon- 


archies, there exist inviolahle rightB, which belong to the 
nation. Interrognle, aire, the nation itself: the incorrupti- 
ble testimony of its representalivcs will at least let you 
know if the cause whii.'h we defend to-flny is that of all 
this people, by whom you reign and for whom you mign," 
" I will never change," replied Louia. Exiling Maleshcrhes, 
he overturned all the parliaments, and reconstrucied the 
courts. " The crown is rescued from the dust of the rolls," 
cried liia flatterers. "It is the tower of Babe!," s.iid others, 
"or chaos come again, or the end of the world." But the 
shameless vices of the monarch brought foul dishonor on 
himself and degr.aded the throne. 

The king of England, likewise, had no higher irn. 
object than to confirm his authority. The ministers ^^ 
of Prussia, Austria, and Russia, were signing at St. Peters- 
burg the treaty for tho first partition of Poland ; he neither 
questioned its justice nor inquired into its motives. Towards 
European affairs, the British policy, like that of France, 
was one of inertness and peace. Poland might perish, and 
one province after another be wrested from the Porte, that 
Louis XV. might repose in voluptuous indulgence, and 
George III. ohtain leiaure to reduce America. 

There, in New England, the marriage vow was austerely 
B.icrcd ; no corrupt conrt tainted innocence ; no licentious 
nristooracy competed for superiority in excesHes. There 
industry created wealth, and divided it between all tho 
children ; and none professed that the human race lives for 
the few. There every man was, or expected to became, a 
freeholder ; tho omier of ihe land held the plough ; ho who 
held the plough held the sword also ; and liberty, acquired 
by the sacrifices and sufferings of a revered ancestry, was 
guarded, under the blessing of God, as a saored trust for 
posterity. There Hopkins, discoursing from the pul|)it to 
the tillers of the soil, or to merchants and mariners, founded 
morals on the doctrine of disinterested love; establishing 
it as the duty of every one to he willing to snerifiee himself 
for the glory of God, the freedom of his country, the well- 
being of his r:ioe. 

The younger Quincy misunderstood his countrymen, when. 


be irrote: "The word of God has pointed the mode of 
relief from Moabitish oppresHion ; prayers and tears, 
Q^ with the help of a dagger. The Lord of light haa 
given us the fit mesauge to send to a tyrant ; a 
dagger of a cuhit in his belly ; and every worlhy man who 
desires to be an Khud, the deliverer of hb country, will 
strive to be the measenger." Hutchinson knew the people 
too weli to be in dread of asaaBsiuntion ; but this wild out- 
bre:dc of vindictive frenzy seeraa to have been brought 
without delay to the notioe of the secretary of state and of 
the king. 

"This is a people," said Samuel Adams of his country. 
men, " who of all the people on the earth deserve moat to 
be free." Yet when he first proposed organizing revolution 
through conunitteea of correspondence, every one of hia 
colleagues in the dolegatioo from Boston dissuaded from 
the movement. Hani-ock, who diaapproved the measure 
as rash or insufHcicnt, joined with three or four others of 
the selectmen of Boston; and they rejected the prayer of 
the firet petition for a town meeting. 

" America may asaort her rights by resolves," insinuated 
Gushing ; but, before enforcing them, she must wait to grow 
more powerful." "We are at a crisis," waa the answer; 
"this is the moment to decide whether our posterity shall 
inherit liberty or slavery." A new petition, signed by one 
hundred and six inhaltilants, explaining how the judges 
would bo corrupted into politicid partisans by their cona- 
plete dependence, prevailed with the selectmen ; and a 
meeting of the town of Boston was summoned for the 
twenty-eighth of October. The day came. "We must 
now strike a home blow," s.nid the "Boston Gazette," "or 
flit down under the yoke of tyranny. The people in every 
town must instruct their representatives to send a remon- 
strance to the king of Great Britain, and assure him, unless 
their liberties are immediately reatored whole and entire, 
they will form an independent commonwealth after the 
example of the Dutch provinces, and offer a free trade to 
all nations. Should any one province begin the example, 
the other provinces will follow ; and Great Britain must 


comply with oar demands, or sink under the united force 
of the French and Spaniards. This ia the plan that wia- 
dom and Providenoe point out to preserve our rights, and 
this alone." 

Towards executing that design, Adams moved with calm 
and undivided purpose ; conducting public measures with 
a caution that left no step to be retraced. The attendance 
at Faneuil Hall was not great ; the town only raised a com- 
mittee to inquire of the governor if the judges of the prov- 
inoe had become the stipendiaries of the crown. " This 
country," said Samuel Adams, in the interval, " must shake 
off its intolerable burdens at all events ; every day strength- 
ens our oppressors, and weakens us ; if each town would 
declare its sense, our enemies could not divide us ;" and he 
urged Elbridge Gerry, of Marblehead, to convoke the citi- 
zens of thai port. 

As the governor refused to answer the inquiry of the 
town, they next aaked that he would allow the general assem- 
bly to meet on the day to which it had been prorogued. 

A determined spirit began to show itself in the 
country ; yet, when on the second of November ^^J; 
Boston reassembled, no more persons attended than 
on ordinary occasions. "If Id compliance with your peti- 
tion," such was Hutchinson's message to them, "I should 
alter my determination, and meet the assembly at such 
time as you judge necessary, I should, in effect, yield to 
you the exercise of that part of the prerogative. There 
would," moreover, " be danger of encouraging the inhabi- 
tants of the other towns in the province to assemble from 
time to time, in order to consider of the necessity or expe- 
diency of a session of the general assembly, or to debate 
and transact other matters, which the law, that authorizes 
towns to assemble, does not make the business of a town 

By denying the right of the towns to discuss public ques- 
tions, the governor placed himself at variance with the in- 
stitution of town governments, the oldest and dearest and 
most characteristic of the established rights of New England, 
rooted in custom and twined with a thousand teadrtW 
VOL. ir. 16 





round the faith of the people. The meetiog rea4 over the 

reply several times, and voted unanimously " that its 

inhnbitaats have, ever had, and ought to have a right 

to petition the king or his representative for the 

redress or the preventing of grievances, and to coramuni- 

oate their sentiments to other towns." 

Samuel Adams then arose, and made that motion which 
included the whole revolution, " that a committee of corre- 
spondence be appointed, to consist of twenty-one persons, 
to state the rights of the colonists, and of this province in 
particular, as men, as Christiana, and as subjects ; to com- 
miinioule and publish the same to the several towns in this 
province and to the world, as the sense of this town, with 
the infringements and violations thereof that have been, or 
from time to time may be, made ; also requesting of each 
town a free co mm iini cation of their seuliments on this sub- 
ject." The end in view was a general confederacy against 
the authority of parliament ; the towns of the province were 
to begin, the assembly to confirm their doings, and invite 
the other colonics to join. 

The motion wae readily adopted ; but it was difficult to 
raise the committee. Gushing, Hancock, and Phillips, three 
of the four representatives of Boston, pleaded private busi- 
ness and refused to serve ; so did Scollay and Austin, two 
of the selectmen. The name of James Otis, who was now 
bnt a wreck, ajipeai-s first on the list, as a tribute to former 
services. The two most important members were S:imuel 
Adams and Joseph Warren, Ihe first now recognised as a 
"masterly statesman," and the ablest political writer in New 
England ; the second, a rare combination of gentleness with 
daring courage, of respect for law wilh the love of liberty. 
The two men never failed each olher; the one growing 
old, the other in youthful manhood ; thinking one set of 
thoughts, having one heart for their country, joining in one 
career of public policy and action; differing only in this, 
that, while Warren still clung to the hope of conciliation, 
Adams desired and foresaw the conflict for independence. 

On tiie third of November, the Boston committee of cor- 
respondence met at the representatives' chnmber, and organ- 



ized itself by electing ttie true-heitrted Willium Cooper its 
cleric. They next, by a unanimons vote, gave each to the 
others the pledge of " honor not to divulge any part of the 
conversation at their meetings to any person whatsoever, 
excepting what the committee itself should make known." 

Samael Adams was then appointed to prepare the state- 
ment of the rights of the colonists, and Joseph Warren of 
the grievous violations of those rights; while a let- 
ter was addressed to the other towns. Meantime, Adams 
roused his friends throughout the province. No more 
"■ complaining," thus he wrote to James Warren, of Ply- 
moath ; " it is more than time to be rid of both tyrants and 
tryanny ; " and explaining " the leading steps," which Bos- 
ton had taken, he entreated the co-operation of the old 

Tlie flame caught. Plyinonth, Marblehead, Rox- ura, 
bnry, Cambridge, prepared to second Boston. " God ""'' 
grant," said Samuel Adams, " that the love of liberty, and 
a zeal to support it, may enkindle in every town." "Their 
scheme of keeping up a correspondence through the prov- 
ince," wrote Hutchinson, in a letter which was laid before 
the king, " is such a foolish one, that it must necessarily 
m:ike them ridiculous." 

After the report of the Boston conmiittee was prepared, 
Otis was appointed to present it to the toiTU. Aa they chose 
on this last great occasion of his public appearance to name 
him with the honors of precedence, history may express 
satisfaction that he whose eloquence first awakened the 
thought of resistance should have been able to lend his pres- 
ence and his name to the final movement for anion. He 
was a man of many sorrows ; familiar with grief, as one who 
had known little else. The burden of his infirmities was 
greater than he couid bear; his fine intellect became a ruin, 
which reason wandered over, but did not occupy, and by itii 
waning light showed less the original beauty of the structure 
than the completeness of its overthrow. The remainder of 
his life was passed in seclusion ; years afterwards, when hia 
country's independence had been declared, but not for him, 
he stood one summer's day in the porch of the farm-tLousa 

I he stood ( 


which waa his retreat, watching a. s\iddcn Bhowor. One 
flash, and only one, waa seen in the sky ; one bolt fell, and, 
harming nothing else, struck James Otis, so that all that was 
mortal of him perished. 

1712, On the twentieth of November, Boston, in a legal 
Nor. 30. town-meeting in FaneuQ Hall, received the report of 
their committee. Among ihe natural rights of the colonist*, 
they claimed a right to life, to liberty, to property ; in case 
of intolerable oppression, to change allegiance for their sake ; 
to resume them, if they had ever been renounced ; to rescue 
and preserve them, aworJ in hand. 

The grievances of which they complained were the 
osBumption by the British parliament of absolute power in 
all cases whatsoever; tho exertion of that power to raise a 
revenue in the colonies without their consent ; tho appoint- 
ment of officers unknown to the charter to collect tho rev- 
enue ; tho investing these officers with unconstitutional 
authority ; tho supporting them by fleets and armies in time 
of peace ; the establishment of a civil list out of the uncon- 
stitutional revenue oven for the judges whose commiaaiona 
were hold only during pleasure, and whose decisions affected 
property, liberty, and life ; the oppressivo use of royal in- 
structions ; the enormous extension of the power of the vice- 
admiralty courts ; the infringement of the right derived 
from God and nature to make use of their skill and industry, 
by prohibiting or restraijiing the manufacture of iron, of 
hats, of wool ; tho violence of authorizing persons in the 
colonies to be taken up under pretence of certain offences, 
and carried to Gi-cat Britain for trbl ; the claim of a right 
to establish a bishop and episcopal courts without the con- 
sent of the colony ; tho frequent altcrntiou of tho bounds of 
colonics, followed by a necessity for the owners of the land 
to purchase fresh grants of their property from rapacious 
governors. "This cnnraeration," they said, "of some of 
the most open infringements of their rights wUl not fail to 
excite the attention of a!i who consider themselves inter- 
ested in tho happiness and freedom of mankind, and will by 
evci-y candid pci'son be judged sufficient to justify whatever 
measures have been or may be taken to obtain redress." 


IlariDg thus joined issue wilh the king and parliament, 
the inhabitanls of the town of Boatoa voted, by mcikns of 
committeea of eoiresponJence, to make an appeal lo all the 
towns in the colony, " that the collected wisdom anil forti- 
tude of the whole people might dictate measiirea for the 
rescue of their happy and glorious constitution." "These 
worthy New Englanders," cried Chatham, as he read the 
report, " ever feel na Old Englanders ought to do," 

And what was England gaining by the controversy? 
The commissioners of the stamp-office were just then set- 
tling their accounts for their expenses in America, which 
were found to have exceeded twelve thousand pounda, while 
they had received for revenue, almost exclusively from 
Canada and the West India Islands, only abont fifteen 
hundred. Tlie result of the las on tea had been more 
disastrous. Even in Boston, under the eyes of the com- 
missioners of the customs, seven eighths of the teas con- 
sumed were Dutch teas, and in the southern govemments 
the proportion was much greater ; so that the whole remit- 
tance of the last year for duties on tea and wines, and other 
articles taxed indirettly, amounted to no more than eighty- 
fire or eighty pounds; while ships and soldiers for the 
support of the collecting officers had cost some hundred 
thousands, and the Kast India company had lost the sale of 
goods to the amount of two and a half millions of dollars 

England was growing weary of the fruitli?as strife. 1772. 
Lord North wished it at an end; and Dartmouth, ^^■ 
instead of thinking to appeal to parliament for stringent 
measures, desired the king to "reign in the affections of 
his people," and would have regarded conciliation as " the 
happiest event of his life." A member of parliament, hav- 
ing discovered through John Temple that every perverse 
"measure and every grievance complained of took their 
rise not from the British government, but were projected, 
proposed to administration, solicited, and obtained by some 
of the most respectable among the Americans themselves, 
as necessary for the welfare of that country," endeavored 
to convince Franklin of the well-ascertained fact. Fcank^-a 


remaining skeptical, he retnmed in a few days with letters 
from Hutchinson, Olix'er, and Paxtoo, written to produce 
coercion. These had been addressed to W hatelv, who bad 
communicated them to Grenvilte, his patron, and through 
him to Lord Temple. They had been handed about, that 
they might more certainly promote the design of their 
writers, and at Wbately's death remained in the possession 
of others. 

These, which were but very moderate specimens of a 
most persevering and most extensive correspondence of a 
like nature, Franklin wa« sntborized to send to his 
ij^' constituents, not for publication, but to be relMned 
for some months, and penised by the corresponding 
committee of the legislature, by members of the council, 
and by some few others to whom the chairman of that com- 
mittee might think proper to show them. 

Had the conspiracy, which was thus laid bare, aimed at 
the life of a minister or the king, auy honest man must have 
immediately communicated the discovery to the secretary 
of state; to conspire to introduce into America a mllitaiy 
government, and abridge American liberty, was a more 
heinous crime, of which irrefragable evidence had come to 
light. Franklin, as agent of Massachusetts, made himself 
the public accuser of those whose guilt was now exposed ; 
and, in an official letter, sent the proofs of their designs to 
the speaker of tlie Massachusetts house of representatives, 
with no concealment or reservation but such as his informer 
had required. "AH good men," wrote Franklin, as he 
forwarded the letters, " wish harmony to subsist between 
the colonies and the mother country. My resentment 
against this couutry for its arbitrary measures in governing 
us has been exceedingly abated, since ray conviction by 
these papers that those measures were projected, advised, 
and called for by mea of character among ourselves. I 
think ihey must have the same effect with you. As to the 
writers, when I find them bartering away the liberties of 
their native country for posts, negotiating for salaries and 
pensions extorted from the people, and, conscious of the 
odium these might be attended with, calling for troops to 


protect and secure the enjoyment of them ; when I see them 
exciting jealousies in the crown, and provoking it to wr.ilh 
against so grent a part of its most faithful subjects ; creating 
enmities between the liifEerent couotriea of which the empire 
consists ; occasioning a great expense to the old country 
for suppressing or prevenling imaginary rebellions in the 
new, and to the new country for the payment of needless 
gratifications to useless officers and enemies, — I cannot but 
doubt their sincerity even in the political principles they 
profess, and deem them mere time-servers, seeking their 
own private emoluments through any quantity of public 
mischief; betrayers of the interest not of their native 
country only, but of the government they pretend to serve, 
and of the whole English empire." 

While the letters were on tlieir way. the towns in the 
province were coming together under the invitation from 
Boston. The people of Marblehead, whose fishennen were 
returned from their annual excursion to the Grand Banks, 
at a full meeting, with but one dissentient, expressed " their 
unavoiduble disesteera and reluctant irreverence for the 
Britiuh parliament;" their sense of the "great and uncom- 
mon kind of grievance " of being compelled " to carry the 
produce of Spiun and Portugal, received for their fish, to 
Great Britain, and there paying duties;" how "justly they 
were incensed at the unconstitutional, unrighteous proceed- 
ings " of ministers ; how they " detested the name of a Hills- 
borough ; " bow ready lliey were to " unite for the 
recovery of their violated rights;" and, like Rox- 
bury and Plymouth, they appointed their committee. 
Warren, of Plymouth, was desponding. " The towns," 
said he, " are dead, and cannot be raised without a miracle." 
"I am very sorry to find in you the least approach towards 
despair," answered Adams. " JViV detperandum is a motto 
for you and me. All are not dead ; and where there is a 
spark of patriotic fire we will rekindle it." The patriot's 
confidence was justifiL-d. In Plymouth itself, " there were 
ninety to one to fight Great Britain." 

In December, the people of Cambridge, in a ftdl dh. 
meeting, expressed themselves " much concerned to 



niaintain aod secare their own invalaable rights, which were 
not the gift of kings, but purchased with the precious blood 
and treasure o£ their ancestors ; " and they " discovered a 
glorioua spirit, like men determiaed to be free." Roxbury, 
which had moved with deliberation, found " the rights of 
the coloiuBts fuliy supported and warranted by the laws of 
God and nature, the New Testament, and the charter of the 
province." " Our pious forefathers," said they, " died with 
the pleasing hope that we their children shonld live free ; 
let none, as they will answer it another day, disturb the 
ashes of those heroes by selling their birthright." 
iTTS. On Monday the twenty-eighth of December, towns 

^'^' were in session from the Kennebec to Buzzard's Bay, 
The people of Charleslown beheld their own welfare "and 
the fate of unborn millions in suspense." " It will not be 
long," said Rochester, " before our assembling for the caose 
of liberty will be determined to be riotous, and every at- 
tempt to prevent the flood of despotism from overflowing our 
land will be deemed open rebellion." Woolwich, "an infant 
people in an infant country," did not " think their answer 
perfect in spelling or the words placed," yet hearty good 
feeling got the better of their false shame. Does any one 
ask who had precedence in proposing a union of the colo- 
nies, and a war for indtpendenco ? The thoughts were the 
offspring of the time, and were in every patriot's bre'^t. It 
were as well to ask which tree in the forest is the earliest 
to feel tie reviving year. The first official utterance of 
revolution did not spring from a congress of the colonics, 
or the future chiefs of the republic ; from the rich who 
falter, or the learned who weigh and debate. The people 
of the little interior town of Pembroke in Plymouth county, 
unpretending husbandmen, full of the glory of their descent 
frotn the pilgrims, concluded a clear statement of their 
grievances with the prediction that, " if the measures so 
justly complained of were persisted in and enforced by 
fleets and annies, they must, they will, in a little time issue 
in the total dissolution of the union between the mother 
country and the colonies ; " and in a louder tone the free- 
men of Gloucester declared their readiness to stand for 


their rights and liberties, which were dearer to them than 
their Uvqs, and to join with all others in an appeal to the 
Great Lawgiver, not doubting of success according to the 
juBlipe of their cause. 

Salisbnry, a small town on the Merrimack, counselled an 
American union. Ifiswioh, in point of numbei-s the second 
town in the province, advised " that the colonies in gL'neral 
and the inhabitants of their province in particular, should 
stand firm as one man, to support and maintain all their 
just rights and privileges." In the course of December, 
the Earl of Chatham was reading several New England 
writings "with admiration and love;" among others, an 
elcctioh sermon by Tucker, in which he found " the divine 
Sydney rendered practical, and the philosophical 
Locke more demonstrative ; " and, on the very same '^ 
day, the people of the town of Chatham, at the ex- 
tremity of Ctipo Cod, were declaring their " civil and relig- 
ious principles to be the sweetest and essential part of their 
lives, without which the remainder was scarcely worth pre- 

Hutchinson caUed for aid from partiameat. But the 
excitement inorcased still more, when it became known that 
Thurlow and Wedderburn had reported the burning of the 
"Gaspee" to be a crime of a much deeper dye than piracy, 
and that the king, by the advice of his privy council, had 
ordered its authors and abettors to be delivered to Rear- 
admiral Montagu, and, with the witnesses, brought for 
"condign punishment" to England, To send an American 
across the Atlantic for trial for his life was an intolerable 
violation of justice; Hutchinson urged what was worse, to 
abrogate the Rhode Island charter. In this hour of great- 
est peril, the men of lUiode Island, by the hands of Darius 
Sessions, their deputy governor, ajid Stejihcn Hopkins, their 
chief justice, appealed to Samuel Adams for advice. And 
be ;inawered immediately that the occasion " should awaken 
the American colonies, and again unite them in one band; 
that an attack upon the liberties of one colony was an 
attack upon the liberties of all, and that therefore in this 
instance oU should be ready to yield assistance." 



Caii-. XLVUL 

Employing this eront also to contribute to the great 
purpose of a general unioD, the Boston committee, as the 
year went out, were " encouraged, by the people's thorough 
nnderstnnding of their oivil und rellgioUB rights and liberties, 
to trust in God that a day was hastening when the efforts 
of the colonists would be crowned with success, and the 
present generation furnish an example of public virtue 
worthy the imitation of aU posterity." 

In a like sjnrit, the eventful year of 1773 was rung 
in by the men of Marlborough. " Death," said ihey 
nnanimously, on the first of January, " ie more eligible than 
slavery. A free-born people are not required by the religion 
of Jcsufl Clirist to submit to tyranny, but may make use of 
such power as God has given them to recover and support 
their laws and liberties." And, ad.-ising all the colonics to 
prepare for wrir, they " implored the Ruler above the skies 
that he would make bare Ills arm in defence of bis cburoh 
and people, and let Israel go." 

" As we are in n remote wilderness comer of the earth, 
we know but little," said the farmers of Lenox ; " but 
neither nature nor the God of nature require us to crouch, 
Issacbar-like, between the two burdens of poverty and 
slavery." " We prize our liberties so highly," thus Bpoke 
the men of Leicester, with the districts of Spencer and 
Paxton, " that we think it our duty to risk ou' lives and 
fortunes in defence thereof." " For that spirit of virtue 
which induced your town at so critical a day to take the 
load in ho good a cause," wrote the town of Petersham, 
"our admiration is heightened, when we consider your 
being exposed to the firrt efforts of power. The time 
may come when you may be driven from your goodly 
heritage ; if that should be the case, we Invite you to share 
with us in our small supplies of the necessaries of life ; and, 
should we still not be able to withstand, we are determined 
to retire, and seek repose amongst the inland aboriginal 
natives, with whom we doubt not but to find more humanity 
and brotherly love than we have lately received from our 
mother country," "We join with the town of Petersham," 
was the reply of Boston, " in preferring a life among the 

' ma. TOWNS OF Massachusetts coBaBSPOND. 26X 

aavi^ca to the most splendid condition of slavery ; but 
Heaven will bless the united efforts of a brave people." 

" It ia only some people in the Massachusetts Bny making 
a greiit clamor, in order to keep their party alive," wrote 
tame-aervers to Dartmouth, begging for further grants of 
salaries, and blind to the awakening of a nation. "This 
unhappy contest between Britain and America," 
wrote Samuel Adams, " will end in rivere of blood ; 
but America may wash her hands in innocence." 
Informing Rhode Island of the design of " administration to 
get their charter vacated," he advised them to make delay, 
without conceding any of their rights; and to address the 
assembliea of all the other colonies for support. 





tibginu. aokb0lu>atbb unioit. 

Jahtjaet — July, 1773. 

On the sixtli of January, the day on which the legiB- 
latare of MasBa(^h^sett£ assembled at BostoD, the 
J™ affairs of America were under consideration in Elng- 
land. The king, who read even the Bemi-official letters 
in which Hutchinson described the Boston committee of cor- 
respondence as in part composed of " deacons " and " athe- 
ists," and "black-hearted fellowa whom one would not 
choose to meet in the dark," "very much approved the 
temper and firmness" of his governor, and was concerned 
lest " the inhabitants of Boston should be deluded into acts 
of disobedience, and the most atrocious criminality towards 
individuals ; " he found " consolation " in the assarance 
that "tlie influence of the malignant spirita was daily de- 
creasing," and "that their mischievous tenets were held in 
abhorrence by the generality of the people." But already 
eighty towns or more, including almost every one of the 
larger towns, had chosen their committees; and Samuel 
Adams was planning how to effect a union of all the colo-i 
niea in congress. When the assembly met, the speaker 
transmitted the proceedings of the town of Boston for 
organizing the provincial committees of correspondence to 
Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia. 

The governor, in his speech to the two houses, with cal- 
culating malice summoned thera to admit or disprove the 
supremacy of parliament. The disorder in the government 
ho attributed to the detual of that supremacy, which ho 
undertook to establish by arguments derived from the hi»- 
tory of the colony, its charter, and English law. " I know 


of no line," he said, "that can bo drawn between the aa- 
prcmo authority of parliament and the total iodcpendenoe 
of the coloniea. It is impoaaible there should be two inde- 
pendent legislatures in one and the same stale." He there- 
fore invited the legislature to adhere to his principles or 
convince him of hia error. Elated with vanity, he was 
sure in any event of a victory ; for, if they should J^ 
disown the opinions of the several towns, he would 
gain glory in England ; if they should avow thorn, then, 
said he in a letter which was to go straight to the king, " I 
shall be enabled to make apparent the reasonablenesB and 
necessity of coercion, and justify it to all the world." 

The speech printed and industriously circulated in 
England, and for a short time made an impression on the 
minds of many not well acquainted with the dispute. Hia 
hearers in Boston saw his indiscretion, and Samuel Adams 
prepared to " take the fowler in his own snare." No man 
in the province had reflected so much as he on the question 
of the legislative power of parliament ; no man had so 
early arrived at the total denial of that power. For nine 
years, he had been seeking an opportunity of promulgating 
that denial as the opinion of the assembly ; and caution had 
always stood in his way. At last, the opportunity had 
come ; and the aaaembly, with one consent, placed the pen 
in his hand. 

Meantime, the towns of MaasachuBetts were still vibrat- 
ing from the impulse given by Boston. " The swords which 
we whet and brightened for our enemies are not yet grown 
maty," wrote the town of Gorham. "We offer our lives 
aa a saerifice in the glorious cause of liberty," was the 
response of Kittery. " We will not sit doini easy," voted 
Bhirley, " until our rights and liberties are restored." The 
people of Medfield would also "have a final period put to 
that most cruel, inhuman, and unchristian practice, the 
slave-trade." Acton spoke out concisely and firmly. " Pro- 
hibiting slittiug-milla," said South Hadley, "is similar to 
the Pliilistinca prohibiting smiths in Israel, and shews we 
arc esteemed by our brethren as vassals." " We think our- 
selves obliged to emerge from our former obscuritji and. 



>£ tfae 


Rfrir, w&ick "^imil . 


his utmost skill at sarcasm, ;mtl whicli, nfter two days' 
debate, was uniiniiiioasty adopted and carried up by its 
author, chose a different mode of dealing with tlie governor's 
positions, Lilte the council, they traced the disturbed state 
of government to taxation of the colouista by parliament ; 
but, as to the supremacy of that body, they took the gov- 
ernor at his word, " It is difficult, perhaps impossible," 
they agreed, " to draw a line of distinction between the 
universal authority of parliament over the colonies, and no 
authority at all ;" and laying out all their strength to prove 
the only point which Hutchinson's statement required to be 
proved, that that authority was not universal, they opened 
the door to his own inference. " If there be no such line," 
Buid they, " between the supreme authority of parliament 
and the total independence of the colonies, then either the 
colonies are vassals of the parliament or they are totally 
independent. As it cannot be supposed to have been the 
intention of the parties in the compact that one of them 
should be reduced to a state of vassalage, the conclusion is 
that it was their sense that we were thus independent," 
"But it is impossible," the governor had insisted, "that 
there shotdd be two independent legislatures in one and the 
same state." " Then," replied the house, " the colonies 
were by their charters made distinct states from the mother 
country." "Although there may be but one head, the 
king," Hutchinson had said, " yet the two legislative bodies 
will make two governments as distinct as the kingdoma of 
England and Scotland before the union," " Very true, 
may it please your excellency," replied the house; 
" and, if they interfere not with each other, what iiin- 
ders but that, being united in one head and aoveruign, they 
may live happily in that connection, and mutually support 
and protect each otherV" 

" But is there any thing," the governor had asked, " which 
we have more reason to dread than independence y " And 
the house answered ; " There is more reason to ilread the 
onsequences of absolute uncontrolled power, whether of a 
nation or of a monarch." " To draw the line of distinfjtion," 
they continue, "between the supreme authority of parlia- 



ment and the total mdependence of the colonies would be 
Ui arduous ondertaking;, and of veiy great importance to all 
the other colonies ; and therefore, coaid wo conceive of such 
a line, we should be unwilling to propose it, without their 
oonMat in congress." 

Hai'ing thus won an Dosparing victory over the logic of 
Hntchioson by accepting all his premlsefl and fitting to 
them other and apter conclusions, they rebuked the 
jta govertior for having reduced them to the alleniadve 
either of appearing by silence to acquiesce in hia 
sentiments or of freely disouaeing the supreme aathority of 

The governor was overwhelmed with confusion. He had 
intended to drive them into s conflict with parliament ; and 
they had denied its supremacy by implication from his own 
premises, in a manner tbat could bring censure on no one 
but himself. 

Dming this controversy, a commission, composed of 
Admiral Montagu, the vice-.idmiralty judge at Boston, the 
chief justices of Massachusetts, New York, and New Jersey, 
and the governor of Rhode Island, met at Newport to in- 
quire into the aEEair of the "Gaspee." Deputy Governor 
Sessions and Stephen Hopkins, formerly governor, now 
chief justice, were the two pillars on which Rhode Island 
liberty depended. They notified the commissioners that 
there had been no neglect of duty or connivance on the 
part of the provincial government ; from which it followed 
that the presence of the special court was as unnecessary as 
it was alarming. 

The assembly having met at East Greenwich to watch 
the commission era, the governor laid before it his instruc- 
tions to arrest offenders and send them for trial to England. 
The order excited general horror and indignation. The 
chief justice asked directions how he should act. The 
assembly referred him to his discretion. " Then," said 
Hopkins, in the presence of both booses, " for the purpose 
of transportation for trial, I will neither apprehend anyper- 
Hon by my own order, nor suffer any executive officers in 
the colony to do it." " The people would not have borne 





an actual seizure of persons," which " nothing but an armed 
force could have effeoted." 

The commissioners elicited nothing, and adjourned 
with bitlemaaa in their hearts. Smyth, the chief jus- 
tice of New Jersey, who had just been put on the civil list, 
threw ali blame on the popular government of Rhode Island. 
Horsmanden advised to take away the charter of that prov- 
ince, and of Connecticut also, and consolidate the " twins 
in one royal government." Yet Connecticut, the land of 
steady habits, was at that day the most orderly and quietly 
governed people in the world ; and the charter of Rhode 
Island, in spite of all its enemies, bad vitality enough to 
outlaat the unieformed house of commons. 

The doctrines of Massachusetts extended to other col- 
onies. Hutchinson was embarrassed by the controverey 
which he had provoked, and would now willingly have 
ended. Meantime, the house made the usual grants to the 
justices of the superior court ; but the governor refused his 
assent, because he expected warrants for their salaries from 
the king. The house replied : " No judge, who has a due 
regard to justice or even to his own character, would choose 
to be placed under such an undue bias as they must bo 
under by accepting their salaries of the crown. We are 
more and more conviacod that it has been the design of 
administration totally to subvert the constitution, and intro- 
duce an arbitrary government into this province ; and we 
cannot wonder that the apprehensions of this people are 
thoroughly awakened." The towns of Massachusetts were 
all the while continuing their meetings. "The judges," 
said the men of Eastham, " must reject the detestable plan 
with abhorrence, if they would have their memories blessed." 
*' We deny the parhamenlary power of taxing us, being 
without the realm of England and not represented there," 
declared Stoughtenham. "Lot the colonies stand firm as 
one man," voted Winchendon. "Divine Providence and 
the necessity of things may call upon us and all the colonies 
to make our last appeal," wrote tie farmers who dwelt on 
the bleak hilla of New iijalem. 

Yet Hutchinson seemed compelled to renew hia discusr 
, VOL. IT. n 


Bion with the legislatore ; and in a long argament, which 
containod little that was new, endeaTored to prove that the 
colony of Mflssacbiisetts was holden as feudatory of the im- 
perial crown of England, and was therefore under the gov- 
eramcnt of the king's laws and the king's court. Again 
Bowdoin for the council, with still greater clearness, affirms 
that parliamentary taxation is unconstitationat, because im- 
posed without consent ; again Samuel Adams for the house, 
aided briefly, in Hawley's temporary absence, by the strong'^ 
natural powers and good knowledge of the laws of John 
Adams, proves from the governor's own premises that par- 
liament has no supremacy over the colony, because the 
feudal system admits no idea of the authority of parliament. 

At the same time, both partiea looked beyond the prov- 
ince for aid. Hutchinson sought to intimidate his antago- 
nists, by telling them "that the English nation would be 
roused, and could not be withstood;" that "parliament 
would, by some means or other, maintain its supremacy." 
To his correflpon dents in England, he sent word what meas- 
ures should be chosen ; advising a change in the political 
organization of towns, a prohibition of the commerce of 
Boston, and the option to the province between submission 
and the forfeiture of their rights. " I wish," said be, "gov- 
ernment may be convinced that something is necessary to 
be done." "We want a full persuasion that parliament 
will maintain its supremacy at all events." " Without it, 
the opposition here will triumph more than ever." 
1T73. The people on their part drew from their institu- 

Mareii. jj^jj ^f committees of correspondence throughout 
the province the hope of a union of all the colonies. " Some 
future congress," said they, " will be the glorious source of 
the salvation of America ; (he Amphictyons of Greece, who 
formed the diet or great council of the states, exhibit an 
excellent model for the rising Americans." 

Whether that great idea should become a reality rested 
on Virginia. Its legislature came together on the fourth of 
March. Its members had authentic information of the pro- 
ceedings of the town of Boston; and public rumors hod 
reached them of the commission for inquiry into the affairs 


1778. VIKOmiA CONSOLmATES omoN. 259 

of Rhode Ifiland. They bad rend and approved of the an- 
swers which the council and the house of MssBiichiiselts hnd 
made in Janunry to the speech of ITutchinson. They formed 
theraselvcH, therefore, into a committee of the whole house 
on the state of the colony ; and in that oommitlee Dabney 
CaiT, of Charlotte, & young statesman of brilliant geniiiB as 
well as fervid patriotism, moved a series of resolutions for 
a system of intercolonial committees of correspondence. 
His plan included a thorough union of oouncila throughout 
the continent. If it should succeed and he adopted by the 
other colonies, America would stand before the world aa 
a con fc lie racy. The measure was supported by Richard 
Henry Lee, with an eloquence which never passed away 
from the memory of his hearers ; by Patrick Henry, with 
more commanding majesty. The assembly did what great- 
ness of mind counselled ; and they did it quietly, aa if it 
were but natural to them to act with maguanimity. On 
Friday the twelfth of March, the resolutions were reported 
to the house and unanimously adopted. They appointed 
their committee, on which appear the names of Bland and 
Lee, of Henry and Cnrr and Jefferson. Their resolves were 
sent to every colony, with a request that each would appoint 
its committee to communicate from time to time with that 
of Virginia. In this manner, Virginia laid the foundation 
of our union. Massachusetts organized a province ; Vir- 
ginia promoted a confederacy. Were the several commit- 
tees to come together, the world woulil see an American 

The associates of Dabney Carr were spared for further 
■ervice to humanity. He himself was cut down in his 
prime and passed aw.iy like a shadow ; but the name of 
him who at this moment of crisis beckoned the colonies 
onward to union must not perish from the memory of hia 

The effect of these resolutions of the Old Dominion was 
decisive. In Massachusetts, they gladdened every 
heart, " Virginia and South Carolina, by their 2arti 
steady perseverance," inspired the hope that the fire 
of liberty would spread through the continent. " &. cum:- 





greas and then an assembly of stntes," reasoned Samnel 
Adama, U no longer " a mere fiction in the mind of a politi- 
cal enthusiast." What though " the British nation 
Ap^ carry their liberties to market, and sell them to the 
highest bidder?" "America," said he, repeating 
the words of Arthur Lee, " America shaJl rise full plumed 
and glorious from the mother's ashes." 

A copy of the proceedings of Virginia was sent to every 
town and district in Massachusetts, that " all the friends of 
American independence and freedom" might welcome the 
intelligenc* ; and, aa one meeting after another echoed back 
the advice for a congri^s, they could hardly find words to 
express how their gloom had given way to light, and how 
"their hearts even leapt for joy." "Wo trust the day is 
not far distant," said Cambridge, by the hand of Thomas 
Gardner, " when our rights and liberties shall be restored 
unto us, or llie colonies, united as one man, will make their 
most solemn appeal to Heaven, and drive tyranny from 
these northern climes." 

" The colonies must assert their liberties whenever the 
opportunity offers," wrote Dickinson from Pennsylvania. 
The opportunity was nearer than he thought ; in Engl.ind, 
Chatham saw plainly thai "things were hastening to a 
crisis at Boston, and looked forward to the issue with very 
painful anxiety." It was the king who precipitated the 
conflict. Ho had no dread of the interposition of France, 
for that power, under the ministry of the day, feared lest 
the enfriinchisement of the Anglo-American colonies should 
create a dangerous rival power to itaeU, and was eager to 
fortify the good understanding with England by a defensive 
treaty, or at least by a treaty of commerce. Louis XV". 
was resolved at all events to avoid war. 

From the time, therefore, that the representatives of 
Massachusetts avowed their legislative independence, the 
king dismissed the thought of obtaining obedience " by 
argument and persuasion." The moat thorough search 
was made into every colonial law that checked or even 
seemed to check the slave-trade; and an act of Virginia, 
whioh put no more obstructions upon it than bad existed 


for a generntion, wna negatived. Parliamentary taxation 
was also to be enforced. 

The continued refusal of North America to rcccivG tea 
from England had brought distress upon the Eaat India 
eompony, which had on hand vanting a market great 
qnantities imported in the faith that that agreement conld 
not hold. They were able to pay neither their dividends 
nor their debts: their stock depreciated nearly one half; 
and the government mnst lose their annual payment of fonr 
hundred thousand pounds. The bankruptcies, brought on 
partly by this means, gave Bach a shock to credit as had 
not been experienced since the South Sea year ; and the 
great manufacturerB were sufferers. The directors came to 
parliament with an ample confession of their humbled state, 
together with entreaties for assistance and relief ; and par- 
ticularly praying that leave might be given to export 
teas fi-ee of all duties to America and to foreign porta. ^J^; 
Had sach leave been granted in respect of America, 
it would have been an excellent commercial regulation, as 
well as have restored a good understanding to every part 
of the empire. 

Instead of this, Lord North proposed to give to the 
company itself the right of exporting its teas. The exisU 
ing law granted on their exportation to America a draw- 
back of three fifths only of the duties paid on importation. 
Lord North now offered a drawback of the whole. Treco- 
thick in the committee also advised to take off the import 
duty in America of threepence the pound, as it produced 
no income to the revenue; but the ministry would not 
listen to the thought of relieving America from taxation. 
"Then," added Trecothick m behalf of the East India 
company, "oa much or more may be brought into the 
revenue by not allowing a full exemption from the duties 
paid here." But Lord North refused to discuss the right 
of parliament to tax America ; insisting that no difficulty 
could arise, that under the new regulation America woiUd 
be able to buy tea from the company at a lower price than 
from any other European nation, and that men will always 
go to the cheapest market. 



The miaistiy was still in its halcyon diiys ; no opposition 
waa made even by the whigs ; and the measure, which was 
the king's own, and was designed to put America to the 
test, took effect as a law from the tenth of May. 
It was immediately followed by a moat carefully pre- 
pared answer from the king to petittoas from Maa- 
sachusetis, announcing that he "considered his nmhority 
to make laws in parliament of sufficient force and validity 
to bind his subjects in America in all coses whatsoever, aa 
essential to the dignity of the crown, and a right apper- 
taining to the state, wluch it was his duty to preserve entire 
and inviolate ; " that he, therefore, " could not but be 
greatly displeased with the petitions and remonstrance in 
which that right was drawn into question;" but that he 
"imputed the unwurrantable doctrines held forth in the 
said petitions and remonstrance to the artifices of a few." 
All this while, Lord Dartmouth " had a true desire to see - 
lenient measures adopted towanla the colonies," not being 
in the least aware that he was drifting with the cabinet 
towards the system of coercion. 

In America, men began to prepare for extreme measures. 
" Glorious Virginia ! " cried the legislature of Rhode Island, 
glowing with admiration for " its patriotic and illustrious 
house of burgesses ; " and this New England province waa 
the first to follow the example of the Old Dominion, by 
electing its committees and sending its circular through the 

In Massachtisetts, so soon as the government for the year 
was organized, the house, on the motion of Samuel Adams, 
and by a vote of one hundred and nine to four, expressed 
its gratitude to the burgesses of Virginia for their uniform 
vigilance, firmness, and wisilom, and its hearty concurrenoB 
in their judicious and spirited resolves. And then it elected 
its committee of correspondence, fifteen in number. New 
Hampshire and Connecticut did the same, so that all New 
England and Virginia were now one political body, with 
an organization inchoate, yet so perfect that on the first 
emergency they could convene a congrean. Every other 
lOOlony on the continent was sure to follow their example. 


While the patriot party was cheered by the hope of union, 
tJie letters of Hutobinaon and Oliver, which FrankUa 
had sent over to the speaker of the Maasoohusetts j^ 
asBembly, destroyed their moral power by exposing 
their daplicity. " Cool, thinking, flctiberate villaiDa; mali- 
cious and vindictive, as well as ambitious and avaricious," 
said John Adams, who this yeur was cboseo into the council, 
but negatived by the governor. " Bone of our bone, flesh 
of our fleah, bom and educated among ua," cried others. 
Hancock, who was angry at being named in the correspond- 
ence, determined to lay bare their hypocrisy ; and Cooper 
from the pulpit preached of "the old serpent, which de- 
ceiveth the whole world ; but was cast out into the earth, 
and bin angels with him." 

The letters had circulated privately in the province for 
more than two months, when, on the second of June, Samuel 
Adams read them to the house in secret session. They 
were by no means among the worst which their authors 
had written; but they showed a thorough complicity with 
Bei'nard and tbc commissioners of the customs, to bring 
military away into the province, and to abridge colonial 
liberties by the interposition of parliament. The house 
after a debate voted, by one hundred and one against five, 
" that the tendency and design of the letters Wiis to aubvert 
the conalilulion of the government, and to introduce arbi- 
trary power into the province." " I have never wrote any 
public or private letter that tends to aubvert the constitu- 
tion," was Hutchinson's message the next day. 

The house, on the fourth, aent him a transcript of their 
proceedings, with the dale of his letters that were before 
them ; and asked for copies of these, and such others as he 
should think proper to communicate. " If you desire copies 
with a view to make them public," answered Hulchini>on, 
after five days' reflection, "the originals are more proper 
{or that purpose than the copies ; " and be refused to com- 
municate oiher letters, declaring that it had not been the 
design of them " to subvert the constitution of the govern- 
ment, but rather to preserve it entire." Then, cousoious 
of guilt, ho by the very next packet sent word to his coi^- 


Sciential friend in London to bam such of his letters as 
might raise a clamor; for, said be, "I have wroto what 
ought not to be made public." 

He had written against every part of the conatitution, 
the elective character of the council, the annual choice of 
the asaembly, the New England organization of the towns ; 
had advised and Holicited the total dependence of the judi- 
ciary on the crown; had hinted at making the experiment 
of declaring martial law, and of abrogating English liberty ; 
had advised to the restraint of the commerce of Boston and 
the exclusion of the province from the fisheries ; had urged 
the immediate euppreesion of the charter of Rhoile Island ; 
had for years " been begging for menaures to maintain the 
Buprcraacy of pariiament," by making the denial of that 
supremacy a capital felony : and all for tho sake of places 
for his family, and a salary and a pension for himself. To 
corrupt pure and good and free political institutions of a 
happy country, and infuse into its veins the slow poison of 
tyranny, is th& highest crime against humanity. And how 
terribly was he punished t For what is life without the 
esteem of one's fellow-men 1 Had he been but honest, how 
New England would have cherished his memory I Now 
bis gray hiiirs, which should ever be kept purer than the 
ermine, were covered with shame ; his ambition de- 
feated, and be suffered all the tortures of avarice trembling 
for tho loss of place. It was Hancock who, taking advan- 
tage of the implied permission of Hutchinson, produced to 
the house copies of tho letters, which were then pubhshed 
and scattered throughout New England and the continent. 
A series of resolves was adopted, expressing their 
June. ''■"*' meaniug, and was followed by a petition to the 
king that he would remove Hutchinson and Oliver 
for ever from the government. The council in like manner, 
after a thorough analysis of the real intent of the corre- 
epondence, joined in the same prayer. So great unanimity 
had never been known. 

Timid from nature, from age, and from an accusing con- 
science, Hutchinson bowed to the storm, and expressed his 
desire to resign. "I hope," he said,"! shall not be left 


jiestitnte, to be insulted and trinniplieti over. I t.iW in the 
cunse of government ; and, whenever it shall be thought 
proper to supersede me, I hope for some appointment;" 
and, calumniating Franklin as one who wished to supplant 
bim in the government of Massiichuaetts, he made intereat 
for Fraokliii's dearable office of deputy postmaster-general. 
All the summer long, the inaidioiis letters thai had ma. 
come to light circulated through the province, and ''^' 
were diacussed by the single-minded country people during 
the week, as they made hay or gathered in the early harvest ; 
on Sundays, the ministers discoursed on them, and poured 
out their hearts in prayer for the preserratiou of their 
precious inlieritance of liberty. "We devote not only 
what little we have in the world," said the people of Pear- 
Bontown, "but even our lives, to vindicate rights so dearly 
pnrcbaaed by our ancestors." The town of Ablngton be- 
came convinced that the boasted connection with Great 
Britain was " not worth a rush." The natural right of 
mankind to improve the form of government under which 
they live was inculcated from the pulpit ; and, at the time 
when the pope was abolishing the order of the Jesuits, 
some of the clergy of Boston predicted that "in fifteen 
years " the people of America would mould for themselves 
a new coustttulioQ. 








August — Dboembee, 1773. 

Tbe £ast India company, who were now by act of par- 
liament authorized to export tea to America entirely 
yjj duty free in England, applied to the treasury in Au- 
gust for the necessary license. They were warned 
by Americans that their adventure would end in loss, and 
some difficulties occurred in details; but the scruples of 
the company were overruled by Lord North, who answered 
peremptorily : " It ia to no purpose making objections, for 
the king will have it so. The king means to try the ques- 
tion with Amerioa." 

The time was short ; the danger to Boston immi- 
nent; resistauce at all hazards was the purpose of 
itB oommilleo of correspondence ; violent resistauce might 
become necessary ; and to ondertake it without a certainty 
of union would only bring ruin on the town and on the 

A congress, therefore, on " the plan of union proposed by 
Virginia," was the fixed purpose of Samuel Adams. He 
would have no delay, no waiting for increased strength; 
for, said lie, " when our liberty is gone, history and experi- 
ence will teach us that an increase of inhabitants will be 
but an increase of slaves." Through the press, he appealed 
to the continent for a congress, tn order to Insist etfectualiy 
upon such terms with England as would not admit for the 
interior government of the colonies any other authority 
than that of their respective legislatures. It was not possi- 
ble to join issue with the king more precisely. 

The first difficulty to be overcome existed in Boston itself. 



Gushing, the speaker, who had received a private letter 
from Dartmouth, ajid was lulled into Donfidiug in "the 
noble and generous sentiraonla " of that minister, advised 
that for the lime the people should bear their grievancGB. 
" Our natural increase in wealth and population," said he, 
"will in a course of years settle this dispute in our favor; 
whereas, if we persist in denying the right of parliament to 
legislate for us, they may think us extravagant in our de- 
mands, and there will be great danger of bringing on a 
rupture fatal to both countries." He thonght the redress 
of grievances would more surely come, "if these high 
points about the supreme authority of parliament were to 
fall asleep." Against this feeble advice, the Boston com- 
mittee of correspondence aimed at the union of the prov- 
ince, and -'the confederacy of the whole continent of 
America." They refused to wmve the claim of right, 
which could only divide the Americans in sentiment and 
confuse their counsels. " What oppreaaions," they asked, 
in their circular to all the other towns, " may we not exiiect 
in another seven years, if through a weak credulity, while 
the most arbitrary measures are still persisted in, wo should 
be prevailed upon to submit our rights, as the patriotic 
Farmer expresses it, to the tender mercies of the ministry ? 
Watchfulness, unity, and harmony are necessary to the 
salvation of ourselves and posterity from bondage. We 
have an nniniating confidence in the Supreme Disposer of 
events, that he will never suffer a sensible, brave, and 
virtuous people to be enslaved." 

Sure of Boston and its committee, Samuel Adams next 
conciliated the favoring judgment of the patriot Hawloy, 
whose influence in the province was deservedly great, and 
who bad shared with him the rcsponsibiJity of the measures 
of the assembly. " I submit to you my ideas at this time, 
because matters seem to me to be drawing to a crisis." 
Such were his words on the fourth and the thir- 
teenth of October. " The present administration, q^^' 
even though the very good Lord Dai'tmouth is one 
of them, are as fixed as any of their predecessors in their res- 
olution to carry tlieir favorite point, an acknowledgment tA 


Chip. L. 

tbe right of parliament to make laws binding ub in sll 
cases whatever. Some of our politicians would have 
Oct ^^^ people believe that admin iatration ore disposed or 
determined to have all the grievances which we com- 
plain of redressed, if we will only be quiet; but this would 
be a fatal delusion. If tho king himself should make any 
concessions, or take any steps contrary to the right of par- 
liament to tax us, be would be in danger of embroiling 
himself with the ministry. Under the present prejudices, 
even the recalling an instruction to the governor is not 
likely to be advised. The subject-matter of our complaint 
is not that a burden greater than our proportion was laid 
npon us by parliament, — such a complaint we might hava 
made without questioning the authority of parliament, — but 
that the parliament has assumed and exercised the power 
of taxing us. His majesty, in his answer to our late peti- 
tions, implies that the parliament is the supreme legislature, 
and that its authority over the colonies is the constitution. 
All allow the minister ia the American department to be 
a good man, Tho great men in England have an opinion 
of us as being a mightily religious people, and suppose that 
we shall place an entire confidence in a nunister of the 
same character. In fact, how many were filled with the 
most sanguine expectations when they heard that the good 
Lord Dartmouth was intrusted with a share in admioistra- 
tion. Yet without a greatness of mind equal, perhaps supe- 
rior, to his goodness, it will be impossible for him singly to 
stem the torrent of corruption. This requires much more 
fortitude than I yet believe he is possessed of. The safety 
of the Americans depends upon their pursuing their wise 
plan of union in principle and conduct," 

Such were the thoughts which Samuel Adams unbosomed 
to his faithfid fellow-laborer. The press, which he directed, 
continued to demand an annual " congress of American 
states to frame a bill of rights," or to " form an indepen- 
dent state, an American commonwealth." tJnion, then, 
union, was the first, the last, the only hope for America. 
Massachusetts, where the overruling will of Samuel Adams 
swayed the feebler politicians, was thoroughly united. But 


that waa not enoagh ; " we must have a convention of all 
the colonies," he would say to his friends ; and ihe measure 
was recognised by the royalists as " of all others the most 
likely to kindle a general flame." His advice was con- 
firmed by the concurrent opinion of Franklin, to whose 
" greatness " he had publicly paid a tribute. His influence 
brought even Gushing to act oa one of a select committee 
with himself and Heath of Roxbury ; and they sent forth 
a secret circular, summoning all the colonies to be prepared 
to assert their rights, when time and circumstances should 
give to their claim the surest prospect of success. "Aud 
when we consider," they s^d, "how one great event has 
hurried on after another, such a time may come and such 
circumstances take place sooner than we are now aware 
of." They advised to contentment with no temporary 
relief. They explained that the king would certainly main- 
bun the power of parliament to extort and to appropriate 
a tribute from the colonies ; that the connection between 
Great Britain and America should be broken, unless it could 
be perpetuated on the terms of equal liberty ; that 
the necessary contest must be entered upon while ^f 
"the ideas of liberty" were strong in men's minds; 
Bnd they closed with desiring each colony to resist the 
designs of the English mmistry in allowing the East India 
company to ship its teas to America. 

That company was already despatching its oonsignraents 
simultaneously to Charleston, to Philadelphia, to New York, 
and to Boston. The system gave universal oSenco, not 
only as an enforcement of the tax on tea, but also as an 
odious monopoly of trade. Philadelphia, the Largest town 
in the colonies, began the work of prevention. Its inhabi- 
tants met on the eighteenth of October in great numbers 
at the state house, and in eight resolutions denied the 
claim of parliament to tax America; specially condemned 
the duty on lea; declared every one who should, directly 
or indirectly, countenance its imposition, an enemy to his 
country ; and requested the agents of the ^ast India com- 
pany to resign. The movement was so general and so 
commanding, that the agents, some cheerfully, others re- 



I luctontlf , gave np their appointment. Within a few daj^ 

I nol one remMned. 

South Carolina, by her spirit and pereeverance, gave aa 
she had ever done evidence that her patriotism would be 
the support of union. The province was at that time in a 
Blnte of just excitement at the arbitrary act of its council 
in imprisoning Thomas Powell, the publisher of the " South 
Carolina Gazette," for au alleged contempt. The council 
was a. body in which the distinguished men of that province 
scorned to accept a seat; its members were chie9y the 
crown officers, and held their places at the king's pleasure. 
Their power to imprison on their mere warrant was denied ; 
the prisoner was taken before Rawlins Lowndes and another 
magistrate on a writ of habeas corpns, and was released. 
Tbe questions involved in the case were discussed with 
heat ; but they did not ^vort attention from watching the 
expected tea^hips. 

The "ideas of liberty," on which resistance was to be 
founded, had taken deep root in a soil which the circular 
of Massachusetts did not reach. The people of 
Illinois were most opportunely sending their last 
message respecting their choice of a government 
directly to Dartmouth himaelf. We have seen how vainly 
they had reasoned with Gage and Hillsborough for some of 
the privileges of self -direction. Here, as on other occasions, 
Dartmouth, with the purest intentions, adopted the policy 
of his predecessor. He censured "the ideas of the inhabi- 
tants of the Illinois district with regard to a civil constitu- 
tion as very extravagant;" and rejected their proposition 
to take some part in the election of their rulers, as " absurd 
and inadmissible." A plan of government wan therefore 
prepared, of great simplicity, leaving all power with the 
I executive oiBcera of the crown ; and Gage had been aura- 

^B moned to England to give advice on tlie administration of 

^W the colonies, and especially on the mode of governing the 
west. It was on the fourth of November that the fathers 
of the coramoBwealth of Illinois, through their agent, 
Daniel Blouin, forwarded their protest against the proposed 
form, which they rejected as " oppressive and absurd," 





" mnoh worse than that of any of the French or even the 
Spnnish colonies." "Should a government bo evidently 
tyrannical be established," such was their langunge to the 
British minister, " it could be of no long duration ; " there 
would exist "the necessity of its being abolished." The 
words were nobly uttered, and were seasonable. The 
chord of liberty vibrated on the Illinois, and the sympathy 
of the western villages with freedom was an assnranco 
that they, too, would join the great American family of 

The issue was to be tried at Boston ; the governor himself, 
under the name of bis sons, was selected as one of those to 
whom the ten-ships for that port were consigned ; the mo- 
ment for the decision was hastening on. In the night 
between the first and second of November, a knock JJ^; 
was heard at the door of each of the consignees 
commissioned bj the East India company, and a summons 
left for them to appear without fail at Liberty Tree on the 
following Wednesday, at noon, to resign their commission ; 
printed notices were also posted up, desiring the freemen 
of Boston and the neighboring towns to meet at the same 
time and place as witnesses. 

On the appointed day, a large flag was bung out on the 
pole at Liberty Tree ; the bells in the meeting-houses were 
rung from eleven till noon. Adams, Hancock, and Phillips, 
three of the four representatives of the town of Boston, the 
selectmen, and William Cooper, the town clerk, with about 
five hundred more, gathered round the spot. As the con- 
signees did not make their appearance, the assembly, ap- 
pointing MoHneux, Warren, and others a committee, marched 
into State Street to tbo warehouse of Richard Clsirke, where 
all ibe consignees were assembled. Molineux presented 
himself for a parley. 

" From whom are you a committee ? " asked Clarke. 
"From the whole people." "Who are the committee?" 
" I am one," replied Molineux ; and be named all tho rest. 
"And what is your request?" Molineux read a paper, 
requiring the consignee to promise not to sell the teas, 
but to return them to London in the same bottoms m 

[ but tc 


Cbap. L. 

which they were shipped. " Will you comply ? " "I shall 
have nothing to do with you," answered Clarke, roughly 
and peremptorily. The same question was put to the other 
consignees, one by one ; who each and all answered ; " I 
cannot comply with your demand." Molineux then read 
another paper, containing a resolve piiaaed at Liberty Tree, 
that the consignees who should refuse to comply with the 
request of the people were enemies to their country. De- 
scending into the street, he made his report to the people. 
"Out with them! out with them!" was the cry; but he 
dissuaded from violence. 

iTTs. On the fifth, Boston, in a legal town-meeting, with 

^°'' Hancock for moderator, adopted the Philadelphia re- 
solves, and then sent to invite Thomas and Elisha Hutchinson 
to resign their appointment ; but they, and all the other con- 
signeoa, declined to do so, in letters addressed to Hancock, 
the moderator. At thia, some spoke of " taking up arms," 
and the words were received with clapping of hauda ; but 
the meeting only voted the answers " daruigly a£Erontiv6," 
and then dissolved itself. On the same day, the people 
of New York assembled at the ciill of their committee of 
vigUance. Let the tea come tree or not free of duty, they 
were absolutely resolved it should not be landed. After a 
few days' reflection, the commiaaionera for that city, finding 
the discontent universal, threw up their places ; yet the 
Sons of Liberty continued their watchfulness; a paper 
signed " Legion " ordered the pilots not to hriug tea-ships 
above the Hook ; and " the Mohawks " were notified to be 
ready in case of their arrival. The same spirit pervaded 
the country people. The more than octogenarian Charles 
Clinton, of Ulster county, with his latest breath charged 
his sons "to stand by the liberties of their country." 

The example of New York renewed the hope that a sim- 
ilar expedient might succeed in Boston. Members of the 
council, of greatest infiuence, intimated that the best thing 
that could be done to quiet the people would be the refusal 
of the consignees to execute the trust ; and the merchants, 
though they declared against mobs and violence, generally 
wished that the teas might not he landed. 



On the seventeenth, a ehip which had made a short J^J- 
passage from London brought an aathentic account 
that the Boston tett-ships had Enilcd ; the next day, there 
was onoe more a legal town-meeting to entreat the consign- 
ees to resign. Upon their repeated refiiaal, the town passed 
no vote and uttered no opinion, but immediately broke up. 
The silence of the disBolution struck more terror than 
former menaces ; for the consigneeB saw that henceforward 
they were in the hands of the committee of correspondence. 
On the twenty-second, the committees of Dorchester, Ros- 
bory, Brookline, and Cambridge, met the Boston committee 
by invitation at the selectmen's chamber in Faneail Hall. 
Their first question was ; " Whether it be the mind of this 
I Dommittee to use their joint influence to prevent the landing 
Etnd sale of the teas exported from the East India com- 
pany ? " And it passed in the affirmative unanimoasly. 

A motion next prevailed unanimously for a letter to be 
Bent by a joint committee of the five towns to all the other 
towns in the province. " Brethren," they wrote, " we are 
reduced to this dilemma, either to sit down quiet under this 
and every other burden that our enemies shall see fit to lay 
upon ue, or to rise up and resist this and every plan laid for 
our destruction, as becomes wise freemen. In this extrem- 
ity, we earnestly request your advice." 

The governor in his alarm proposed to flee to " the castle, 
where he might with safety to hia person more freely give 
his sense of the criminality of the proceedings." Dissuaded 
from so abject a display of pusillanimity, he yet never es- 
caped the helpless irresolution of fear. " Nothing will sat- 
isfy the people but reshipping the tea to London," said the 
Boston selectmen to the consignees. " It is impracticable," 
they answered. " Nothing short of it," said the selectmen, 
" will be satisfactory. Think, too, of the dreadful conse- 
quences that must in all probability ensue on its not being 
done." After much discussing, they "absolutely promised 
that, when the tea arrived, they would immediately hand in 
proposals to be laid before the town;" negotiating with 

Cieaty of purpose only to gain time. 
the people were as vigilant as they were determined. 
'Oh. IV. 18 





The men of Cambrirlge assembled on the twenty-sixth, and, 
after adopting the Phibdelphia resolTes, "very unani- 
mously " voted " that, as Boston was struggling for the Ub- 
ertiee of their country, they could no longer stand idle 
spectators, but were ready on the shortest notice to join 
with it and other towns in any measure that might be 
thought proper, to deliver themselves and posterity from 
slavery." The next day, the town of Charleatown assembled, 
and showed auch a spirit that ever after its coromittoc wa« 
added to those who assumed the executive direction. 

The combination was hardly finished, when on 
Sunday, the twenty-eighth of November, the ship 
" Dartmou1,h " appeared in Boston harbor, with one hundred 
and fourteen chests of the East India company's tea. To 
keep the sabbath strictly was the New England usage. But 
hours were precious ; let the tea be entered, and it would 
be beyond the power of the consignee to send it back. Tha 
selectmen held one meeting by day, and another in the 
evening; but they sought in vain for the consignees, who 
had taken sanctuary in the castle. 

The committee of correspondence was more efficient. 
Meeting also on Sunday, they obtained from the Quaker 
Rotch, who owned the " Dartmouth," a promise not to enter 
his ship till Tuesday ; and authorized Samuel Adams to in- 
vite the committees of the five surrounding towns, Dorches- 
ter, Rorbury, Brookline, Cambridge, and Charlestown, with 
their own townsmen and those of Boston, to hold a mass 
meeting the next morning. Faneuil Hall cotild not contwn 
the people that poured in on Monday. The concourse was 
the largest ever known. Adjourning to "the Old South" 
meeting-house, Jonathan Williams acted as moderator, and 
Samuel Adams, Hancock, Young, Molineux, and Warren 
conducted the business of the meeting. On the motion of 
Samuel Adams, who entered fully into the question, the 
assembly, composed of upwards of five thousand persons, 
resolved unanimously that " the tea should be sent back to 
the place from whence it oame at all events, and that no 
duty should be paid on it." " The only way to get rid of 
it," said Young, " la to throw it overboard." The consign- 


ees asked for time to prepare their answer ; and " out of 
great tenderness " the body postponed receiving it to 
the nest morning. Meantime, the ownar and master Jj™' 
of the fillip were oonvonted, and forced to promise 
not to land the tea. A watch was also proposed. " I," said 
Hancock, " will be one of it, rather than that there should 
be none ; " and a party of twenty-five persons, under the 
orders of Edward Prootor as its captain, waa appointed to 
guard the tea^bip during the night. 

On the same day, the council, who bad been solicited by 
the governor and the consignees to assume the guardianship 
of the tea, coupled their refusal with a reference to the de- 
clared opinion of both branches of the general court, that 
the tax upon it by parliament waa unconstitutional. Tlie 
next morning, the consignees jointly gave as their answer : 
"It is utterly out of our power to send back the teas; but 
we now declare to you our readiness to store them, until we 
shall receive further directions from our oonatituents ; " that 
is, until they could notify the British government. Tbt.' 
wrath of the meeting was kindling, when the eheriU of Suf- 
folk entered, with a proclamation from the governor, "warn- 
ing, eihorting, and requiring them, and each of them there 
unlawfully assembled, forthwith to disperse, and to surcease 
all furibor unlawful proceedings, at their utmost peril." 
The words were received with biases, derision, and a unan- 
imous vote not to disperse. " Will it be safe for the oon- 
Bigneea to appear in the meeting?" asked Copley; and all 
with one voice responded that they might safely como and 
return ; but they refused to appear. In the afternoon. 
Ketch tho owner, and Hall the master of the " Dartmoutli," 
yielding to an irresistible impulse, engaged that the tea 
should return as it came, without touching land or paying a 
duty. A similar promise was exacted of the owners of the 
other tea-ahips whose arrival was daily eipecled. In this 
way "it was thought the matter would have ended," "I 
shoold be williug to spend my fortune and life itself In so 
good a oaose," said Hancock, and this sentiment waa gen- 
eral ; they all voted " to carry their resolutions into effect 
at the risk of their lives and property." 



Cbap. !•. 

Every ahip-owner was forliidden, on pain of being deemed 
an enemy to the country, to import or bring as freight any 
Ua from Great Britain, till the onrighteoas act taxing it 
should be repealed ; and this vote vas printed, and sent to 
every seaport in the province, and to England. 

Six persons were chosen as posNriders, to give due notice 
to the country towns of any attempt to land the tea by 
force ; and the committee of correspondence, aa the executive 
organ of the meeling, took care that a military watch was 
regularly kept up by volunteers armed with muskets and 
bayonets, who at every half hour in the night regularly 
passed the word, "All is well," like sentinels in a garrison. 
Hud they been molested by night, the tolling of the bells 
would have been the signal for a general nprising. An 
account of all that had been done was sent into every town 
in the province. 

The ships, after landing the rest of their caigo, 
conld neither be cleared in Boston with the tea on 
board, nor be entered in England, and on the twen- 
tieth day from their arrival would be liable to sciznre. 
"They find themselves," said Hutchinson, "involved in 
invincible difficulties." Meantime, in private letters he 
advised to separate Boston from the rest of the province, 
and to commence criminal proseoutions against its patriot 

The spirit of the people rose with the emergency. Two 
more tea-ships which arrived were directed to anchor by 
the side of the " Dartmouth " at Griffin's Wharf, that one 
guard might surve for all, Tho people of Roxbury, on the 
third of December, voted that they were bound by duty to 
themselves and posterity to join with Boston and other 
siator towns, to preserve inviolate the liberties handed down 
by their ancestors. The next day, the men of Charlestown, 
OS if foreseeing that their town was destined to be a hotcv 
caust, declared themselves ready to risk their lives and 
fortunes. On Sunday, the fifth, the committee of corre- 
Bpondence wrote to Portsmouth in New Hampshire, to 
Providence, Bristol, and Newport in Rhode Island, for 
advice and co-operation. On the sixth, they entreated New 




York, through Macdougall and Sears, Philadelphia, through 
Mifflin and Clymer, to Inaure sacceas by " a harmony of 
Bcntiment and conomTence in action." As for Boston itself, 
the twenty days were fast running out ; tho consignees 
conspired with the revenue officers to throw on the owner 
and master of the " Dartmouth " the whole burden of land- 
ing the tea, and would neither i^ee to receive it, nor give 
up their bill ot lading, nor pay the freight. 

On the ninth, there was a vast gathering at Newburyport 
of the inhabitants of that and the neighboring towns; and, 
none dissenting, they agreed to assist Boston, even at the 
hazard of their Uvea. " This is not a piece of parade," they 
eay ; " but, if an occasion should offer, a goodly number from 
among us will hasten to join you." 

On Saturday the eleventh, Rotch, the owner of the 
"Dartmouth," is summoned before the Boston comraitlee, 
with Samuel Adams in the chair ; and asked why ho has 
not kept his engagement, to take his vessel and the tea 
back to London within twenty days of its arrival. He 
pleaded that it was out of his power. " The ship must go," 
was the answer ; "the people of Boston and the neighboring 
towns absolutely require and expect it ; " and they bade 
him ask for a clearance and pass, with proper witnesses of 
his demand. "Were it mine," said a leading merchant, 
"I would certainly send it back." Hutchinson acquaiated 
Admiral Montagu with was pasHing ; on which, the 
" Active " and the " Kingfisher," though they had been laid 
np for the winter, were sent to guard the passages out of 
the harbor. At the same time, orders were given by the 
governor to load guns at the castle, so that no vessel, except 
coasters, might go to sea without a permit. He had no 
thought of what was to happen : the wealth of Hancock, 
Phillips, Rowe, Dennie, and others, seemed to him a security 
against violence ; and he flattered himself that he had in- 
creased the perpleiltiea of the committee. 

On the morning of Monday the thirteenth, the com- 
mittees of the five towns were at FaneuJl Hall, with 
that of Boston. Now that danger was really at hand, 
the men of the little town of Maiden oSered their blood 

Cbap. I. 

and their treasare ; for that which they once esteemed the 
mother country had lost the tenderness of a parent, and 
become their great oppressor. " We trust in God," wrote 
the men of Lexington, " that, should the state of onr affoira 
require it, we shall be ready to sacrifico our estates and 
every thing dear in life, yea, and life itself, in support of the 
common cause." Whole towns in Worcester county were 
"on tiptoe to come down." "Go on as you have begun," 
wrote the committee of Leicester, on the fourteenth ; "and 
do not suffer any of the teas already come or coming to be 
landed, or pay one farthing of duty. You may depend on 
our aid and assistance when needed." 

It was intended, if possible, to get the tea carried back to 
London in the vessel in which it came. A meeting of the 
people on Tuesday afternoon directed and as it were " com- 
pelled " Rotch, the owner of the " Dartmouth," to apply for 
a clearance. He did so, accompanied by Kent, Samuel 
Adams, and eight others as witnesses. The collector waa 
at his lodgings, and declined to answer till the next morning ; 
the assemblage, on their part, adjourned to Thursday the 
sixteenth, the last of the twenty days before it would be- 
come legal for the revenue officers to take possession of the 
ship, and so land the teas at the castle. In the evening, 
the Boston committee finished their preparatory meetings. 
After their consultation on Monday with the committee of 
the five towns, they had been together that day and the 
next, both morning and evening ; but, during the long and 
anxious period, their journal has only this entry: "No 
businesa transacted, matter of record." 

At ten o'clock on the fifteenth, Rotch was escorted 
by his witnesses to the custom house, where the col- 
lector and comptroller unequivocally and finally refused his 
ship a clearance, till it should be discharged of the teas, 

Hutchinson began to clutch at victory ; for, said he, the 
ship cannot pass the caatle without a permit from me, and 
that I shall refuse. On that day, the people of Fitchburg 
pledged their word "never to be wanting according to 
their small ability;" for "they had an ambition to be 
known to ihe world and to posterity aa friends to liberty." 




The men of Gloucester expressed their joy at Boston's 
giortoiia oppositioD ; cried, with one voice, that " no tea 
snbject to a duty should be landed in their town j " and held 
themselves ready for the last appeal. The town of Porls- 
month held its raeeiing on the morning of the sixteenth ; 
and, with six only protesting, its people adopted the princi- 
ples of Philadelphia, appointed their committee of corre- 
spondence, and resolved to make common cause with the 

Thursday the sixteenth of December, 1773, dawned itts, 
upon Boston, a day by far the most momentous in its '^*°' 
annals. Beware, little town ; count the cost, and know 
well if yon dare defy the wrath of Great Britain, and if yon 
love exile and poverty and death rather than submission. 
At ten o'clock, its people, with at least two thousand men 
from the country, assembled in the Old South meeting- 
house. A report was made that Rotch bad been denied a 
clearance from the collector. " Then," said they to him, 
" protest immediately against the custom house, and apply 
to the governor for his pass, so that your vessel may this 
very day proceed on her voyage for London." 

The governor had stolen away to his country-seat at Mil- 
ton. Bidding Rotch make all haste, tho meeting adioumed 
to three in the afternoon. At that hour, Rotch had not 
returned. It was incidentally voted, as other towns had 
already done, to abstain totally from the use of tea ; and 
every town was advised to appoint its committee of inspec- 
tion, to prevent the detested tea from being brought within 
any of them. Then, since the governor might refuse his 
pass, the momentous question recurred, " whether It be the 
sense and determination of tluB body to abide by their 
former resolutions with respect to the not suffering the tea 
to be landed." On this question, Samuel Adams and Young 
addressed the meeting, which was become far the most 
numerous ever held in Boston, embracing seven thousand 
men. There waa among them a patriot of fervid feeling; 
passionately devoted to liberty ; still young ; his eye bright, 
his cheek glowing wilh hectic fever. lie knew that his 
strength was ebbing. The work of vindicatm^ Am&ncaa. 



Chat. I> 

freedom must be done soon, or he will be no party to the 
acliievement. Ho rises, but it is to restrain ; and, being 
truly brave and truly resolved, he speaks the language of 
moderation : " Shouts and bosannaa will not tenninate the 
trials of this day, nor popular resolvea, harangues, and 
acclamations vanquish our foes. We must be grossly igno- 
rant of the value of the prize for which we contend, of the 
power combined against us, of the inveterate malice and 
insatiable revenge which actuate our enemies, public and 
private, abroad and in our bosom, il we hope tliot we shall 
end this controversy without the sharpest conflicts, Let 
na consider the issue before we advance to those measures 

which must bring on the most trying and terrible 
2S struggle this country ever saw." "Now that the 

hand is to the plough," said others, "there must be 
no looking back;" and the seven thousand voted unani- 
mously that the tea should not be landed. 

It had been dark for more than an hour. They knew 
that a delay of a few hours would place the tea nnder the 
protection of the admiral at the castle. The church in 
which they met was dimly lighted by candles, when at a 
quarter before sis Rotch appeared, and related that the 
governor would not grant him a pass, because his ship 
was not properly cleared. As soon as he had Iiutshed hia 
report, loud shouts were uttered ; then Samuel Adams 
rose and gave the word : " This meeting can do nothing 
more to save the country." On the instant, a cry waa 
heard at the porch ; the war-whoop resounded ; a body 
of men, forty or fifty in number, disguised and clad in 
blankets as Indians, each holding a hatchet, passed by the 
door; and encouraged by Samuel Adams, Hancock, and 
others, and increased on the way to near two hundred, 
marched two by two to GrifBn's Wharf, posted guards to 
prevent the intrusion of spies, took possession of the three 
tea-ships, and, in about three hours, three hundred and 
forty chests of tea, being the whole quantity that had been 
imported, were emptied into the bay, without the least 
injury to other property, "All things were conducted 
with great order, decency, and perfect submission to gov- 


emment." The people who looked on were bo stUl that the 
Doise of breaking open the teu-cheats was plaiuly beard. 
After the work was done, the town became as quiet as if it 
bad been holy time. The men from the country that very 
night took home the great news to their villages. 

The next morning, the committee of oorrespon donee 
appointed Samuel Adams and four others to draw up a 
declaration of what bad been done. They sent P.iul Revere 
as express with the information to New York and Philadel- 

The joy that sparkled in the eyes and animated the coun- 
tenances and the hearts of the pairiota, as they met one 
another, is unimaginable. The governor, meantime, was 
consulting his books and his lawyers to make out that the 
resolves of the meeting were treasonable. Threats were 
muttered of arrests, of executions, of transporting the 
accused to England ; while the committee of correspond- 
ence pledged themselves to support and vindicate each 
other and all persons who had shared in their effort. The 
country was united with the town, and the colonies with 
one another more firmly than ever. The Philadelphians 
unanimously approved what Boston had done. New York, 
all impatient at the winds which had driven its tea-^hip ofE 
the coast, was resolved on following the example. 

In South Carolina, the ship, with two hundred and fifty- 
seven chesta of tea, arrived on the second of December; 
the spirit of opposition ran very high ; but the consignees 
were persuaded to resign : so that though the collector after 
the twentieth day seized the dutiable article, there was no 
one to vend it or to pay the duty, and it perished in the 
cellars where it was stored. 

Lnte on Saturday the twenty-fifth, news reached irrg. 
Philadelphia that its tea-ship woa at Chester. It was °"- 
mel four miles below the town, where it came to anchor. 
On Monday, at an hour's notice, five thousand men collected 
in a town-meeting; at their instance, the consignee who 
came as passenger resigned ; and the captain agreed to take 
bis ship and cargo dirccdy back to London, and to sail the 
very next day. The Quakers, though they did not a^^ens 



Openly, gave the meogare eveiy private enuoorageroent. 
" The miniatry had chosen the moat effectual measures to 
nnite the oolonies. The Boston committee were already in 
close correspondence with the other New England colonies, 
with New York and Pennsylvania. Old jealousies were re- 
moved, and perfect harmony aabsisted between all." "The 
heart of the king was hiirdened like that of Pharaoh;" and 
none believed he would relent. Union, therefore, was the 
cry ; a union which should reach " from Florida to the icy 
plains" of Canada. " No time is to be lost," said the 
" Boston Gazette ; " "a congress or a meeting of the 
American slates is indispensable ; and what the peo- 
ple wills shall be effected." Samuel Adams was in his glory. 
He had led his native town to offer itself cheerfully as a 
sacrifice for the liberties of mankind. 




the kino m cottncii. insults the ore at auebican 

December, 1773 — Febrdaet, 1774. 

The juBt man enduring the opprobrium of crime, yet mer- 
iting the honors due to virtue, is the sublimest specta- 
cle that can appear on earth. Against Franklin were '^* 
arrayed the court, the ministry, the parliament, and 
an atl-perrading social influence ; but he only assumed a 
firmer demeanor and a loftier tone. On delivering to Lord 
Dartmouth the address to the king for the removal of 
Hutchinson and Oliver, he gave assurances that the people 
of Massachusetts aimed at no novelties; that, "having 
lately discovered the authors of their grievances to be some 
of their own people, their resentment against Britain was 
thence much abated." The secretary expressed pleasure nt 
receiving the petition, promised to lay it before the king, and 
hoped for the restoration "of the most perfect tranqalllity 
and happiness." It bad been the unquestionable duty of the 
ageut of the province to communicate proof that Hutchin- 
son and Oliver were conspiring against its constitution; 
to bring censure on the act, it was necessary to raise a be- 
hef that the evidence had been surreptitiously obtained ; 
but William Whntely, the banker, who was his brother's 
executor, was persuaded that the letters in question had 
never been iu Ms hands, and refused to cast imputations 
on any one. 

The newspaper press was therefore employed to spread 
a rumor that they had been dishonestly obtained through 
John Temple. The anonymous calnmny which was attrib- 



atcd to Bernard, Kuox, and Mauduit, was denied by "» 
member of parliament," who truly affirmed that the let- 
ters which were sent to Boston had never been in the 
executor's hands. Again the press declared, what was also 
true, that Whately, the executor, had submitted files of 
his brother's letters to Temple's examination, who, it was 
insinuated, had seized the op))ortuuity to purloin them. 
Temple repelled the chaise instantly and successfully. 
Whately, the executor, never made a suggestion that the 
letters had been taken away by Temple, and always be- 
lieved the contrary ; but, swayed not so much by the so- 
licitations of Hutchinson and Mauduit as by bis sudden 
appointment as a banker to the treasury, he published an 
evasive card, in which he did not relieve Temple from the 

A duel followed between Temple and Whately, without 
witneaaes; then newspaper altercations on the incidents 
of the meeting, till another duel seemed likely to ensue. 
Cuahlng, the timid speaker of the Massachusetts assembly, 
to whom the letters had been officially transmitted, begged 
that he might not be known as having received them, lest it 
should be " a damage " to him ; the member of pai'liament, 
who had had them in his possession, never permitted hlm- 
Belf ta be named ; Temple, who risked offices producing a 
thonsand pounds a year, publicly denied " any concern in 
procuring or transmitting them." To prevent bloodshed, 
Franklin said : " I alone am the person who obtained and 
transmitted to Boston the letters in question." His ingenu- 
ousness exposed him to " unmerited abuse " in every 
company and in every newspaper, and gave hia enemies 
an opening to reject publicly the petition, which otherwise 
would have been dismissed without parade. 

On the eleventh of January, 1774, Franklin for 
Massachusetts, and Mauduit, with Wedderburn, for 
Hutchinson and Oliver, appeared before the privy council. 
" I thought," said Franklin, " that this had been a matter of 
politics, and not of law, and have not brought any counsel." 
The hearing was therefore adjourned to the twenty-ninth. 
Meantime, the enraged ministry and the courtiers talked 





of his dismissal from olGi/e ; of his arresl, and imprisonment; 
at Newgate ; of a search among hia papers for proofs of 
treason. Wedderbum avowed the intention lo inveigii 
personally i^inst him ; and he was harassed with a sub- 
paina from the chancellor, to attend his conrt at the suit 
of William Whately, respecting the letters. 

The pablic sentiment was, moreover, embittered by ao- 
coonts that the Americana would not suSer the land- 
ing of the tea. On New Year's eve, a half-chest j^; 
of it, picked up in Roxbnry, was burnt on Boston 
common ; on the twentieth, three barrels of Bobea tea were 
burnt in State Street. On the twenty-fifth, John Malcolm, 
a North Briton, who had been aid to Governor Tryon in his 
war against the regulators, and was now a preventive officer 
in the customs, having indiscreetly provoked the populace, 
was seized, tarred and feathered, and paj^ded under the 

The general court was determined to compel the judges 
to refuse the salaries proffered by the king. In England, 
a greater clamor rose against the Americana than ever 
before. Hypocrites, traitors, rebels, and villains were the 
softest epithets applied to them ; some menaced war, and 
would have given full scope to sanguinary rancor. On the 
twenty-seventh, the government received official informa- 
tion that the people of Boston had thrown the tea over- 

In this angry state of public feeling, Franklin on the 
twenty-ninth, assisted by Dunning and John Lee, came 
before the privy conncil to advocate the removal of Hutch- 
inson and Oliver, in whose behalf appeared Israel Mauduit, 
the old adviser of the stamp-tax ; and Wedderbum, tlie 
solicitor-general. It was a day of great expectolion. Thirty- 
five lords of the council were preseut, a larger number than 
had ever attended a hearing; and the room was filled with 
a crowded audience, among whom were Friostley, Jeremy 
Bentham, and Edmund Burke. 

The petition and accompanying papers having been read. 
Dunning asked on the part of his clients the reason of hia 
being ordered to attend. " No cause," said he, " ia SsKub- 





tnted ; nor do we think advocates neoeB§ary ; nor arc they 
demanded on the part of the colony. The petition ia not 
in the natnre of accueation, but of advice and request. It 
ia an address to the king's wisdom, not an application for 
ciiminal justice ; when referred to the council, it ifi a matter 
for political prudence, not for judicial determination. The 
matter, therefore, rests wholly in your lordships' opinion of 
the propriety or impropriety of continuing persons in author- 
ity, who are represented by legal bodies, competent to such 
representation, aa having (whether on sufficient or insuffi- 
cient grounds) entirely forfeited the confidence of the 
j^*; assemblies whom they were to act with, and of the 
people whom they were to govern. The resolutions 
on which that representation is founded lie before your 
lordships, together with the letters from which they arose, 

" If your lordships should think that these actions, which 
appear to the colony representative to be faolty, ought in 
other places to appear meritorious, the petition has not de- 
sired that the parties should bo ponished as criminals for 
these actions of supposed merit, nor even that they may not 
he rewarded. It only requests that these gentlemen may be 
removed to places where such merita are better understood, 
and such rewards may be more approved." He spoke well, 
and was seconded by Lee. 

The question as presented by Dnnning was already de- 
cided in favor of the petitioners ; it was the universal opin- 
ion that Hutchinson ought to be superseded. Weddcrbuni 
changed the issue, as if Franklin were on trial; and, in a 
speech woven of falsehood and ribaldry, turned his invective 
against the petitioners and their messenger. Of all men, 
Franklin was the most important in any attempt at concili- 
ation. He was the agent of the two great colonies, Massa- 
chusetts and Pennsylvania, and also of New Jersey and 
Georgia ; was the friend of Edmund Burke, who was agent 
for New York. All the troubles in British colonial policy 
had grown out of the neglect of his advice, and there was 
no one who could have mediated like him. He was now 
thrice venerable, from genius, fame in the world of science, 
and age. Him Wedderhum, turning from the real question, 


employed all the cunning powers of diatortion and misrepre- 
sentation to obnae. With an absurdity of application which 
the lords of the privy council were too much preju- 
diced to obserrc, he drew a parallel between Boston j^*; 
and Capri, Hutchinson and Sejanus, the humble peti- 
tion of the Massachusetts assembly, and a verbose and grand 
tpistle of the Emperor Tiberiua. Franklin, whose character 
was most benign, and who from obvious motives of mercy 
bad assumed the sole responsibility of obtaining the letters, 
he described as a person of the most deliberate malevolence, 
realizing in life what poetic fiction only had penned for the 
breast of a bloody African. The speech of Hutchinson, chal- 
lenging a discussion of the supremacy of parliament, had 
been not only condemned by public opinion in England, but 
disapproved by the secretary of state. Weddcrburn pro- 
nounced it "a masterly one," which had "stunned the fac- 
tion." Franklin for twenty years bad exerted wonderful 
power as a conciliator, had never once employed the Ameri- 
can press to alarm the American people, but bad sought to 
prevent parliamentary taxation of America, by private and 
Buccessful represenlalion during the time of the Pelbams ; by 
seasonable remonstrance with Grenville against the stamp 
act J by honest and true answers to the inquiries of the 
house of commons ; by the beat advice to Shelbume. When 
sycophants sought by flattery to mislead the minister for 
America, he had given correct information and safe counsel 
to the ministry of Grafton, and bad repeated it emphatically, 
and in writing, to the ministry of North : so that his advice, 
if accepted, would like his conductor have drawn the light- 
ning from the cloud ; but Wedderbnm stigmatized this 
wise and hearty lover of both countries as " a true incen- 
diary." The letters which had been written by public men 
in public offices on public affairs, to a member of the par- 
liament that had been declared to possess absolnte jiower 
over America, and which had been written for the purpose 
of producing a tyrannical exercise of that absolute power, 
he called private. Hutchinson had solicited the place held 
by Franklin, from which Franklin was to be dismissed ; this 
fact was suppressed, and the wanton falsehood subat.i.tM^«i^ 

I fact w 


Chap. LL 

that Franklm had desired tbe governor'B office, and bad 
baaely planned " his rival's overthrow." Franklin had 
jin! enclosed the letters officially to the speaker of lh« 
MaBsachusette aMembly, without a single injunction 
of secrecy in regard to the sender ; Wedderbum maintained 
that they wore sent anonymously and secretly ; and by an 
argument founded on a misstatement, but which he put for- 
ward as irrefragable, he pretended to convict Franklin of 
having obtained the letters by fraudulent and corrupt means, 
or of having stolen them from the person who stole them. 

The lords of council, as ho spoke, cheered him on by their 
laughter ; and the cry of " Hear him ! hear hirn ! " burst 
repeatedly from a body which professed to be sitting in 
judgment as the highest court of appeal for the colonies, 
and yet encouraged the advocate of one of the parties to 
insult a public envoy, present only as the person delivering 
the petition of a great and royal colony. Meantime, the 
modern Prometheus, as Kant called Franklin, stood conapio- 
uoualy erect, confronting his vilifier and the privy council ; 
and while calumny, in the service of lawless force, aimed a 
death-blow at his honor, his virtues called on Gkid and man 
to see how unjustly he sufiered. 

The reply of Dunning, who was very ill and fatigued, 
could scarcely be heard ; and that of Lee produced no im- 
pression. There was but one place in England where fit 
reparation could be made ; and there was but one man who 
had the eloquence, courage, and weight of character to 
effect the atonement. For the present, Franklin must rely 
on the approval of the monitor within his own breast. " I 
have never been so sensible of the power of a good con- 
science," said he to Priestley ; " for, if I had not considered 
the thing for which I have been so much insulted as one of 
the best actions of my life, and what I should certainly do 
again in the same circumstances, I could not have supported 
it." But it was not to him, it was to the people of Massa- 
chusetts, and to New England, and to all America, that the 
insult was offered through their agent. 

Franklin and Wedderbum parted : the one to spread the 
celestial fire of freedom among men ; to make bis name & 


cherished word in every Dittion o£ Europe; and, in the 
beaatiful language of Washington, " lo he venerated for 
benevolence, lo be admired for talente, to be esteemed for 
patriotism, to be beloved for philanthropy : " the other cbild- 
less, though twice wedded, unbeloved, wrangling with the 
patron who had impeached his veracity, busy only in " get- 
ting every thing he could " as the wages of corruption. 
Franklin, when be died, had nations for bis mourners, and 
the great and the good throughout the world as his eulogists ; 
when Wedderburo died, no senate spoke his praise ; no poet 
embalmed his memory ; no man mourned ; and his king, 
hearing that he was certainly gone, said only : " He baa not 
left a greater knave behind him in my dominions." The 
report of the lords, which had been prepared beforehand, 
was immediately signed ; and " they went away, almost 
ready to throw up their hats for joy, as if by the vehement 
philippic against the hoary-headed Franklin they bad o^ 
tained a triumph." 

And who were the lords of the council that thus thought 
to brand the noblest representative of free labor, who for 
many a year had earned his daily bread as apprentice, 
journeyman, or mechanic, and " knew the heart of the 
working man," and felt for the people of whom he re- 
mained one? If they who upon that occasion pre- j'^ 
tended to sit in judgment bad never come into being, 
whom among them all would humanity have missed ? But 
how would it have suffered if Franklin had not lived ! 

The men in power who on that day sought to rob Frank- 
lin of bis good name wounded him on tbe next in bia for- 
tunes, by turning him out of bis place in the Americ.m 
post-office, that iostitution which had yielded no revenue 
till be organized it, and yielded none after his dismissal. 

Superior to injury, the " magnanimous " "■old man," as 
Rockingham called Franklin, still sought for conciliation; 
and, seizing tbe moment when he was sure of all sympathies, 
he wrote to his constituents lo begin the work, by making 
compensation to the East India company before any com- 
pulsive measures were thought of. But events proceeded 
aa they had been ordered. Yarious meadnres were taUia^ 

VOL. IT. 19 



Cbap. LI. 

of for altoring the cODstitutioa in Massachusetts, and for 
prosecating individuala. The opinion in town was veiy 
general that America woiilil aubtnit ; that government had 
been surprised into a repeal of tho stamp aot, and that oil 
might be recovered. 

1TT4. The king admitted no misgivings. On the fourth 

*''"'■ of February, he consulted the American commander 
in chief, who had recently returned from New York. " I 
am wiOing to go back at a day's notice," said Gage, " if 
coercive measures are adopted. They will be lions, while 
we are lambs ; but, if we take the resolute ])art, they will 
undoubtedly prove very meek. Four regiments sent lo 
Boston will be sufficient to prevent any disturbance." The 
king adopted these opinions. He would enforce the claim 
of authority at all hazartJs. "All men," said he, "now 
feel that the fatal compliance in 1766 has increased the 
pretensions of the Americans to absolute independence." 
In the letters of Hutchinson, he saw nothing to which the 
least exception could be taken ; and condemned the oautioits 
address of Massachusetts, as the production of " falsehood 
and malevolence." 

Accordingly on the seventh of February, in the court at 
St. James's, the report of the privy council imbodied the 
vile insinuations of Wedderburn ; and the petition, of which 
every word was true, was described as formed on false alle- 
gations, and dismissed as " groundless, vexations, and scan- 
dal oua." 





Febroart — May, 1T74. 

The British people resented the denial of its supremacy; 
and the ministry, overruling the lingering scruples 
of Dartmouth and Lord North, decided that there 'pJJ^ 
existed a rebellion which required coercion. In- 
quiries were made, with the object of enablbg the king to 
proceed in " England against the ringleaders," and inflict 
on them immediate and exemplary punishment. But after 
laborious esaminations before the privy council, and the 
close attention oE Thurlow and Wedderbum, it appeared 
that British law and the British constitution Bet bounds 
to the anger of the government, which gave the first evi- 
dence of its weakness by acknowledging a want of power 
to wreak its will. 

During the delay attending an appeal to parliament, the 
Beoretary of state would speak with the French minister of 
nothing but harmony; and he said to the reprcBentative of 
Spain : " Never was the union between VersaiUeH, Madrid, 
and London, so solid ; I see nothing that can shake it." 
Yet the old distrust lurked under the pretended confi- 

One day, while the government feared n<* formidable 
opposition, Charles James Fox, who was of the treasury 
board, censured Lord North for want of decision and 
courage. "Greatly incensed at his presumption," the king 
wrot« : " That young man has bo thoroughly cast off every 
principle of common honor and honesty that he must become 
oe contemptible as he is odious." He was dismissed from 
office ; and, being connected with no party, was left ttee \ja 



Coat. T.TI. 

foQow his own bold nod generoas impalses. He was soon 
" to discover powers for regular debate, which neither 
g^ his friends hoped Dor hts enemies dreaded." Disinter- 
ested observers already predicted that he would one 
day be classed among tie greatest siaiesmeti of his country. 
The caose of liberty obtained in him a friend who was 
independent of party allegiance and traditions, jost at the 
time when the passion for ruling America by the ceotratj 
authority was producing anarchy in the colonies. In Sontb* 
Carolina, whose sons esteemed themselves disfranchised on 
their own soil by the appoiotmenl of strangers to every 
office, the governor had for four years negatived every tax 
bill in the hope of controlling the appropriations. In North 
Carolina, the law establishing courts of justice had expired ; 
in the conflict of claims of power between the governor and 
the legislature, every new law on the subject was negatived, 
and there were no courts of any kind in the province. The 
most orderly and best governed part of Carolina was tha 
self -organized republic of Watauga, beyond the mountains, 
where the settlements were extending along the Holston, as 
well as south of the NoUichncky. 

An intrepid population, heedless of proclamations, was 
pouring westward through all the gates of the AUeghanies ; 
seating themselves on the New lUver and the Greenbrier, 
on the branches of the Monongahehi, or even making their 
wny to the Mississippi ; accepting from nature their title- 
deeds to the unoccupied wilderness. Connecticut kept in 
mind that its charter bounded its territory by the Pacific. 
Its sons held possession of the Wyoming valley ; and learned 
already to claim lands westward to the Mississippi, "seven 
or eight hundred miles in extent of the fi.nest country and 
happiest clilnate on ihe globe. In fifty years," said they, 
pleasing themselves with visions of the happiness of their 
posterity, and "the glory of this New World," "our people 
will be more than half over this tract, extensive as it is ; in 
less than one century, the whole may become even well 
cultivated. If the coming period bears due proportion to 
that from the first landing of poor distressed fugitives at 
PIvmouth, nothing that we can in the utmost stretch of 





ima^nation fancy of the state of this country at an equally 
future period, can exceed what it irill then be. A cotomerce 
will and rauat arise, independent of every thing externiil, 
snd euperior to any thing ever known in Europe, or of 
which a European can have an adequate idea." The com- 
merce of Philadelphia and New York had outgrown the 
laws of trade ; and the revenue officers, weary oE attempts 
to enforce them, received what dutiea were paid almost as 
a favor. 

The New England people who dwelt on each side of the 
Green Mountains repelled the jurisdiction which the royal 
government of New York would have enforced even at the 
risk of bloodshed, and administered their own affairs by 
means of permanent committees. 

The people of Massachusetts knew that " they had 
passed the river and cut away the bridge." Voting 
the judges of the sujierior court ample salariea from 
the colonial treasury, they called upon them to refuse the 
corrupting donative from the crown. Four of them yielded ; 
Oliver the chief justice alone refused ; the house, therefore, 
impeached him before the council, and declared him sus- 
pended till the issue of the impeachment. They began 
tiao to familiarize the public mind to the thought of armed 
resistance, by ordering some small purchases of powder on 
account of the colony to be stored lu a building of its own, 
and by directing the purchase of twelve pieces of cannon. 
" Don't put off the boat till you know where you will land," 
advised the timid. "We must put off the boat," cried 
Boston patriots, " even though wo do not know where we 
shall land." " God will bring us into a safe harbor," said 
Hawley. "Anarchy itself," repeated one to another, "is 
better than tyranny," 

The proposal for a general congress was deferred to the 
next June ; but the committees of correspondence were to 
prepare the way for it. A circular letter explained why 
Massachusetts had been under the necessity of proceeding 
BO far of itself, and entreated for its future guidance the 
benefit of the councils of the whole country. Hancock, on 
the fifth of March, spoke to a crowded audience In Boa^otv-. 


Chap. UX 


" Porrait mo to august a general congrees of deputies from 
the several houses of assembly on the continent, as the moat 
effectual method of eatabliahing a union for the security of 
our rights nnd liberties." " Remember," be continued, 
" from whom you sprang. Not only pray, but act ; If 
necessary, fight and even die for the prosperity of our 
Jerusalem ; " and, us he pointed out Samuel Adams, the vast 
multitude seemed to promise that in all succeeding times 
the great patriot's name, and " the roll of fellow-pa trio is, 
should grace the annals of history." 

In the name at Massachusetts, Samuel Adorns prepared 
her last instructions to Franklin. " It will be in vain," such 
were his solemn words officially pronounced, " for any to 
expect that the people of this country will now be contented 
with a partial and temporary relief; or that they will be 
amused by court promises, while they see not the least 
rehxation of grievances. By means of a brisk correspond- 
ence among the several towns in this province, they have 
wonderfully animated and enlightened each other. They 
are united in sentiments, and their opposition to unconsti- 
tutional measures of government is become systematicaL 
Colony begins to communicate freely with colony. There 
is a common affection among them ; and shortly the whole 
continent will be as united in sentiment and in their 
measures of opposition to tyranny as the inhabitants of this 
province. Their old good-will and affection for the parent 
country are not totally lost; if she returns to her former 
moderation and good huinor, their affection will revive. 
They wish for nothing more than a permanent union with 
her upon the condition of equal liberty. This is .til they 
have been contending for ; and nothing short of this will or 
ought to satisfy them." 

Such was the ultimatum of America, sent by one illustri- 
ous son of Boston for the guidance of another. But the 
sense of the English people was manifestly with the min- 
isters, who were persuaded that there was no middle way, 
and that the American continent would not interpose to 
shield Boston from the necessity of submission. 
On the seventh of March, Dartmouth and North, griev- 




onsly iHmenting their wntit of ^renter execntive power, and 
tlie ronecquent necesBity of laying their measures before 
parlLiment, presented to the two houses n message from the 
king. " Nothing," saitl Lord Korth, " can be done to re-estab- 
lish peace without :idditional powers." "The question now 
brought to issue," snid Rice, on moving the address, which 
was to pledge parliament to the exertion of every means 
in its power, "is whether the colonies are or are not the 
colonics of Great Britain." Nugent, now Lord Clare, 
entreated (hat tliere might be no divided counsels. " On 
the repeal of the stamp act," snid Dowdeswell, "all Amer- 
ica was quiet ; but in the following year yon would go in 
pursuit of a pepper-corn, you would collect from pepper- 
corn to pepper-corn, you would estahlish taxes as tests of 
obedience. Unravel the whole conduct of America ; you 
will find out the fault is at home." "The dependence of 
the colonies is a part of the constitution," said Pownall, tha 
former governor of Massachusetts. " I hope, for the sake 
of this country, for the sake of America, for the sake of 
general liberty, that this address will go with a unanimous 

Edmond Burke only taunted the ministry with their 
wavering policy. Lord George Germain derived all the 
American disturbance from the repeal of the stamp-tax. 
Conway pleaded for unanimity. "I speak," said William 
Burke, "as an Englishman; we applaud ourselves for the 
Btruggle we have had for our constitution ; the colonists 
nre our fellow-subjects ; they will not lose theirs without 
a struggle." Barro thought the subject had been dis- 
CnSBcd with good temper, and refused to make any jj^jj, 
opposition. "The leading question," s.iid Wedder- 
bum, who bore the principal part in the debate, " is the 
dependence or independence of America." The address 
was a<lopted without a division. 

In letters which arrived the next day from America, cal- 
umny, with its hundred tongues, esnggoratcd the turbulence 
of the people, and invented wild tales of riolence; so that 
the king believed there was in Boston a regular committee 
for tarring and feathering; and that they were next, to "isft. 



Chap. UL 

hk own words, " to pitch and feather " Hutchinson himaelf. 
The press roused the national pride, till the zeal of 
)^^_ the English people for maintaining English suprem- 
acy became equal to the passions of the ministry. 
Even the merchants and manufacturers were made to be- 
lieve that their command of the American market depended 
on the enforcement of British authority. 

It was therefore to a parliament and people as unanimous 
as when in GrenviUe's day they sanctioned the stamp act 
that Lord North, on the fourteenth of March, opened the 
first branch of his American plan by a measure for the 
instant punishment of Boston. lis port was to be closed 
against all commerce, until it should have indemnified the 
East India company, and until the king should be satisfied 
that for the future it would obey the laws. All branches 
of the government, all political parlies, alike those who 
denied and those who asserted the right to tax, membera 
of parliament, peers, merchants, all ranks and degrees of 
people, were invited to proceed steadily in the one course 
of maintaining the authority of Great Britain. Yet it was 
noticed that Lord North spoke of the indispensable neces- 
sity for vigorous measures with an imusual air of languor. 
This appeal was successfid. Of the Rockingham partyt 
Cavendish approved the measure, which was but a corollary 
from their own declaratory act. " After ha\-ing weighed 
the noble lord's proposition well," said even Barrii, " I can- 
not help giving it my hearty and deiei-niinatc affirmative, 
I like it, adopt and embrace it for its moderation." "There 
is no good plan," urged Fox, "except the repeat of the 
taxes forms a part of it." " The proposition does not 
fully answer my expectations," said John Calvert; "seize 
the opportunity, and take away their charier." 

On the eighteenth, Lord North by unanimous consent 
presented to the house the Boston port bill. To its second 
reading, George Byngo was the only one who cried no. 
" This bill," said Rose Fuller, in the debate on the twenty- 
thinl, "abuts up one of the ports of the greatest commerce 
and consequence in the English dominions in America. 
The North Americans will look upon it as a foolish act of 


oppremion. You oonnot carry this bill into execudon but 
by a military force," " If a military force ia necessary," 
replied Lord Xorth, " I shall not hesitate n moment to en- 
force a due obedience to the laws of this country," Fox, 
seizing the very point of the question, would have softened 
the bill by opening the port on the payment of indemnity 
to the East India company ; and he took care that his 
motion should appear on the journal. " Obedience," replied 
Lord North, "not indemnification, will be the test of the 
Bostonians." " The offence of the Americans is flagi- 
tious," said Van. "The town of Boston ought to m^^_ 
be knocked about their ears and destroyed. You 
will never meet with proper obedience to the laws of this 
country, until you have destroyed that nest of locusls." 
The clause to which Fox had objected waa adopted without 
any division, and with but one or two negatives. 

The current, within doors and without, set strongly 
against America, It waa only for the acquittal of theii 
own honor and the discharge of their own consciences that 
two days later, on the third reading, Dowdeswell and Ed- 
mund Burke, unsupported by their former friends, spoke 
very strongly against a bill which puniahed the innocent 
with the guilty, condemned both without an opportunity of 
defence, deprived the laborer ajid the sailor of bread, in- 
jured English creditors by destroying the trade out of 
which the debts due them were to be discharged, and ulti- 
mately oppressed the English manufacturer. "Yon will 
draw a foreign force upon you," said Burke ; " I will 
not say where that will cud, but thiuk, I conjure you, of 
the consequences." "The resolves at Boston," said Gray 
Cooper, " are a direct issue against the declaratory act ; " 
and half the Rockingham party went with him. Rose 
Fuller opposed the bill, unless the tax on tea were also 
repealed. Pownatl was convinced that the time was not 
proper for a repeal of the duty on tea. "Thia ia tlm 
crisis," said Lord North, who had by degrees assumed n 
Btyle of authority and decision. "The contest ought to be 
determined. To repeal the tea duty or any measure would 
Stamp us with timidity." " The present bill," said Johnstowa, 


Cnir. LH. 

late governor of West Florida, " must produce a oonfeder- 
Bcy, and will end in a general revolt," But it passed 
HkuIi. without a division, and very unfairly went to the lords 
as the unanimous voice of the commons. The king 
sneered at " the feebleness and futility of the opposition." 

Ill the midst of the general anger, a book was circulating 
in England, on the interest of Great Britain in regard to 
the colonies, and the only means of living in peace and 
harmony with them, which judged the past and estimated 
the future with calmnesa and sagacity. Its author Josiab 
Tucker, dean of Gloucester, a most loyal churchman, an 
apostle of free trade, saw clearly that the reduction of 
Canada had put an end to the sovereignty of the mother 
country ; that it is in the very nature of all colonies, and of 
the Americans more than others, to aspire after indepen- 
dence. He would not suffer things to go on as they had 
lately done, for that would only make the colonies more 
headstrong; nor attempt to persuade them to send over a 
certain number of deputies or representativea to ait in pap- 
lianient, for the prosecution of that scheme could only 
end in furnishing a justification to the mother country for 
making war against them ; nor have recourse to arms, for 
the event was uncertain, and England, if successful, could 
still never treat America as an enslaved people, or govern 
them against their own inelinations. There remained bnt 
one wise solution ; and it was to declare the North Ameri- 
can colonies to he a free and independent people. 

" If wo separate from the colonies," it was objected, " we 
shall lose their trade." "Why bo?" answered Tucker. 
" The colonies will trade even with their bitterest enemies 
in the hottest of a war, provided they shall find it their 
interest so to do. The question before ns will turn on this 
single point: Can Iho colonists, in a general way, trade 
with any other European state to greater advantage than 
they can with Great Britain? If they cannot, wo shall 
retain iheir custom;" and lie demonstrated that England 
was for America the beat market and the best storehouse ; 
that the prodigious increase of British trade was due not to 
prohibition, but to the suppression of monopolies and eroln- 

1774. THE CRISIS. oompanies for foreign trade ; to the rejieal of taxes on 
raw materials; to the improvements, inventions, and 
discoverieB for the abridgment of labor; to roads, m^^ 
canals, and belter postal arrangemontB. The measure 
would not decrease shipping and navigation, or dirainiah 
the breed of sailors. 

But, " if we give np the colonies," it was pretended, " the 
French will take immediate posseaaion of them." "The 
Americans," resumed Tucker, " cinnot brook our govern- 
ment ; will they glory in being numbered among the slaves 
of the grand monarch?" "Will you leave the chuich of 
England in America to suffer persecution?" asked the 
churchmen. "Declare North America independent," re- 
plied Tucker, " and all their fears of ecclesiastical authority 
will vanish away ; a bishop will be no longer looked upon 
as a monster, but as a man ; and an episcopate may then 
take place." No minister, he confessed, would dare, as 
things were then circumstanced, to do so much good lo bis 
country ; neither would their opponents wish to see It done ; 
and "yet," he added, "measures evidently right will pre- 
vail at last." 

An honest love of liberty revealed the same truth to 
John Cartwright. The young enthusiast was firmly per- 
suaded that humanity, ns well as tbe individual man, obtains 
knowledge, wisdom, and virtue progressively, so that its latr 
tor days will be more wise, peaceable, and pious than the 
earlier periods of its existence. He was destined to pass his 
life in efforts to purify the British constitution, which, as 
he believed, within itself the seeds of immortality. 
With the fervid language of sincerity, he now advocated 
the freedom of his American kindred, and proclaimed 
American independence to be England's interest and glory. 

Thus spoke the forerunners of free trade and reform. 
But the infatuated people turned from them to indulge un- 
sparingly in ridicule and illiberal jests on the Boslonians, 
whom the iron hand of power was extended to chastise and 
subdue. At the meeting of the commons on the twenty- 
eighth, Lord North asked leave to bring in a bill for regu- 
lating the government of the province of MasaachviftcU* 




Chip tJL 

Bay. On thia occasion. Lord George Germain showed ani- 

iety to take a lead, " I wish," said he, "to ace the coHneil 
of that country on the same tooting aa that of other colo- 
nies. Put an end to their town-meeiLng«. I would not 
have men of a mercantile cast every day collecting them- 
eelves together and dehating about political matters. I 
would have them follow their occupations aa merchauta, 
and not consider themaelvea as ministers of that country. 
I would wish that all corporate powers might be given to 
certain people in every town, in the same manner that cor- 
porations are formed here. Their grand juriea, their petita 
juries, require great regulation. I would wish to bring the 
constitution of America as similar to our own aa possible ; 
to see the council of that country similar to a bouse of lords 
in this; to see ohancery suits determined by a court of 
chancery. At preseot, their assembly is a downright clog; 
their council thwart and oppose the security and welfare of 
that government. Tou have, sir, no governmoni, no gov- 
ernor ; the whole are the proceedings of a tumultuous and 
riotous rabble, who ought, if they had the least prudence, 
to follow their mercantile employment, and not trouble 
themselves with politics and government, which they do 
not undcretand. Some gentlemen say: 'Oh, don't break 
their charter ; don't take away rights granted them by the 
predecessors of the croivn.' Whoever wishes to preserve 
such charters, I wish him no worse than to govern such 
Bubjects. By a manly peraeveranee, things may be restorcl 
from anarchy and confusion to peace, quietude, and obe- 

'■ I thank the noble lord," said Lord North, " for every 
one of the propositions ho has held out; they are worthy 
of II great mind ; I see their propriety, and wish to ado]>t 
ktbem ;" and the house directed North, Thurlow, and Wed- 
derburn to prepare and bring in u bill accordingly. 
im. On the twenty-ninth of March, the Boston port bill 

'^"'^ underwent in the house of lords a fuller and f.-iirer dis- 
cussion. Rockingham, supported by the Duke of Richmon<I, 
resisted it with firmness. " Nothing can justify the niiuis- 
tera hereafter," said Temple, " except the town of Boston 

1774. THE CRISIS. 

proving in an actual state of rebellion." The good Lord 
Dartmouth called what passed in Boston commotion, not 
open rebellion. Lord Mansfield, a man "in the cool decline 
of life," acquainted only ivilli the occupations of peace, a 
civil magistrate, covered ivith ermine that should have no 
stain of blood, with eyes broad open to the consequences, 
rose to take the guidance of the houBe out of the hands of 
the faltering minister. " What passed in Boston," said he, 
" 19 the lust overt act of high treason, proceeding from our 
over-lenity and want of foresight. It is, however, the luck- 
iest event that could befall this country ; for all may now 
be recovered. Compensation to the East India company 
I regard as no object of the bill. The sword is drawn, and 
yon must throw away the scabbard. Pass this act, and yon 
will be passed the Rubicon. The Americans will then know 
that we shall temporize no longer ; if it passes with tolerable 
unanimity, Boston will submit, and all will end in victory 
without carnage." In vain did Camden meet the question 
fully, and return very nearly to hia former principles; in 
vain did Shelbnme prove the tranquil and loyal condition 
in which he had left the colonies on giving up their admin- 
istration. There was no division in tho house of lords; and 
its journal, like that of the commons, declares that the 
Boston port bill passed unanimously. 

The king in person made haste to give it his approval. 
To bring Boston on its knees and terrify the rest of 
America by enforcing the act. Gage, the military J;^_ 
commander in chief for all North America, received 
the commission of ci^-il governor of Massachusetts also, as 
swiftly as official forms would permit ; and, in April, was 
sent over with four regiments, which he reported would be 
sufficient to enforce submission. He was ordered to shut 
the port of Boston ; and, having as a part of his instructions 
the opinion of Thurlow and Wedderbum that acts of high 
treason had been committed there, ho was directed to bring 
the ringleaders to condign punishment. Foremost among 
these, Samuel Adams was marked out for sacrifice as the 
chief of the revolution. "He is the most elegant writer, 
the most sagacious politician, and celebrated patriot, per- 


Chap. LU 

haps, of any who have figiirdl in the last ten years," is the 
contemporary record o£ John Adams. " I cannot sufficiently 
respect hia integrity and abilities," said Clymer, of Pfna- 
sylvania; "all good Americana EhonM erect a alatue to 
him in their hearts." Even where his conduct had been 
questioned, time proved that ho had been right, and many 
in EngUind " esteemed him the first politician in the world." 
He saw that " tho ricroroiis measures of the British admin- 
istration would the aoooer bring to pass" the first wish 
of hia heart, "tho entire separation and indopendenca of 
the colonies, which Providence would erect into a mighty 
empire." Indefatigable in seeking for Masaachusctta the 
countenance of her sister colonies, he had no anxiety for 
himself, no doubt of Iho ultimate triumph of freedom; but, 
as he thought of the calamities that hung over Boston, he 
raised the prayer " that God would prepare that people for 
the event, by inspiring them with wisdom and fortitude." 

" Wo have enlisted in the cause of our country," said ita 
committee of correspondence, " and are resolved at all adven- 
tures to promote its welfare ; should we succeed, our n.^mes 
will be held up by future generations with that unfeigned 
plaudit with which wo now recount the great deeds of our 
worthy ancestors." Boston has now no option but to make 
good ita entire independence, or to approach the throne as 
a penitent, and promise for the future passive " obedi- 
ence" to British "laws "in all cases whatsoever. In 
the palace, there were no misgivinija, " With ten 
thousand regulars," said the creatures of the ministry, "we 
can march through the continent." 

The act closing iho port of Boston did not necessarily 
provoke a civil war. It was otherwise with the second. 
The opinion of Lord MansQeld had been obtained in favor 
of altering the charter of Massachusetts; and the king 
learned "with supreme satisfaction" that, on the fifteenth 
of April, a bill to regulate the government of the prov- 
ince of Massachusetts Bay had been read for the first 
time in the house of commons. Without any hearing or 
even notice to that province, parliament was to change 
its charter and its government. Ita institution of towo- 


I rnoni 

1774. THE CRISIS. 303 

meetings was the most perfect system of local self-govern- 
ment that the world had ever known : the kiog'a mcasuTG 
aboliahad them, czcopt for the choice of town officers, or 
on the spcuial pevmiseion of the governor. The council 
bad been annually chosen in a convention of the old coun- 
cil and the bouse of representatives, and men bad in thia 
manner been selected more truly loyal tbfin the councillors 
of any one of tbe roya] colonies : the clause in the charter 
establisbing this method of election was abrogated ; the 
power of appointing and removing sheriffs was conferred 
on the executive; and the trial by jury was changed into 
a snare, by intrusting the returning of juries to dejtendeiit 
ahcriffa. In this manner. Lord Korth placed him- 
self in conflict with institutions sanctioned by royal ^^^ 
charters, rooted in custom, confirmed by possession 
through successive generations, emleared by the just and 
fondest faith of the people, and entwined by a thousand 
stubborn tendrils round tbcir affections and life. 

Against tbe bill Conway spoke out with finuuesa, Tbo 
administration, he said, would take away juries from Boston ; 
though Preston, in the midst of an exasperated town, bad 
been acquitted. They sent tbe sword, but no olivo branch. 
The immediate repeal of tbe tax on tea and its preamble 
remained the only possible avenue to conciliation. 

Four days later, this repeal was moved by Rose Fuller 
in concert with tbe opposition. Tbe subject in its connec- 
tions was the gravest that could engage attention, involving 
the prosperity of Eugland, the tranqudlity of the British 
empire, the principles of colonization, and the liberties of 
mankind. But Comw.ill, speaking for the ministers, stated 
the question to be simply "whether the whole of British 
authority over America should be taken away." On litis 
occasion, Edmund Burks pronounced an oration such as 
had never been heard in tbe British parliament. Ilis 
boundless stores of knowledge camo obedient at bis com- 
mand ; and hia tboughts and arguments, the facta which bo 
cited, and his glowing appeals, fell naturally into their 
places ; so that his long and elaborate speech was one liar- 
monioua and unbroken emanation from bis mind. He first 




(Icmoiistrated that the repeal of the tax would be prodao- 
live of unmixed good ; he then surveyed comprehen- 
^*^ sively the whole series of the parliamentary pro- 
ceedings with regard to Americii, in their causes and 
their consequences. After exhausting the subject, he en- 
treated parliament to "reason not at all," but to "oppose 
iLe ancient policy and practice of the empire, as a rampart 
against the speculations of innovators on both sides of th« 

" Again and again," such was Ms entreaty, " revert to 
your old principles : seek peace and ensue it; leave America, 
if she has taxable matter, to tax herself. Be content to 
bind America by laws of trade ; you have always done it. 
Let this be yoar reason for binding their trade. Do not 
burden them by taxes ; you were not used to do so from 
the beginning. Let this be your reason for not taxing. 
These are the arguments of states and kingdoms. Leave 
the rest to the schools. The several provincial leijLslatures 
ought all to be subordinate to the parliament of Great 
Britain. She, as from the throne of Heaven, superintends 
and guides and controls them all. To coerce, to restrain, 
and to aid, her powers must be boundless." 

Daring the long debate, the young and fiery Lord Car- 
marthen had repeated what so many had said before him : 
" Tlio Americana are our children, and how can they revolt 
against their parent? If they are not free in their present 
state, England is not free ; because Manchester, and other 
considerable places, are not represented." "So then," r&> 
torted Burke, " because some towns in England are not rep- 
resented, America is to have no representative at all. They 
are ' our children ; ' but, when children ask bread, we are 
not to give a stone. Is it because the natural resistance of 
things and the various mutations of time binder our govern- 
ment, or any scheme of government, from being any more 
than a sort of approximation to the right, is it therefore 
that the colonies are to recede from it infinitely? When 
this child of onrg wishes to assimilate to its parent, are 
we to give them our weakness for their strength, our 
opprobrium for their glory? and the alough of slavery, 

1771. THE CaiSIS. 

H 1771. 

^M which we are not able to work ofE, to serve them for their 

H freedom?" 

I The worda fell from him aa burning oracles; while 

he spoke for the right-s of America, he seemed to pre- ^J^_ 
pjire the way for renovating the constitution of Eng- 
land, Tet it was not so. Though more than half a century 
had intervened, Burke would not be wiser than the whigs 
of the days of King William. It was enough for him if 
the aristocracy applauded. He did not believe in the dawn 
of a new light, in the coming on of a new order, though a 
new order of things wan at the door, and a new light had 
broken. He would not turn to see, nor bend to learn, if 
the political system of Somers, and Walpole, and the Pol- 
hams, was to pass away ; if it were so, he himself was deter- 
mined not to know it, but " rather to be the last of that race 
of men." As Dante sums np the civilization of the mid- 
dle age so that its departed spirit still lives in his immortal 
verse, Burke portrays all the lineaments of that old whig 
aristocracy which in ita day achieved mighty tliiiiga for lib- 
erty and for England. He that will study under its best 
aspect the enlightened character of England in the first half 
of the eighteenth century, the wonderful intcrmiKlurc of 
privilege and prerogative, of aristocratic power and popular 
liberty, of a free press aad a secret house of commons, of an 
establiahed church and a toleration of all Protestant sects, 
of a fixed adherence to prescription and liberal tendencies 
in administration, must give hia days and nights to the 
writings of Edmund Burke. But time never keeps com- 
pany with the mourners ; it flies from the memories of the 
expiring past, though clad in the brightest colors of imagi- 
nation ; it leaves those who stand still to their despair, and 
hurries forward to fresh fields of action and scenes for ever 

Resuming the debate. Fox said earnestly : " If you per- 
sist in your right to tax the Americans, you will force them 
into open rebellion." On the other hand. Lord North asked 
that his measures might be sustained with firmness and res- 
olution; and then, said he, "there is no doubt but peace and 
quietude will soon be restored." "We are now in great 
VOL. IV. 2Q 



CoAr. LH. 


difficulties," said Dovdeswell, speaking for all who adhered 
to Loril Rocklngliain ; "let ub do justice before it is too 
late." But it w;is too late. Even Burke's object had been 
only " lo refute the charges against that party with which 
he had aH along acted." After his splendid eloquence, no 
more divided with him than forty-nine, jnst the number 
that had divided against the stamp act, while on the other 
side stood nearly four times as many. " The repeal of the 
lea-tax was never to be obtained, so long as the authority of 
parliament was publicly rejected or opposed." 
in4 On the day on which the honse of commonB was 

AprtL voting not to repeal the duty on tea, the people of 
New York sent back the tea-ship which had arrived but the 
day before ; and eighteen chests of tea, found on board of 
another vessel, were hoisted oa deck and emptied into "the 


The bill at its difEerent stages in the house of comraona 
was combated by Dowdeswell, Pownall, Sir George Sa- 
ville, Conway, Burke, Fox, Barre, and most elaborately 
by Dunning; yet it passed the commons by a vote of more 
than three to one. Though vehemently 0])p08cd in the 
house of lords, it carried by a still greater majority, but 
not without an elaborate protest. The king did not dream 
that by that act, which, as he ivrites, gave him " intinile 
satisfriclion," all power of command in Massachusetts had 
from that day forth gone out from Mm, and that his word 
would never more be obeyed there. 

A third penal measure, which had been questioned by 
Ditrtraoulh, and recommended by the king, transferred the 
place of trial of any magistrates, revenue officers, or soldiers, 
indicted for murder or other capital offence in Massachusetts 
Bay, to Nova Scotia or Great Britain. As Lord North 
brought forward this wholesale bill of indemnity to the gov- 
ernor and soldiers, if they should trample upon the people 
of Boston and be charged with murder, it was noticed that 
lie trembled and faltered at every word ; showing that he 
was the vassal of a stronger will than his own, and vainly 
struggled to wrestle down the feelings which his nature 
refused to disavow. " If the people of America" said Van, 




"oppose the measnres of government thnt are now sent, I 
would do as Ktia done of oM in the time of the ancient Brit- 
ons : I would burn and set fire to nil their woods, and leave 
their country open. If we are likely to lose it, I lliink it 
bettor lost by oiir own eoliliers than wrested from ua by our 
rebellious children. " "The bill is meant to enslave Amer- 
ica," siiiil Sawbridge, with only forty to listen to him. " I 
execrate the present measure," cried Barrij ; " you have had 
one meeting of the colonies in congress ; you may soon have 
another. The Americans will not abandon their principles; 
for, if they submit, they are slaves." 

The bill passed the commons by a vote of more than four 
to one. But evil comes intermixeil with good: the ill is 
evanescent, the good endures. The British government 
inflamed the passions of the English people against Amer- 
ica, and courted their sympathy; as a consequence, the 
georecy of the debates in parliament camo to an end ; and 
this change in the political relation of the legislature 
to public opinion was the irrevocable concession of a tory 
government, seeking strength from popular excitement. 

A fourth measure legalized the quartering of troops jrn. 
within the town of Boston. The fifth professed to ^P^"' 
regulate the affaire of the province of Quebec. The nation, 
which would not so much as legally recognise the existence 
of a Catholic in Ireland, from political considerations sanc- 
tioned on the St. Lawrence " the free exercise of the religion 
of the church of Rome, and confirmed to its clergy their 
accustomed dues and rights" with the tithes as fixed in 
1672 by the edict of Louis XIV. But the act did not stop 
there. In disregard of the charters and rights of Massachu- 
setts, Connecticut, New York, .md Virginia, it extended the 
bound.aries of the new government of Quebec to the Ohio 
and the Mississippi, and over the region which included, 
besides C:mada, the area of the present states of Ohio, Mich- 
igan, Indiana, Illinois, and Wisconsin ; and moi-eover it 
decreed for this great ])nrt of a continent an unmixed arbi- 
trary rule. The establishment of colonies on principles of 
liberty is " the peculiar and appropriated glory of England," 
rendering her venerable throughout all time in the lii'S.tQY^ 



Chip. UL 

of the world. The office of peopling a continent with free 
and happy commonwealths waa renounced. The Qaebec 
bill, which qnickly passed the house of lords without an 
adverse petition or a protest, and was borne through the 
commons by the zeal of the ministry ani.t the influence of the 
king, left the people who were to colonize the most fertile 
territory in the world without the writ of habeaa corpus to 
protect the rights of peraons, and without a share of power 
in any one branch of the government. " The Quebec 
J^rtL constitution," said Thurtow, in the house of com- 
mons, " is the only proper constitution for colonics ; 
it ought to have been given to them all, when first planted ; 
and it is what ail now ought to be reduced to." 

In this manner. Great Britain, allured by a phantom of 
absolute authority over colonies, made war on hiunan free- 
dom. The liberties of Poland had been sequcstored, and 
its territory began to be parcelled out among the usurpers. 
The aristocratic privileges of Sweden had been swept away 
by treachery and usurpation. The free towns of Germany, 
which had preserved in that empire the example of republics, 
were "like so many dying sparks that go out one after 
another." Venice and Genoa had stifled the spirit of in- 
dependence in their prodigiil luxury. Holland waa ruin- 
ously divided against itself. In Great Brit.iin, the house 
of commons had become so venal that it might be naked 
whether a body so chosen and so influenced was fit to 
le^lale even within the realm. If it shall succeed in 
establishing by force of arms ita " boundless " authority 
over America, whore shall humanity find an asylum ? But 
thia decay of the old forms of liberty was the sign and the 
forerunner of a new creation. The knell of the ages of 
servitude and inequality waa rung ; those of equality and 
brotherhood were to conie into life. 

As the fleets and armies of England went forth to con- 
solidate arbitrary power, the sound of war everywhere else 
on the earth died away. Kings sat still in awe, and nations 
turned to watch the issue. 










Mat, 1774. 

The hour of the American revolution was come. The 
people of tlie continent obeyed one general impulse, 
aa tbe earth in spring listens to the command of y^J.' 
nature, and without the appearance of effort bursts 
fortli to life. The change wliich Divine Wisdom ordained, 
and which no policy or force could hold back, pro- 
ceeded as majestically as the laws of being. The movement 
was quickened, even when it was moat resisted ; and it« 
fiercest adversaries worked together for its fulfilment. The 
iudestmctible elements of freedom in the colonies asked 
room for expansion and growth. Standing in manifold 
relations with the governments, the culture, and the experi- 
ence of the past, the Americans seized as their peculiar 
inheritance the traditions of liberty. Beyond any other 
nalioo, they had made trial of the possible forms of popular 
representation, and rcspeeted the activity of individujd con- 
science and thought. The resources of the country in ngti- i 
culture and commerce, forests and fisheries, mines and 
materials for manufactures, were bo diversified and complete 
that their development could neither be guided nor circum- 
scribed by a government beyond tlie ocean. Tbe numbers, 
purity, culture, industry, and daring of its inhabitants pro- 
claimed tbe existence of a people rich in creative energy, 
and ripe for institutions of their own. 



Ciur. 1. 


They were ruBhiag towards revolntioa, and they knew it 

not. They refused to acknowledge even to themselves the 
hope that was swelling within them; and yet they were 
posHeased hy the truth that man holds inherent and hide- 
feasible rights ; and as their religion had its witness coeval 
and coextensive with intelligence, so in their political aspi- 
rations they deduced from unix-ersal principles a bill of 
rights, oa old as creation and as wide as humanity. The 
idea of freedom had always revealed itself at least to a few 
of the wise, whose prophetic instincts were quickened hy 
love of their kind; its light flashed joy across the darkest 
centuries ; and its growth can be traced in the tendency of 
the ages. In America, it was the breath of life to the 
people. For the first time, it found a region and a 
race where it coiild be professed with the earnestness 
of an indwelling conviction, and be defended with the en- 
thusiasm that heretofore had marked no wars but those for 
religion. When all Europe slumbered over questions of 
liberty, a band of exiles, keeping watch by night, heard the 
glad tidings which promised the political regeneration of 
the world. A revolution, unexpected in the moment of its 
coming, but prepared by glorious forerunners, grew natu- 
rally and necessarily ont of the series of past events by the 
formative principle of a living belief. And why should man 
organize resistance to the grand design of Providence? 
Why should not the consent of the ancestral land and the 
gratulaiions of every other call the young nation to its 
place among the powers of the earth? BriLiin was tbe 
mighty roother who bred and fonned men capable of laying 
the foundation of bo noble an empire; and she alone could 
have formed them. She had excelled all the world hb Uie 
planter of colonies. The condition which entitled them to 
independence was now more than fulfilled. Their vigorous 
vitality refused conformity to foreign laws and external 
rule. They could take no other way to perfection than by 
the unconstrained development of that which was within 
thera. They were not only able to govern themselves, they 
alone were able to do so ; subordination visibly repressed 
their energies. It waa only by self-direction that they could 


at all limes and in entireness freely employ in action their 
collective and imlivirliml faculties to the fullest extent of 
their ever iacreiisint; intelligence. Could not t!ie illustrious 
nation, which had gained no diBtinotion in war, in litera- 
ture, or in science, comparable to that of having wisely 
founded distant settlements on a system of Uberty, willingly 
perfect its beneficent work, now when no more was required 
than the acknowledgment that its offspring was come of 
age, and its own duty accomplished? Why must the ripen- 
ing of lineal virtue be struck at, as rebellion in the lawful 
sons? Why is their unwavering attachment to the essential 
principle of their existence to be persecuted as treason, 
rather than viewed with delight as the crowning glory of 
the country from which they sprung? If the institutions 
of Britain were so deeply fixed in the usages and opinions 
of its people that their deviations from justice could not as 
yet be rectified; if the old continent was pintog under 
Bystems of authority which were not fit to be borne, and 
which as yet no way opened to amend, why should not a 
people be he:u-tened to build a commonwealth in the wilder- 
ness, where alone it was offered a home? 

So reasoned a few in Britain, who were jeered at " as 1:7^. 
visionary enthusi:istB," deserving no weight in public "*'■ 
affairs. Parliament had asserted an abMohite lordship over 
the colonies in all cases whatsoever; and, fretting itself into 
a frenzy at the deniiU of its unlimited dominion, was de- 
stroying all its recognised authority by the intensity of its 
zeal for more. The majority of the ministers, including the 
most active and determined, were bent on the immediate 
employment of force. Lord North, who recoiled from civil 
war, exercised no control over his colleagues, leaving the 
government to be conducted by the several departments. 
As a consequence, the king became the only point of admin- 
istrative union, and nilcd as well as reigned. In him an 
approving conscience bad no mtKgiving aa to his duty. His 
heart knew no relenting; his will never wavered. Though 
America were to be drenched in blood and its towns re- 
duced to ashes, though its people were to be driven to 
struggle for total independence, though he himself should. 


CsAr. L 


find it necessary to bid high for hosts of merceD&ries from 
the Sclielilt to Moacow,. and in quest of savage allies go 
tapping at every wigivam from Lake Huron to the Gulf of 
Mexico, he was resolved to coerce the thirteen colonies into 
eubmtSHion. The people of Great Britain identified theni- 
Helves, though but for the moment, with their king, and 
talked of their subjects beyond the Atlantic. Of their 
abUity to crush resistance they refused to doubt ; 
nor did they, nor the ministers, nor George III., ap- 
prehend interference, except from that great neigh- 
boring realm whose colonial system Britain had just over- 

All Europe, though nt peace, was languishing under 
exhaustion from wars of ambition or vices of government, 
and crj-ing out for relief from abuses which threatened 
to dissolve the old social order. In France, enduring life 
belonged to two elements only in the state, the people and 
monarchiciil power ; and every successive event increased 
the importance of the one and the other. It was its com- 
mon people which saved that country from perishing of 
unbelief, and made it the most powerful state of continental 
Europe. The peasants, it is true, were poor and oppressedJ 
and ignorant ; but all Frenchmen, alike townspeople and] 
villagers, were free. There was no protecting philanthropy 
on the part of the nobility; no hierarchy of mutually dfr 
pendent ranks; no softening of contrasts by the blending! 
of colors and harmonizing of shades: the poor, though gay 
by temperament, lived sad and apart ; bereft of intercourse 
with superior culture ; never mirthful but in mockery of 
misery ; not cared for in their want, nor solaced in hospitals, , 
nor visited in prisons; but the bonds bad been struck alU 
from the mechanic in the workshop and the hind in the 
fields. The laborer at the forge was no longer a serf ; the 
lord of the manor exercised jurisdiction no more over va&- 
sals ; in all of old France the peasants were freemen, and 
in the happiest provinces bad been so for half a thousand 
years. Only a few of them, as of the nobles in the middle 
agc-s, could read ; but a vast number owned the acres 
which they tilled. By lineage, language, universality of 


persona] freedom, and diffusion of landed property, the 
common people of France formed one compact and indi- 
visible nation. 

Two circumstances which aggravated the wretohednesa 
of the third estate increased their importance. The feudal 
aristocracy had been called into being for the protection 
of the Itingdora ; but, in the progress of ages, they escaped 
from the obligation to military service. In this manner 
they abdicated their dignity as the peers of their sovereign ; 
and, though they still scorned every profeasion but that of 
arms, they received their commissions from the king's favor, 
and drew from his exchequer their pay as hirelings. 
Thus the organization of the army ceased to circum- ^"J" 
scribe royal power, which now raised soldiers directly 
from the humbler classes. The defence of the country had 
passed from the king and his peers with tUeir vassals to the 
king in direct connection with those vassals who were thus 
become a people. 

Again, the nobility, carefully securing the exemption of 
their own estates, had, in their struggles with the central 
power, betrayed the commons, by allowing the monarch to 
tax them at will. Proving false to their trust as the privi- 
leged guardians of liberty, and renouncing the military 
service that had formed the motive to their cre.ttion, they 
made themselves an insulated caste. All that was benefi- 
cent in feudalism had died out. Soulless relics of the past, 
the nobles threw up their hereditary rustic independence 
to fasten themselves as courtiers upon the treasury. They 
hung like a burden on the state, which they no longer 
guided, nor sustained, nor defended, nor consoled. Some 
few among them, superior to their rank, helped to bear 
society onwards to its regeneration ; but, as a class, their 
life was morally at an end. They bad renoimced their 
political importance, which passed to the people. The 
imposts which they refused to share, and which in two 
centuries had increased tenfold, fell almost exclusively on 
the lowly, who toiled and suffered, having no redress against 
those employed by the government ; regarding the monarch 
with touching reverence and love, though they knew him 



Cbaf. L 


moBtly as the power that harried them ; ruled as thotigh 
joy were no fit companion for labor; as though want were 
the necessary goad to industry, (ind sorrow the only 
guarantee of quiet. They were the strength of the 
kingdom, the untiring producers of its wealth ; the 
repairer of its armies ; the sole and exhaustless Bouree of 
its revenue ; and yet, in their forlomneas, they cheriehed 
scarcely a dim vision of Ji happier futurity on earth. 

Meantime, monarchy was concentrating a mass of power, 
which a strong arm could wield with irresistible effect, 
which an effeminate squanderer could not exhaust. In- 
stead of a sovereign restrained by his equals, and depending] 
on free grants from the states, one will commanded a stand- 
ing army, and imposed taxes on the unprivileged classes. 
These taxes, moreover, it collected by its own officers : so 
that throughout all the provinces of Franco an ndminislra- 
tiun of plebeians, accountable to the king alone, superseded 
in subsljince, though not always in form, the methods of 

Nor hiid the established religion wholly escaped depen- 
dence on the crown. The Catholic Church assumes to repre- 
sent the Divine Wisdom itself^and, as a logical consequence, 
its decisions, though pronounced by an alien, should be 
supreme. The Galilean church had at least a name of its 
own ; and when it was observed that Jesuits had inculcated 
the subordination of the temporal so^'e^eign to a superior 
rule under which the wicked tyrant might be arraigned, 
dethroned, or even slain, Louis XV. uprooted by hia word 
and exiled the best organized religious society in Christen- 
dom ; not perceiving that the sudden closing of their 
schools of learning left the rising generation more easy 
converts to unbelief in i-oyalty itself. The clergy werai 
tainted with the general skepticism ; they stooped before] 
the temporal power to win its protection, and did noM 
scruple to enforce by persecution a semblance of homage ' 
to the symbols of religion, of which the life was put to 

The ma^trstes, with graver manners than the clergy 
or the nobility, did not bo much hale administrative despot- 


ism as grasp at its direclioD ; they themgelves had ao scauty 
means of self-defence against its arm thai, whfn they hesi- 
tated to register the king's decrees, even the word of Louia 
XV. could make an end of parliaments whiuh were almost 
as old aa the French monarchy itself. 

For the benefit of the king's treasury, free charters, 
granted or confirmed in the middle ages to towns 
and cities, had over and over again been confiseatcd, j|J** 
to be ransomed by the citizens or sold to an oligar- 
chy ; BO that municipal liberties were no longer independent 
of the royal caprice. 

France was the most lettered nation of the world, and 
its authors loved to be politicians. Of these, the conservative 
class, whoso fanatical partisanship included in their system 
of order the continuance of every established abuse, had no 
support but in the king. Scoffers also abounded ; but they 
did not care to restrain arbitrary ]>ower, or remove the abuses 
whith they satirized. One universal skepticism questioned 
the creed of churches and the code of feudal law, the au- 
thority of the hierarchy and the sanctity of monarchy ; but 
anbelief had neither the capacity nor the wish to organize 
a new civilization. The philosophy of the day could not 
guide a revolution, for it professed to receive no truth but 
through the senses, denied the moral govovnmont of the 
■world, and derided the possibility of ilisinlerested goodness. 
As there was no practical school of politics in which ex- 
perience might train statesmen to test new projects, the 
passion for elementary theories had no moderating coun- 
terpoise ; and the authors of ameliorating plans favored the 
unity of administration, that one indisputable word might 
substitute a uniform and rational system for the complicated 
osagef and laws which had been the deposits of uiimy 
conquests and ages. 

At this time, the central power, in the hands of a mon- 
arch infamous by his enslavement to pleasure, had become 
hideously selfish and immoral, palsied und depraved ; 
Bwallowing up all other authority, and yet unconscious of 
the attendant radical change in the feudal constitution ; 
dreaming itself absolute, yet wanting personal respoctabil- 



Cbaf. L 

ity ; confessing the necessity of admin iatrative refornu, 
which it was yet unable lo direct. For great ends it was 
helpless, though it was able to torture and distress tha 
^*j feeble ; lo fill the criminal code with the barbarisms of 
arrogant cruelty ; to evoke before eiceptional courta 
every accusation against even the humblest of its agents ; to 
judge by special tribunals questions involving life and for- 
tune ; to issue arbitrary warrants of imprisonment; to punish 
without information or sentence; making itself the more 
hateful the less it was restrained. 

The duty and honor of the kingdom were sacrifioed in its 
foreign policy. Louis XV. courted the friendship of George 
III. of England, not to efface the false notion of interna- 
tional enmity which was a brand on the civilization of that 
age, but to gain a new support for monarchical power. For 
this end, the humiliations of the last war would have bees 
forgiven by the monarch, had not the heart of the nation stil] 
palpitated with resentment. Under the supremacy of the 
king's mistress, sensual pleasure ruled the court; dictated 
the appointment of ministers ; confused the administration ; 
multiplied the griefs of the overburdened peasantry; and 
would have irretrievably degraded France, but for its third 
estate, who were ready to lift their head and assert their 
power, whenever in any part of the world a happier people 
should give ihem an example. 

The heir to the throne o£ France was not admitted to 
the royal council, and grew up ignorant of business and 
inert. The dauphiness Marie Antoinette, in the splendor 
of supreme rank, preserved the gay cheerfulness of youth. 
Soon after her arrival in France, her mother had written lo 
her : " God has crowned you with so much grace and sweet- 
ness and docility that all the world must love you." She 
was conscious of being lovely, aiid was willing lo be ad- 
mired ; but she knew how to temper graceful condescen- 
sion ivith august severity. Impatient of stalely eliquette, 
which controlled her choice of companions even more than 
the disposition of her hours, she broke away from weari- 
some formalities with the eager vivacity of self-ivill, and 
was happiest when she could forget that she was a princess 




and bo herself. From the Bams qnicknees of nature, she 
readily took part in any prevailing public excitement, re- 
gardless of reasons of stite or the decorum of the palate. 
In music, her tiiste was exquisite ; and she merited the 
graceful flattery of Gliick. Unless her pride was ineensed, 
she was merciful ; and she delighted in bestowing gifts ; 
but lier benevulfiice was chiefly the indulgence of a capri- 
cious humor, which never attracted the afEeclion of the 
poor. Faithful in her devotedncss to the nobles, she 
knew not the utter decay of their order; and bad no other 
thought than that they were bound by the traditions of 
centuries to defend her life and name. But the nigged 
days of feudalism were gone by ; and its frivolous descen- 
dants were more ready to draw their swords for precedence 
in a dance at court than to protect the honor of tlicir future 
queen. From her arrival in France, Marie Antoinette was 
hated by the opponents of the Austrian alliance ; and, in 
her first years at Versailles, a faction in the highest ranks 
began to calumniate her artless impulsiveness aa the evi- 
dence of crime. 

On tliis scene of a degenerate nobility and popular dis- 
tress; of administrative corruptness and ruined finances; 
of a brave but luxurious army and a slothful navy ; of royal 
authority, unbounded, unquestioned, and yet despised; of 
rising deference to public opinion in a nation thoroughly 
united and true to its nationality, Louis XVI., the "desired 
one" of the people, while not yet twenty years old, 
entered as king, \Vben on the tenth of May, 1774, he ^*' 
and the still younger Marie Antoinette were told that 
his grandfather was no more, " I feel," said he, " as if the uni- 
verse were about to crush me ; " and the two threw themselves 
on their knees, ci-ying, " We are too young to ri;igii," and 
praying God to direct their inexperience. The city of 
Paris was delirious with joy at their accession. " It is our 
paramount wish to make our people happy," was the hin- 
guage of the first e<lict of the now absolute prince. " He 
excels in writing prose," said Voltaire, on reading the words 
of promise; "he seems inspired by Marcus Aurelins; he 
desires what is good, and does it. Happy ihey, who, like 




him, are but twenty years old, and will long enjoy the 
BwectB of his reign." Caron de Beaumarehaia, the sparkling 
dramatist and restless plebeian .idveiiturer, made haste to 
reoommend to the royal pnlronage his geniua for intrigue. 
" l8 there," said he through De Siirtine, the head of 
the police, " any thing which the king wishes to know 
alone and at once, any thing which he wishes done 
quickly and secretly, here am I, who have at his service a 
head, a heart, arnas, and no tongue." 

The young monarch, with all his zeal for administmtive 
improvements, had no rcvolntinnary tendencies, and held, 
like his predecessor, that the king alone should reign ; yel 
bis state papers were soon to eite reverently the law of 
nature and the rights of man ; and the will of the people 
was to walk its rounds in the palace, invisible yet supremo. 

The sovereign of Spain, on wishing his kinsman joy of 
his Bccesuion, reminded him, as the head of the Bourbons, 
of their double relationship by hia mother's side, as well as 
his father's ; and expressed the wish for " their closest union 
and most perfect harmony ; " for, said he, " the family com- 
pact guarantees the jirosperity and glory of our house," At 
that time, the Catholic king was fully employed in personally 
regulating his finances, and in preparations to chastise the 
pirates of Algiers, as well as to extoi't from Portugal a 
renunciation of its claims to extend the buimdaries of Bra- 
zil. The sovereign of France was engrossed by the pressing 
anxieties attending the of an odious ministry, and 
the inauguration of domestic reform ; so that neither of the 
princes seemed at leisure to foment (roubles in North 

Yet, next to Du Barry and her party, there was no such 
flinoere mourner for Louis XV, as George III. The contin- 
uance of the cordial understanding between the two crowns 
would depend upon the peraons in whom the young king 
Bhnuld place his confidence. The " London Ceurt G:izelte " 
announced him as " king of France," though Enghsh official 
language had heretofore spoken only of " the French king," 
and the Herald's Office still knew no other king of France 
than the head of the house of Hanover. 


At the same time, the British ministers, always jealous of 
the Bourbons, kept spies to guess at their secrets ; to hearken 
after the significant whispera of their ministers ; to bribe 
■workmen in their navy yards for a report of every keel that 
wua laid, every new armament or re-en foru em ent to the 
usual fleets. Doubting the French assurances of n wish to 
see the troubles in America quieted, they resolved to force 
the American struggle to an immediate issue, hoping not 
only to insulate Massachusetts, but even to confine the con- 
test to its capital. 

On the day of the accesaion of Loais XVI,, the act 1714. 
closing the port of Boston, transferring the bo.ird of ""^ '"■ 
customs to Marblehead, and the sent of government to 
Salem, reached the devoted town. The king was confident 
that the slow torture which was to be applied would aon- 
Btrain its inhabitants to cry out for mercy and promise un- 
conditional obedience. Success in resistance could come 
only from an American union, which was not to bo hoped 
for, unless Boston should offer herself as a willing sacrifice. 
The mechanics and merchants and laborers, altogether 
scarcely so many as thirty-five hundred able-bodied men, 
knew that they were acting not for the liberty of a prov- 
ince or of America, but for freedom itself. They were 
inspired by the thought that the Providence which rules 
the world demanded of them heroic self-denial, as the 
champions of humanity. The country never doubled their 
peraevernnce, and they trusted the fellow-feeling of the 

As soon as the act was received, the Boston committee 
of correspondence, by the hand of Joseph Warren, invited 
eight neighboring towns to a conference " on the critical 
state of public affairs." On the twelfth at noon, Melcalf 
Bowler, the speaker of the assembly of Rhode Island, came 
before them with the cheering news that, in answer to a 
recent circular letter from the body over which he presided, 
all the thirteen governments were pledged to union. Punc- 
tually, at the hour of three in the afternoon of that day, the 
committees of Dorchester, Roxbury, Brookline, Newton, 
Cambridge, Charlestown, Lynn, and LezingtoiL, joined. 

TOL. IV. 21 


Chap. I. 


them in Fanenil Hall, the cradle of Amerioan liberty. 
where for ten yeiire the freemeu of the town had debated 
the great question of justifiable resistance. The lowly men 
who now met there were most of them aceustomed to feed 
their own cattle ; t-o fold their own sheep ; to guide iheir 
own ploughs ; nil trained to |iu1jliu life in the little democ- 
racies of their towns ; some of them captains in the militia 
and officers uf the church according to the discipline of 
Congregationidists ; nearly all of them commnnicants, anJeP 
a pnblic covenant with God. They grew in greatness as 
their sphere enlarged. Their virtues burst the confines of 
viUiigo life. Tliey felt themselves to be citizens not of littleyJ 
municipalities, but uf thu whole world of maokind. In their* 
dark hour, light Ijroke upon them from their own truth and 
courage. Placing Samuel Adams at their head, and gviided 
by a report prepared by Joseph Warren of Boston, Ganiner 
of Cambridge, and others, lliey agreed unanimously on the 
injustice and cnielty of the act, by which parliamentT wilh- 
ont competent jurisdictiou, and contrary as well to nat- 
oral right aa to the laws of all civilized states, had, witliout 
a hearing, set apart, accused, tried, and condemned the 
town of Boston. The delegates from the eight viltages 

were reminded by those of Boston that that port 
JjJ,y could recover its trade by paj-ing for the tea which 

had been thrown overboard; but they held it un- 
worthy even to notice the humiliating offer, promising on 
their part to join " their suffering brethren in every meas- 
ure of relief." 

To make a general union possible, self-restraint must reg- 
ulate corn-age. The meeting knew that a declaration of 
independence wotdd have alienated their sister colonies, and 
thus far they had not found out that independence was 
really the desire of their own hearts. To suggest nothing 
till a congress could be convened, would have seemed to 
them like abandoning the town to bleed away its life. The 
king had expected to starve its people into submission ; in 
their circular letter to the committees of the other colonies, 
they proposed as a counter action a general cessation of 
trade with Britain. "Now," they added, "is the time 


when all ehoiild he united in opposition to this violation of 
the liberties of all. The single question is, whether yon 
consider Boston as sufEering in the conunon c.inse, and sen- 
sibly feel and resent the injury and affront offered to her? 
We cannot believe otherwise ; asstiring you that, not In the 
least intimidated by this inhuman treatment, we are atill 
delerminod to maintain to the utmost of our abilities the 
rights of America." 

The nest day, while Gage was sailing into the harbor 
with the vice-regal powers of commander in chief for the 
continent, as well as the civil authority of governor in the 
province, Samuel Adams presided over a very numerous 
town-raeeting, which was attended by many that had hith- 
erto kept aloof. The thought of republican Rome, in its 
purest age, animated their consultations. The port act was 
read, and in bold debate was pronounced to law, 
religion, and eommou sense. At the same time, those who, 
from loss of emplojinent, were to be the first to encounter 
want, were remembered with lender compassion, and meas- 
ures were put in train to comfort them. Then the in- 
habitants, by the hand of Samuel Adams, made their j,7^ 
appeal " to all the sister colonies, inviting a universal 
BUBpension of exports and imports, promising to suffer for 
America with a becoming fortitude, confessing that singly 
they might find their trial loo severe, and entreating not 
to be left to struggle alone, when the very being of every 
colony, considered as a free people, depended upon the 

On the seventeenth of May, Gage, who hud remained 
four days with Hutchinson at Castle William, landed at 
Long Wliarf, amidst salutes from ships and batteries. Re- 
ceived by the council and civil officers, he was escorted by 
the Boston cadets, under Mancock, to the state house, where 
the council presented a loyal address, and his commission 
was proclaimed with three volleys of musketry and as many 
cheers. He then partook of a public dinner in FaneuU 
Hall, at which he proposed " the prosperity of the town of 
Boston." His toast in honor of Hutchinson " was received 
with ft general hiss." Yet many favored a coni^roai.Wift^ 





Cbaf. I. 

and pat farward a subecrijitioTi to pay for the tea; and on 
the eighteenth Jonathan Aniory very strongly ui^d that 
measnre in town-meeting, but it was rejected by the com- 
mon voice. There etill lingered a hope of relief through 
the intercession of Gage ; but he was fit neither to reconcile 
nor to subdue. By hia mild temper and love of society, he 
gained the good-will of his boon companions, and escaped 
personal enmities ; but in earnest business he inspired 
neither confidence nor fear. Though his disposition was 
far from being malignant, Ire was so poor in spirit and so 
weak of will, so dull in hia perceptions and so unsettled In 
his opinions, that ho was sure to follow the worst advice, 
and vacillate between words of concession and merciless 
Beverily. He had promised the ting ihiit with four regi- 
ments he would play the "iion," and troops beyond his 
requisition were hourly expected. His instructions enjoined 
upon him the seizure nnd condign punishment of Samuel 
Adams, Hancock, Joseph Warren, and other leading pa- 
triots ; but he stood too much in dread of them to attempt 
their arrest. 

The people of Massachusetts were almost exclusively of 
English origin; beyond any other colony, they loved the 
land of their ancestors; but their fond attachment made 
them only the more sensitive to its tyranny. To subject 
them to taxation without their consent was robbing 
jj^j them of their birthright; they scorned the British 
parliament as " a junto of the serv.ints of the crown, 
rather than the representatives of England." Not disguis- 
ing to themselves their danger, but confident of victory, 
they were resolved to stand together as brothers for a life 
of iiljerty. 

The merchants of Newburyport were the firstwho agreed 
to suspend all commerce with Brit.iin and Ireland. Salem, 
also, the place marked out as the new seat of government, 
in a very full town-meeting, and after unirapassioned de- 
bates, decided almost unanimously to stop trade not with 
Britain only, but even with the West Indies. If in Boston 
ft few cravens still proposed to purchase » relaxation of 
the blockade by " a subscription to pay for the tea," the 




mojorily were beset hy no temptation bo strong as that of 
routing at once the iiisignifio^iot number of troops who had 
come to overiiwa them. Bnt Samuel Adams, while 
he compared their spirit to that of Sparta or Rome, 
inculcated "patience as the characteristio of a pa- 
triot;" and the people, having sent forth their cry to the 
continent, waited self-possessed for voices of consolation. 





Mat, 1774. 

New Toek anticipated tbo prayer of Boston. Its peo- 
ple, who had received tlie port act directly from 
iTTt England, felt the wrong to that town aa a wound 
to themselves, and even the lukewarm kindled with 
resentniont. From thq epoch of the stamp act, their Sons 
of Liberty, Btyled by the royalists " the Presbyterian junto," 
had kept up a committee of con'espoudcnce. Yet Sears, 
Macdougall, and Lamb, still its principal members, repre- 
sented the mechanics of the city more than its merchants ; 
and they never enjoyed the confidence of the gi'eat landed 
proprietors, who, by the tenure of estates throughout New 
York, formed a recognised aristocracy. To unite the 
province on the side of liberty, a, more comprehensive com- 
bination was required. The old committee advocated the 
qnesiionablc policy of an immediate suspension of commerce 
with Britain ; but ihey also proposed, and they were the 
first to propose, " a general congress." These recommen- 
dationa they foi-wardod through Connecticut to Boston, with 
entreaties to that toivu to stand firm ; and, in full confidence 
of approval, they applied not to New England only, but to 
Philadelphia, and through Philadelphia to every colony at 
the south. 

Such was the inception of the continental congress of 
1774. It was the last achievemeut of the Sons of Liberty 
of New York. Their words of cheering to Boston, and 
their summons to the country, had already gone forth, 
when, on the evening of the sLYieenth of May, they cou- 
Toked the inhabitants of their city. A sense of the impend- 


ing change tempered passionate rashneBS, Some wlio were 
in a secret underataQding wilh officera of the crown sought 
to evade all decisive measures ; the merchimts were avorse 
to headlong engagements for suspending trade ; the gentry 
feared lest the men who on all former occasious had led 
the multitude should preserve the contrnl in the day which 
was felt to be near at hand, when an independent people 
would shape the permanent institutions of a coiiliiient. 
Under a conservative influence, iho motion preraded to 
supersede the old committee of correspondence by a new 
one of fifty, and its memlsera were selected hy open nomi- 
nation. The choice included men from all classes. Nearly 
& third part were of those who followed the British standard 
to the last; others wore lukewarm, unsteady, and blind to 
the nearness of revolution ; others again were enthusiastic 
Sons of Liberty- The friends to government claimed that 
the m.ijority was inflexibly loyal ; the control fell into the 
hands of men who, like John Jay, slill aimed at reconciling 
B continued dependence on England with the juat freedom 
of the colonies. 

Meantime, the port act waa circulated with incredible 
rapidity. In some places, it was printed upon mourning 
paper with a black border, and cried about the atreets as 
a barbarous murder; in others, it was burnt with great 
solemnity in the presence of vast bodies of the people. On 
the seveutei:nlh, the representatives of Connecticut made 
a declaration of rights. " Let us play the man," said they, 
" for the cause of our country ; and trust the event to Him 
who orders all events for the best good of his people." Ou 
the same d.iy, the freemen of the tonii of Providence, un- 
solicited from abroad, and after full discussion, voted to 
promote " a congress of the representatives of oil the North 
American colonics." Declaring "personal liberty an essen- 
tial part of the natural rights of mankind," they expressed 
the wish to prohibit the importation of negro aluvea, and to 
set free all negroes born in the colony. 

The third day after these spontaneous movements, 1774. 
the city and county of New York inaugurated their *'■»"■ 
new committee with the fonnaliiy of public approval, T-fre 



partiea appeared in array : on the one aide, men of property; 
on the other, tradeatuen and mechanics. Foreboding a rev- 
ohilion, they seemed to contend in advance whether their 
future government should be formed upon the basis of 
property or on purely popular principles. It was plain 
that knowledG;e had penetrated the mass of the people, 
who were growing accustomed to reason for themselves, 
and were ready to found a new social order in which they 
would rale. But on that day they chose to follow the 
wealthier class it it would but make with them a common 
cause; and the nomination of the committee was accepted, 
even with the addition of Isaac Low as its chairman, who 
was more of a loyalist than a patriot. 

The letter from the New Tork Sons of Liberty had been 
received in Philadelphia, where Wedderburn and Hutchin- 
son had been burnt in elfi<ry ; and when, on the nineteenth, 
the messenger from Boston arrived with despatches, he 
found Charles Thomson, Thomna Mifflin, Joseph Keed, and 
others, preparing to call a public meeting on the evening 
of the nest day. 
1774. On the rooming of the twentieth, the king gave in 

Mijso. person his assent to the act which made the British 
commander in chief in America, bis army, and the civil offi- 
cers, no longer ameiiablo to American courts of justice ; and 
also to that which mutilate<l the charter of Massachusetts, 
and destroyed the freedom of its town-meetings, " The 
law," wrote Garnier, " the extremely intelligent " French 
charge, "must either lead to the complete reduction of the 
colonies, or clear the w.ay for their independence," " I niish 
from the bottom of my heart," said the Duke of Richmond, 
during a debate in the house of lords, "that the Americans 
may resist, and get the better of the forces sent against 
them." Four years later. Fox observed : " The alteration 
of the government of Massaelmsetta was certainly a most 
capital mistake, because it gave the whole continent re.ieon 
to think that their government was liable to be subverted 
at our pleasure and rendered entirely despotic. From 
thence all were tauglit to consider the town of Boston as 
Buffering in the common cause." 


While tho British parliaTnent was conferring on Gage 
power to take the lives of Boslonians with impunity, the 
men of Pliiladelphia wei-c asking ench other if there 
remiiineil a hope that the danger woiiIJ pass by. The ^*' 
Presbyterians, true to their traditions, held it right to 
war against tyranny ; " the Germans, who composed a large 
part of the inhabitants of the province, were all on the side 
of liberty ; " the merchants refused to sacrifice their trade ; 
the Qnakers in any event scrupled to use anus ; a numerous 
class, like Reed, cherished the most passionate desire for a 
reconciliation with the mother country. In the chaos of 
opinion, the cause of liberty nee«ied wise and intrepid coun- 
aellors ; bnl, during the absence of Franklin, Pennsylvania 
fell under the influence of Dickinson. His claims to public 
respect were indisputable. He was honored for spotless 
morals, eloquence and good service in the colonial legisla- 
ture. Hie writings had endeared him to America .ia a 
sincere friend of liberty. Possessed of an ample fortune, 
it was his pride to call himself a " farmer." Residing at 
a country seat which overlooked Philadelphia and the 
Delaware River, he delighted iu study and repose, and was 
wanting in active vigor of will. Free from personal cow- 
ardice, his shrinking sensitiveness bordered on pusillanim- 
ity. " He had .in excellent heart, and the cause of his 
conntry lay near it ; " " he loved the people of Boston with 
the tenderness of a brother;" yet ho was more jealous of 
their zeal than touched by their sorrows. " They will have 
time enough to die," were his words on that morning. 
"Let thorn give the other provinces opportunity to think 
and resolve. If they expect to drag them by their own 
violence into mad measures, they will bo left to perish by 
themselves, despised by their enemies, and ahnost detested 
by their friends." Having matured his scheme in solitude, 
he received at dinner Thomson, Mifflin, and Reed; who, 
for the sake of his public co-ope rati on, acquiesced in his 

In the evening, about three hundred of the principal 
citizens of Philadelphia assembled in the long room of the 
City Tavern. The letter from the Sons of Liberty of New 


York was read alouJ. as well as the letters from Boston. 
Two measures were tlins brought under discussion : that of 
New York for a congress ; that of Boston for an immediate 

eeasation of trade. The latter proposition was re- 
jij^* ceived with loud and general murmurs. Dickinson, 

hai-ing conciliated the wavering merchants by express- 
ing himself strongly against it, was heard with applause aa he 
spoke for a general congress. He insisted, however, oh a pre- 
liminary petition to his friend John Penn, the proprietary 
governor, to call together the legislature of the colony. 
This request every one knew would be refused. But then, 
reasoned Mifflin and the ardent politicians, a commiUee of 
correspondence, after the model of Boston, must, in conse- 
quence of the refusal, he named for the several counties in 
the province. Delegates will thus be appointed to a gen- 
eral congress ; " and, when the colonies are once united in 
councils, what may they not effect?" At an early hour 
Dickinson retired from the meeting, of which the spirit far 
exceeded his own ; but oven the most zealous acknowledged 
the necessity of deferring to his advice. Acceptinc, there- 
fore, moderation and prudence as their watchwords, they 
did little more than resolve that Boston was suffering in 
the general cause ; and they appointed a committee of in- 
tercolonial correspondence, with Dickinson as its chief. 

Ou the next day, the committee, at a meeting from whifih 
Dickinson stayed away, in a letter to Boston drafted mainly 
by William Smith, imbodied the system which, tor the com- 
ing year, was to control the counsels of America. It pro- 
posed a general congress of deputies from the different 
colonies, who, in Arm but dutiful terms, should make to the 
king a petition of their rights. This, it was believed, would 
he gr.inted through the influence of the wise and good in 
the mother country ; and the most sanguine predicted that 
the very idea of a general congress would compel a change 
in the policy of Great Britain. 

In like manner, the flfty-one who now represented the 
city and connly of New York adopted from their predeces- 
sors the plan of a continental congress, and to that body 
they referred all questions relating to commerce ; thua post- 


poniog the proposal for an immediate Buspension of trade, 
but committing themselves irrevociibly to union and resist- 
ance. At the aame time, thoj- invited every county in the 
colony to make choice of o committee. 

The messenger, on his return with the letters from nri. 
Philadelphia and New York, found the people of *''''' 
Connecticut anxious for a congress, even i£ it should not at 
once embrace the coloiiieB Bouth of the Potomac ; ami their 
Dommiltee wisely entreated Massachusetts to fis the place 
and time for its meeting. 

Al Boston, the agents and supporters of the British min- 
isters strove to bend the firmneas of its people by holding 
np to the tradesmen the grim j'ictnre of misery and want ; 
while Hutchinson promised to obtain in England a restora- 
tion of trade, if the town would but pay the first coat of 
the tea. Before his departure, one hundred and twenty- 
three merchants and others of Boston clandestinely ad- 
dressed him, "lamenting the loss of so good a governor," 
confessing the propriety of ludemnifying the East India 
company, and appealing to his most benevolent disposition 
to procure by his representations some speedy relief ; but at 
a full meeting of merchants and traders the address was 
disclaimed. Thirty-three citizens of Mnrblehcad, who signed 
a similar paper, brought upon themselves ihe public repro- 
bation of their townsmen. Hutchinson had mi-rlteij in civil 
oases the praise of an impartial j udge ; twenty-four lawyers, 
including judges of admiralty and attorneys of the crown, 
Bubscribed an extravagant panegyric of his general character 
and conduct ; but those who, for learning and integrity, 
roost adorued their profession, withheld their names. 

On the other hand, the necessity of a response to the 
eonr.ige of the people, the hearty adhesion of the town of 
Providence, and the cheering letter from the old committee 
of Kcw York, animated a majority of the merchants of 
Boston, and through their eiamplo those of the province, 
to an engagement to cease all importations from Engl.ind. 
Con6dence prevailed that their brethren, at least as fur 
south 08 Philadelphia, would embrace the same mode of 
peaceful resistance. The letter which soon arrived from 



that city, and which required the people of Massachusetts 
to retreat from their advanced position, waa therefore re- 
ceived with impatience. But Samuel Adnras suppressed all 
mnrmuTB. " I am fully of the Farmer's eentiments," said 
he ; " violence and submissioD would at this time be equally 
fatal ; " but he exerted himself the more to promote the 
immediate suspension of commerce. 

Tiie legislature of Massachusetts, on the last 
Wednesday of May, organized the government (pr 
the year by the usual election of councillors ; of these, tho 
governor negatived the unparalleled number of thirteen, 
among ibem James Bowdoin, Samuel Dexter, William 
Phillips, and John Adams, than whom tfae province could 
not show purer or abler men. The desire of the assembly 
that he would appoint a fast waa refused ; " for," said he 
to Dartmouth, " the request was only to give an opportunity 
for sedition to flow from the pulpit." On Saturday the 
twenty-eighth, Samuel Adams was on the point of proposing 
a general congress, when the assembly was unexpectedly 
prorogued, to meet after ten days at Salem. 

The people of Boston, then the most flourishing commer- 
cial town on the continent, never regretted their being the 
principal object of ministerial vengeance. " We shall suffer 
in a good cause," said the thousands who depended on their 
daily labor for bread ; " the righteous Being, who takes 
care of the ravens that cry unto him, will provide for tu 
and ours." 





Mat, 1774, coxtinttbd. 

Hearts glowed inoro warmly oif the banks of the Pn- 
tapsco. That admirable site of commerce, whose 
river side and hill-lops are now covered with stately ^'uy. 
warehouses, mansions, and monuments, whoso briy 
sparkles round the prows of the swiftest barks, whose whnrfa 
receive to their natural resting-place the wealth of the West 
Indies and South America, and whose happy enterprise sends 
across the mountains its iron pnthway of many arms to the 
valley of the Mississippi, had for a century been tenanted 
only by straggling cottages. But its convenient proximity to 
the border counties of Pennsylvania and Virginia had been 
observed by Scotch-Irish Presbyterians, and other bold and 
industrious men ; and, within a few years, they had created 
the. tonvn of Baltimore, which already was the chief empo- 
rium within the Chesapeake Bay, and promised to become 
one of the most opulent and populous cities of the world. 
When the messages from the old committee of New York, 
from Philadelphia, and from Boston, reached its inhabitants, 
they could not " see the least grounds for expecting relief 
from a petition and remonstrance." Tliey called to mind 
the contempt with which for ten years their petitions had 
been thrust aside, and were "convinced that something 
more sensible than supplications would best serve their 

After consultation with the men of Annapolis, to whom 
the coohiess of the Pbiladelphians seemed like insulting 
pity, and who promptly resolved to stop all trade with 
Great Brit:iin, the inhabitants of tlie city and county oC 




BnltimorG advooated suapending commerce with Great Brit- 
ain and the West Indies, chose deputies to a colonial con- 
vention, recommended a continental congress, appointed a 
numerous corainitlee of correspondence, and sent heartening 
words to their " friends " at Boston, as sufferers in the com- 
mon cause. "The Supreme Disposer of all events," said 
they, "wiU terminate this severe trial of your patience in a 
happy confirmation of American freedom." For this spirited 
conduct, Baltimore wns applauded as the model ; and its 
example kindled new life in New York. 

On the twenty-eighth, the assembly of New Hamp- 
shire, tliongh slifl desiring to promote harmony with 
the parent land, began its orgtmization for resisting encroaeh- 
menls on American riKtita. 

Three days later, the people of New Jersey declared for 
a suspension of trade and a congress, and claimed "to be 
fellow-aufferers with Boston in the cause of liberty." 

For Sonth Carolina, the restrictive laws had been bene- 
ficially modified in favor of its great staple, rice; und tha 
character of the laborers in its soil forbade nil thought of 
rivalling British skill in manufactures. Its wealthy inhab- 
itants, shunning the occupations of city life, loved to reside 
in hospitable elegance on their large and prodactive estates. 
Its annual exports to the northern provinces were of small 
account, while to Great Britain they exceeded two millions 
of dollai-s in valne. Enriched by this commerce, its people 
cherished a warm affection for the mother country, and 
delighted in sending their sons "home," as England waa 
called, for their education. The harbor of Charleston wm 
almost imguarded, except by the sand-bar at its entrance. 
The Creeks and Cherokees un the frontier, against whom 
the English government had once been solicited by South 
Carolina herself to send over a body of troops aa a protec- 
tion, were still numerous and warlike. The negro slaves, 
who in the country near the oceaji very far outinimbered all 
the free, were so m;my hostages for the allegiance of their 
masters. The trade of Charleston was in the hands o£ 
British factors, some of whom speculated already on the 
coming confiscation of the rice>swamps and indigo-fields of 



" mimy a bonnie rebel." The npland country was numer- 
ously peopleil by men who felt no grievances, anJ were 
blindly dovoleil to the king. And yet the planters, loving 
their civil rights more than security and ease, refused to 
take counsel of their interests or their danger. " Boston," 
said they, " is but the first victim at the altar of tyranny." 
Reduced to the dilemma either to hold their liberties .■la ten- 
ants at will of the British house of coimuona, or to prepare 
for resistance, their choice was never in doubt. " The whole 
continent," they said, " must be animated with one great 
soiil, and all Americana muat resolve to stand by one asolher 
even tinto death. Should they fail, the coiiHtitnlion of 
the motlier country itself would lose its excellence." ^"JJ; 
TLey knew the imminent ruin which they risked ; but 
they " remembered that the h.appinesa of many generationa 
and many luilHona dependeil on their spirit and constancy." 
The burgesses of Vii'ginia sat as usual in May. The ex- 
tension of the province to the west and north-west was their 
great ambition, wliich the governor, greedy of large masses 
of land, and of fees for conniving at the acquisitions of 
others, selSshly seconded, in flagrant disregard of his in- 
structions. To Lady Dunmore, who had just arrived, the 
assembly voted a congratulatory address, and its membcrB 
joined to give her a ball. The feeling of loyalty was still 
predominant ; the thought of revolution was not harbored; 
but they none the less held it tlieir duty to resist tlie system- 
atic plan of parliamentary despotism ; and, without waiting 
for an appeal from Boston, they resolved on its deliverance. 
First among them as an orator stood Patrick Henry, whoso 
words had power to kindle in his hearers passions like his 
own. But eloquence was his least merit : he was revered as 
the ideal of a patriot of Rome in its austerest age. The 
approach of danger quickened his sagacity, and his language 
gained the boldness of prophecy. He was borne up by tlie 
strong support of Richard Henry Lee and Washington. It 
chanced that George Mason also was then at Williamsburg, 
K man of strong and true affections; learned in constitu- 
tional law ; a profound reasoner ; honest and fearless in 
council ; shunning ambition and public life, from sorrow at 


Cnu>. m. 

the death of hi§ wife, for whom he never cea«ed to mourn ; 
but earnesti}' mindful of bis country, aa became one whose 
chastened spirit looked beyond the ioteresta of the moment. 
After deliberation with theae associates, Jcffersnn jtrepared 
the measure that was to declare irrevocably the policy of 
Virginia ; and its house of biirgesees, on the tweoly-fourtJi, 
on motion of Robert Carter Nicholas, adopted the concerted 
resolution, which was in ilself a solemn invocation of God 
as the witness of their purpose to rescue their liberties even 
at the risk of being compelled to defend them with arms. 
It recommended to their fellow-citizen a that the day on 
vhich the Boston port act was to take effect should be set 
apart '* as a day of fasting and prayer, devoutly to im- 
plore the divine interposition for averting the dreadfnl 
calamity which threatened destruction to their civil rights, 
and the evils of a civil war; and to give to the American 
people one heart and one mind Hrmly tc) oppose, by all just 
and proper means, every injury to American rights." The 
resolve, which bound only the members themselves, 
was distributed by express through their respective 
counties as a general invitation to the people. Espe- 
cially Washington sent the notice to his constituents ; and 
Mason charged his little household of sons and daughters to 
keep the day strictly, and attend church clad in mourning. 

On the morning which followed the ndojttion of this 
measure, Dunmore dissolved the house. The burgesses im- 
mediately repaired to the Raleigh tavern, about one hun- 
dred paces from the cnpitol ; and with Pej-ton Randolph, 
tbeir late speaker, in the chair, voted the attack on 
Massachusetts was an attack on all the colonies, to be 
opposed by the united wisdom of all. In conformity with 
this declaration, they advised for future time an annual 
continental congress. They named Peyton Itmdolph, with 
others, ft committee of correspondence to invite a general 
concurrence in this design. As yet social relations were 
not embittered. Washington, of whom Dunmore sought 
information respecting western affairs, continued his visits 
at the governor's house ; the ball in honor of Lady Dunmore 
was well attended. Not till the offices of courtesy and of 



patriotism were fulfillcil, rlifl most of the bnrgesseB return 
home, leaving their committee on duty. 

On the nftemoon of Sunday the twenty-ninth, the ,771. 
letKTH from Boston reached Willbmsliurg. So inipor- ""'■ 
tniit did they appear that the ni'Xt morning, at ten o'clock, 
the comiiiittec, having culled to their aid Washington and tilt 
other burgesKes who were Etil! in town, inaugurated a revo- 
lution. Being but twenty-five in number, they refused to 
assume the reaponeibility of definite measures of resiftanae ; 
but, ns the jirovince was without a legislature, they sum- 
moned a convention of delegates to be elected by the sev- 
eral counties, and to meet at the capitol on the first day of 
the ensuing August. 

The rescue of freedom even at the cost of a civil war. 
It domestic convention of the people for their own internal 
re^ilation, an annual congress of all the colonies for the 
perpetual assertion of common rights, were the policy of 
Virginia. Wlien the report of her measures reached Eng- 
land, the startled ministers called to mind how often she 
had been the model for other colonies. Her influence con- 
tituied undiminished ; and her system was promptly adopted 
by the people of North Carolina. 

" Lord North had no esjiectation that we should be thus 
sustained," said Samuel Adams ; " he trusted that Boston 
would be left to fall alone." But the love of liberty in 
America did not flash on the surface ; it penetrated the 
mass with magnetic energy. The port act had been re- 
ceived on the tenth of May; and in three weeks, less time 
than was taken by the unanimous British parliament for its 
enactment, the continent, as "one great common wealtli," 
made the cause of Boston its own. 



Cbap. IT. 



June, 1774. 

Os the first day of June, HutchiDRon embarked for Eng- 

lanfl ; and, as the docks in the Boeton belfries finished 
jo'nei striliinD; twelve, the blockade of the harbor began. 

The inhabitants of the town were chiefly traders, 
shipwrights, and sailors; and, since no anchor could be 
weighed, no sail unfurled, no vessel ao much aa launched 
from the stocks, their cheerful industry was at an end. No 
more are they to lay the keel of the fleet, or 
shape the rib symmetrically for its frame, or strengthen the 
graceful hull by knees of ouk, or rig the well-proportioned 
masts, or bend the sails to the yards. The king of that 
country has changed the busy workshops into scenes of 
eompul.sory idleness ; and the most skilful naval artisans in 
the world, with the keenest eye for forms of beauty and 
speed, are forced by act of parliament to fold their liiinds. 
Want scowled on the laborer, as ho sat with his wife atid 
children at his board. The sailor roamed the streets list- 
lessly without hope of employment. Tbe law was executed 
with a rigor that went beyond the intentions of its authors. 
Not a scow could be manned by oars to briug an ox or 
a uheep or a bundle of hay from the islands. All water 
carriage from pier to pier, though hut of lumber or bricks 
or lime, was forbidden. The boats that plied between 
Boston and Charlestown could not ferry a parcel of goods 
across Charles River ; the fishermen of Marhlehead, when 
from their hard pursuit they bestowed quintals of dried fish 
on the poor of Boston, were obliged to transport their offer- 


ing in wagons by a circuit of thirty miles. The warehousps 
of the thrifty incrchantH were at once made valueless ; the 
co§tly wharfs, which extended far into the channel, 
and were bo lately covered with the produce of the J^ 
tropica and with English fabrics, were become solitary 
places; the harbor, which had resounded incessantly with 
the lively Toices of prosperous commerce, was disturbed by 
no sounds but from British vessels of war. 

At Philadelphia, the bells of the churches were mufficd 
and tolled ; the ships in port hoisted their colors at half 
most; and nine tenths of the houtica, except those of the 
Friends, were shut during the memorable first of June. In 
Virginia, the population thronged the churches ; Washing- 
ton attended the service, and strictly kept the fast. No 
firmer words were addressed to the suffei-ers than from 
Norfolk, whioh was the largest place of trade in that " well- 
watered and extensive dominion," and which, from its deep 
channel and nearness to the ocean, lay most exposed to 
ships-of-war. "Our hearts are warmed with affection for 
you," such was its message; "we address the Almighty 
Ruler to support you in your afflictions. Be assured wo 
consider you as suffering in the common cause, and look 
upon ourselves as bound by the most saored ties to support 


Jefferson, from the foot of the Blue Ridge of the Alle- 
ghanies, condemned the act, which in a moment reduced 
an ancient and wealthy town from opulence to want, and, 
without ft hearing and without discrimination, aacrificed 
property of the value of millions to revenge, not repay, the 
loss of a few thousands. " If the pulse of the people beat 
calmly under such an experiment by the new and till now 
unheard of executive power of a British parliament," said 
the young, "another and another will be tried, till 
the raensure of despotism be filled up." 

At that time, the king was so eager to give effect to the 
law which subverted the charter of Massachusetts, that, 
acting upon information confessedly insufficient, he, with 
Dartmouth, made out for that province a complete list of 
councillors, called muudamus councillors from the,\x %.'^ 



Ciiir. IV. 

pointmont by the crown. Copies of letters from Franklin 
nnd from Arthur Lee h:id been obtiuncd ; Gage was secretly 
ordered to procure, if possible, tho originals, as the gronod 
for arraigning their authors for treason. Bernard and 
Hutchinson had reported that the military power failed to 
intimidate, because no colonial civil officer would sanction 
its eraployment ; to meet the exigency, Thurlow and Wed- 
derburn furnished their opinion, that such power belonged 
to the governor himself as the oonservaior of the jjeace i 
in all cases whatsoever. "I am willing to suppose," says 
Dartmouth, "that the people will quietly submit to the 
correction their ill conduct brought upon them;" bnt. 
Id case they should not prove so docile, Gtige was required 
to bid the troops fire upon them at his discretion ; and, for 
his encouragement, he was informed that all trials of officers 
and troops for homicides in America were, by a recent act 
of parliament, removed to England, 

This system of measures was regarded by its authors as s 
masterpiece of statesmanship. But where was true ^preat- 
nesa really to be found ? At the council board of vindictive 

ministers? With the king, who preferred the loss ot 
jime. * continent to a compromise of absolute power? Or 

in the humble mansion of the proscribed Samuel 
Adams, who shared every sorrow of his nntive town ? " She 
suffers," said he, " with dignity ; and, rather than submit to 
the humiliating terms of an edict barbarous beyond prece- 
dent under the most absolute monarchy, she will put the 
miUiceof tyranny to the severest trial." " An empire is rising 
in America ; and Britain, by her multiplied oppressions, is 
accelerating that independency which she dreads. We have 
a post to maintain, to desert which would entail upon us 
tho curses of posterity. The virtue of our ancestors in- 
spires us; they wore contented with clams and mussela. 
For my own part, I have been wont to converse with pov- 
erty ; and, however ilisagreeablo a companion she may be 
thought to be by the affluent and luxurious who never were 
acquainted with her, I can live happily with her the re- 
mainder of my days, if I can thereby contribute to the 
redemption of my country." These were his words, with 

1774. MASSACHUSETTS, IN JUNE, 1774. 841 

the knowlerlgo that the king's order for hia arrest was hang- 
ing over his head, to he enforced whenever troops enough 
wore brought together to make il safe. 

On the second of June, the Boston committee re- jrn. 
ceived and read the two bills, of which the one was ■'""•^ 
to change the charter nnd subvert the most cherished rights 
of the province, the other to grant imjnintty to the Dritiah 
army for nets of viulcnce in enforcing the new system. 
"They excited," saya their reooni, "a just indignation in 
the mind of the committee," whose members saw their 
option confined to abject submissioo or an open rupture. 
They longed to escape the necessity of the choice by devis- 
ing some measure which might recall their oppressors to 
moderation and reason. Accordingly, Warren, on the fifth, 
reported "a solemn league and covenant" to suspend all 
commercial intercourse with the mother country, and neither 
to purchase nor consume any merchandise from Great Brit- 
ain after the last day of the ensuing August. The names 
of those who should refuse to sign the covenant were to be 
published to the world. Copies of this paper were for- 
warded to ever)- town in the province, with a letter entreat- 
ing the subscriptions of all the people, " as the last and 
only method of preserving the land from slavery without 
drenching it in blood," 

The proposition proved the desire for conciliation. Had 
a country which was without manufactures and munitions 
of war been resolved to take up arms, it would havg ex- 
tended its commerce, in order to accumulate all articles 
of first necessity. " Nothing," said the patriots, " is more 
foreign from our hearts than a spii-it of rebellion. Would 
to God they all, even our enemies, knew the warm attach- 
ment we have for Great Britain, notwithstanding we have 
been contending these ten years with them for our rights. 
What can they gain by the victorj% should they subjugate 
us? What will be the glory of enslaving their children 
and brothers? Nay, how great will be the danger to their 
OWT] liberties?" Thus reasoned the people of the country 
towns in Massachusetts ; and they signed " the league and 
covenant," confident thai they w-ould have only to sit stiU 



CniF. IV. 

and await the bloodless restoration of their rights. In this 
expectation they were confirmed by the opinions of Burke 
and of Franklin. 

1774. From the committee room in Faneuil Hall, Samuel 

June. Adams hastened to the general assembly, whose first 
act at Salem was a protest against the arbitrary order for it« 
removal. The council, in making the customary reply to the 
governor's speech, was listened to as they liud claim to the 
rights of Englishmen without diminution or " abridgment." 
But when they proceeded to read their hope, " that hia 
administration would be a happy contrast to that of his pre- 
decessors," Gage interrupted their chairman, and refused to 
receive the address ; giving as bis reason, that the conduct 
of those predecessors had been approved, and therefore the 
language " was an insult to the king and an affront to him- 
self." But the right of a legislative bod^ to utter an opinion 
on a subordinate executive officer was undeniable. The king 
hears an address from the house of commons, however se- 
verely it may reflect on a minister. When Gage treated the 
censure on Bernard and Hutchinson as a personal conflict 
with the sovereign, his petulance tended to bring that sov- 
ereign himself into disrepute. 

The house of represtntativea was the fullest ever known. 
The continent expected of them to fix the time and place 
for the meeting of the genera! congress. This required the 
utmost secrecy ; for they were watched by officers in the 
i-oyal service, and any perceptible movement would have 
been followed by an instant dissolution. In the confusion 
of nominations, Dauiel Leonard, of Tauulon, who hud won 
liis election by engaging mimners and professions of patriot- 
ism, which yet were hollow, succeeded in being appointed 
one of the committee of nine on the state of the province, 
Hestrained by well-founded distrust of his secret relations, 
Uiat committee was cautious to entert.iin nothing but vague 
propositions for conciliation ; so that Leonard deceived not 
himself only, but the governor, into the belief that the leg- 
ifilature would lead the way to concession, and that, on the 
an'ival of more troops, an indemnity to the E.tat India 
company would be publicly advocated. 




The continent was looking towards Boston. " Don't paj- 
for an oance of the damned tea," wrote Gadsden, on 
the fourteenth of June, ae he shipped for the poor of 
Boston the first gifts of rice from the planters of Car- 
olinR. On that day, the fourth regiment, known as " iha 
king's own," encamped on Bofltoo common ; the nest, it 
was joined by the forty-third. Two companies of artillery 
and eight ])ieces of ordnance had already re-enforced Castle 
William; and more battalions of infantry were hourly ex- 
pected. The friends of government exerted every art to win 
over the tradesmen- " There will be no congress," ihey said ; 
"New York will never appoint members; Massachusetts 
must feel that she is deserted." To a meeting of tradesmen, 
a ]i|auNibte speaker ventured to recommend for consideration 
the manner of paying for the tea ; and he met w^ith so much 
snccesa that, after some dtercation, they separated without 
coming to any resolution. But Warren, who exerted as 
much energy to save his country as others to paralyze its 
spirit and was encouraged by the glowing letter from Bal- 
timore, proved to his friends that the payment in any form 
would open the way for every compliance even to a total 
submission. " Vigilance, activity, and patience," be cried, 
" are necessary at this time ; but the mistress we servo is 
Liberty, and it is better to die than not to obtain her." 
" We shall be saved," he added ; :uid, that no cloud might 
rest on the "fortitude, honesty, and foresight" of Boston, 
a town-meeting was called for the following Friday. 

Samuel Adams received a summons to come and guide 
its debates ; but n higher duty kept him at Salem. The 
legislative committee of nine appeared so tame that Leonard 
returned to Taunton on busintss as a lawyer. Meantime, 
Samuel Adams had on one evening secretly consulted four 
or live of his colleagues ; on another, a Larger number ; on 
the third, so many as thirty ; and on the morning of Friday 
the seventeenth of June, confident of having the control 
of the house, one hundred and twenty-nine being' pre sent, he 
locked the door, and proposed the measure he had matured. 
The time fixed for the congress was the first day of Sop- 
tember; the place, Philadelphia, where there was no onny 



CHiP. IV. 

to interrupt its sessions. Bowdoin, who, however, proved 
unable to attend, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Cashing, 
and Robert Treat Paine were chosen deleitatea. To defray 
their expenses, a tai of five hundred pounds was apportioned 
on the province. The towns were ch.argeil to afford speedy 
and constant relief to Boston and Ch.irleslown, whose forti- 
tude was preserving the liberties of their countty. I>o- 
tncstic manufactnres were encouraged, and it was strongly 
recommended to disconlinne the use of all goods imported 
from the Enat Indies and Britain, until the grievances 
of America should be radically redressed. 
1774 In the midst of these proceedings, the governor 

Jnnii. gpjjj jijg gepretary with a message for dissolving the 
a^'sembly, But he knocked at its door in vain, and could 
only read the proclamation to the crowd on the stairs. 

The number which on that same day thronged to the 
town-meeting in Faneuil Hall was greater than the room 
would hold. Samuel Adams was not missed; for his kins- 
man, John Adams, was elected moderator. When he had 
tiikcn the chair, the friends to the scheme of indemnifying 
the East India company for their loss were invited tu " spuak 
freely," that a matter of such importance might be fairly 
discus9e<l in the presence of the general body of the people ; 
but not a man rose in defence of the iiropoaition. The 
blockade, the fleets, the army, could not bring out a symp- 
tom of compliance. 

A month before, Jobn Adams had said : "I have veryi 
little connection with public affairs, and I hope to have less."' 
For many years, he had refused to attend town-meetings ; 
he had kept aloof from the committee of correspondence, 
even in the time when it concerted the destruction of the 
lea. The morning of that day dawned on him in private 
hfe ; the evening saw him a representative of Massaehusetta 
to the general congress. That summer he followed the 
circuit for the last time. " Great Britain," tlius Sewtill, hia 
friend and associate ut the bar, expostulated with him, as 
they strolled together on the hill thai overhangs Casco Bay 
with its thonsiiud isles, " Great Britain is determined on her 
system; and her power is irresistible." "Swim or sink, 

1774. MASSACHUSETTS, IN JUNE. 1774. 345 

live or die, siiiTivp or perish with my country, is my uu- 
ahcrable determination," answered Adama. " I see we 
must part," rejoinuil Sowall ; " but tliis adieu is the sharp- 
est thorn on wliich I ever set my foot." 

Two days in advance of Massachusetts, the assembly of 
Rhode Island unanimously chose delegates to the general 
congress, which they desired to see annually renewed. 

Maryland could proceed only by a convention of its 
people- But so universal was their zeal, so rapid their 
orguni/.3tion, that their provincial convention mot at 
Annapolis on the twenty-second of June, and, before jJJ,g_ 
any message had been received from Salem, they 
elected delegates to the congress. With a modesty worthy 
of their courage, they apologized to Virginia for moving in 
advance ; pleading as their excuse the inferiority of tbeir 
province in ostent and minibers, so that less time was needed 
to ascertain its sentiments. 




June, Joly, 1774. 

Tes martyr town was borne up in its ftgonjr by meGsagee 
of Bympathy. From Marbleheud came offers to the 
Jimi. Boston merchants of the gratuitous use of its harbor, 
ita whiirfs, its warehouses, and of all necessary per- 
sonal attendanoe in lading and unlading goods. Forty- 
4^jght persons were found in Salem, willing to entreat of 
G:ige his " patronage for the trade of that place ; " but a 
hundred and twenty-five of ils merehuntji and freeholders, 
in an address drafted by Timothy Pickering, re]>eUed the 
ungenerous thought of turning the course of trade from 
Boston. "Nalun?" said they nobly, " in the forraatton of 
our harbor, forbids our becoming riv-als in commerce to that 
couvenieut mart. And, were it otberwife, we must be lost 
to all the feelings of humanity, conid we indulge one thought 
to Kcize on wealth and raise our fortunes OQ'the ruin of oar 
suffering neighbors." 

The governor, in his answer, threw all blame on Boston 
for refusing to indemnify the East India company ; and be 
employed every device to produce compliance. Itwaa pub- 
Ibhed at the comers of the streets that Pennsylvania would 
njfuso to suspend commerce; that the society of Friends 
would unvst every step towards war ; that Xew York had 
not named, and would never name, deputies to congress; 
that the power of Great Britain could not fail to crush re- 
sistance. The esasperatioQ of the sellish at their losses, 
which they attributed to the committee of comspondence, 
tile inn.'itc reverence for order, the habitual feeling of loyalty, 
tile deeply seated love for England, the terror inspired by 
rvgimontOi artillery, and ships-of-war, tbe alluremeutd of 


officinl favor, the confidence that the king moHt prevdl, 

disposed a considerable body of men to cooceBsion. 
" The act," wrote Gage on the twenty-sixth, " mast j^*'. 
certainly sooner or later work its own way: a con- 
gress of BODie sort may be obtained ; bnt, after all, Boston 
may get little more than fair words." 

The day after this was written, a town-meeting was 
held. As Faneail Hall could not contain the thronging 
inhabitants, they adjourned to the Old South meeling-honse. 
There the opposition mustered their utmost strength, in the 
hope of carrying a vote of censure on the committee of cor- 
respondence. The question of p-'iying for the tea waa art- 
fully evaded; while "the league and covenant," which in 
truth wna questionable both in policy and form, waa chosen 
as the object of cavil. New York had superseded the old 
committee by a more moderate one ; it was proposed that 
Boston should do the same. The patriot Samuel Adams, 
finding himself not only proscribed by the king, but on trial 
in a Boston town-meeting, left the chair, and took his place 
on the floor. His enemies summoned hardihood to engage 
with bim in debate, in which they were allowed the utmost 
freedom. Through the midsummer day they were heard 
patiently till dark, and at their own request were indulged 
"With an adjournment. On the neit day, notwithstanding 
the ntmost exertion of the influence of the government, the 
motion of censure ivas negatived by a vast majority. The 
town then, by a decisive vote, bore its testimony " to the 
upright intentions and honest zeal of their committee of cor- 
respondence," and desired them " to continue steadfast in 
the way of weli-doing." Of the oppositiou, one hundred 
and twenty-nine, chiefly the addressers to Hutchinson, con- 
fident of a speedy triuinph through the power of Britain, 
OBtentatiously set their names to a protest, which, under 
the appearance of anxiety for the prosperity of the town, 
recommended unqunhfied submission. They would have 
robbed Boston of its great name, and made it a byword of 
reproach in the annals of the world. 

The governor humed to the aid of his partisans ; and on 
the following day, without the consent of the council, issued 


Ch*i-. V. 


the proclamation, from which British influence never recov- 
ered. He called the combination not to purchase articles 
imported from Great Britain " unwarrantable, hostile, and 
traitorous;" its suhscribera, "open and declared euemies of 
the king and parliament of Great Britain;" and he "en- 
joined all magistrates and other offiuers, within the several 
counties of the province, to apprehend nod secure for trial 
all persons who might publish or sign, or invite others to 
sign, ihe covenant." 

The malignity of the imputation of treason was heightened 
by the pretended rido of law that the persons so accused 
might be dragged for trial to England, For any purpose of 
making arrests the proclamation was usele&s ; but, as the 
exponent of the temper of an administration which cliose 
the gallows to avenge the simple agreement not to buy 
English goods, it was read throughout the continent with 
uncontrollable indignation. In Boston, the report, prevailed 
that, as soon as more soldiers should l>e landed, six or seven 
of the leading patriots would be seized ; and it was in truth 
the project of Gage to fasten charges of rebellion on indi- 
viduals as a jiretejct for sending them to jait. On Fri- 
j"i day the first of July, Admiral Graves arrived in the 
" Preston," of sixty guns ; on Satui'day, the train of 
artillery was encamped on the common by the side of two 
regiments that were there before. On Monday, these were 
re-enforced by the fifth and thirty-eiglith. Arrests, it was 
confidently reported, were now to be made. In this mo- 
ment of greatest danger, the Boston committee of corre- 
spondence, Samuel Adams, the two Greenleafs, Molineux, 
Warren, and others being present, considered the rumor 
that some of tljeui were to be taken up, and voted unani- 
mously "that they would attend their business as usual, 
unless prevented by brutal force." 

The attempt to intimidate gave an impulse to the cove- 
nant. At Plymouth, the subscribers increased to about a 
himdrcd. The general, who had undertaken to frighten the 
I)eop!e, excused Iiimself for not executing his threats, by 
complaining that the edicts of town-meetings controlled the 
pulpit, the press, and the multitude, overawed the judges. 


and screened " the guilty." " The usurpation," said he, 
" has by time acquired .1 firmness that is not to be annihi- 
latcil at once, or by orcUnary methods." 

The arrival of Hutchinson in England lulled the |7t<. 
king into momentary security. Tryon from New "'''''■ 
York bad said that the ministers must put forth the whole 
power of Great Briuiin, if they would bring America to their 
feci ; Carleton thought it not safe to undertake a march from 
the St. Liiwrcnce to New York with less than ten thoummd 
men ; but Hutchinson, who, on reaching London, was hurried 
by Dartmouth to the royal presence without time to change 
hb clothes, assured the king that the port bill was " the 
only wise and effective method " of bringing the people of 
Boston to submission ; thai it had occasioned among them 
extreme alarm ; that no one colony would comply with 
their request for a general suspension of commerce ; that 
Rhode Island accompanied its refusal with a sneer at 
their selfishness. The king listened eagerly. He had been 
greedy for all kinds of stories respecting Boston ; had been 
told, and had believed, that Hutchinson had needed a guard 
for his personal safety; tiiat the New England ministers, 
for the sake of promoting liberty, preached a toleration for 
any immonilities ; that Hancock's bills, to a large amount, 
bad been dishonored. He knew something of the political 
opinions even of the Boston ministers, not of Chauncy and 
Cooper only, but also of Pemberton, whom, as a friend to 
government, lie esteemed "a very good man," though a 
dissenter. Tlie name of John Adams, who had only in 
June commenced his active public career, had not yet been 
heard in the palace which he was so soon to enter as the 
minister of a ripublic. Of Cashing, he estimated the im- 
portance too highly. Aware of the controlling power of 
Samuel Adams, ho asked : " What gives bun his influence ? " 
and Hutchinson answered: "A great pretended zeal for 
liberty, and a most inflexible natural temper. He was the 
first who asserted the independency of the colonies upon 
the supreme authority of the kingdom." For nearly two 
hours, the king continued his inquiries, and was encouraged 
in the delusion that Boston would be left unsup\iocLQd. 



Ch*p, V, 


Tlie antbor of the jileaaing intelligeDce obtained a lai^e 
pension, was offered the rank of baronet, and was consulted 
as an oracle by Gibbon the historian, and other politicians 
of the court. 

" I have just seen the governor of Massacbusetts," 
wrote the king to Lord Nortli, " and I am now well con- 
vinced the province will soon submit ; " and he gloried in the 
efficacy of his favorite measure, the Boston port act. But, 
as BOon as the true character of that act became known in 
America, every colony, every city, every village, and, as it 
were, the inmates of every farm-house, felt it as a wound 
of their affections. The towns of Massachusetts nboun<led 
in kind offices. The colonies vied with each other in liber- 
ality. The record kept at Boston shows that " the patriotic 
and generous people " of South Carolina were tbe first to 
minister to the sufferers, sending early in June two hun- 
dred barrels of rice, and promising eight hundred more. 
At Wilmington, North Carolina, the sura of two thousand 
pounds currency was raised in a few days ; the women of 
the place gave liberally; Parker Quince offered his vessel 
to carry a load of provisions freight free, and master and 
mariners volunteered to navigate her without wages. Lord 
North had called the American union a rope of sand : " It 
is a rope of sand that will hang him," said the people of 

Hartford was the first j^lace in Connecticut to pledge its 
Bssietance ; bnt the earliest donation received was of two 
hundred and fitty^eiglil sheep from Windham. "Gentle- 
men " of NorwicJi drove two hundred and ninety-one, the 
pft of that town. " The taking away of civil liberty will 
involve the ruin of religious liberty also," wrote the minis- 
ters of Connecticut to the ministers of Boston, cheering 
them to bear their heavy load "with vigorous Cliristiun 
fortitude and resolution." "While we complain to heaven 
and earth of the cruel oppression wo are under, we ascribe 
righteousness to God," was the answer. " The Hurjmsing 
nnion of the colonies affords encouragement. It is an 
incxhnuBtible source of comfort that the Lord God omnipo- 
tent i-ei^eth," 


The amiill parish of Brooklyn in Connecticut, through 
their commiLtce, of which Israel Pulnatn was a mem- 
ber, opened a correBpondence with Boston. "Your j^^ 
zeal in favor of liberty," they said, " has gained a name 
that shall perish but with the glorious constellationa of 
heavBD ; " and they made an offering of flocks of sheep and 
lambs. Throughout New England, the towns sent rye, 
flour, peas, cattle, sheep, oil, fish ; whatever land or sea 
could furnish, and sometimes gifts of money. The French 
inhabitants of Quebec, joining with those of English origin, 
shipped a thousand and forty bushels of wheat. 

Delaware devised plans for sending relief annually. A 
epecial chronicle could hardly enumerate all the generous 
deeds. Maryland and Virginia contributed liberally; being 
resolved that the men of Boston, who were deprived of 
their daily labor, should not lose their daily broad, nor be 
compelled to change their residence for want. Waahingtou 
headed a subscription pnper with a gift of fifty pounds; 
and, on the eighteenth of July, ho presided at a convention 
of Fairfax county, where twenty-tour very comprehensive 
resolutions, which had been drafted by George Mason and 
carefully revised by a committee, were, with but one dis- 
sentient voice, adopted by the freeholders and inhabitants. 
They derived the settlement of Virginia from a solemn 
compact with the crown, conceded no right of legislation 
to the British parliament, acknowledged only a conditional 
acquiescence in the acts of navigation, enumerated the 
varioua infringements of American rightsi, proposed non- 
importation and, if necessary, n on -export at ion as means of 
temporary resistance, urged the appoinlmeat of a congress 
of deputies from all the colonies, and recommended that 
that congress should conjure the king "not to reduce his 
faithful subjects to a state of desperation, and to reflect 
that from their sovereign there could be but one ap]iO!il." 
As to the further importation of slaves, their words were ; 
"We take this opportunity of declaring our most earnest 
wishes to see an entire stop for ever put to such a wicked, 
cruel, and unnatural trade." These resolves, which ex- 
pressed "the sense of the people of Fairfax county," wwi 


THE AMEHICAS revolution. 

CHiP. V. 

ordered to be preaentefl to the first convention of Virginia. 
"Wo are not contending against paying llio duty of thrce- 
])ence per ponnd on tea as burthen some," said Wasliington : 
" no, it is the right only that we have all along disputed." 

Beyond the Blue Ridge, the hardy emigrants on the 
bunks of the Shenandoah, many of them Germans, met at i 
Woodstock ; and with Muhlenberg, tla-n a clergj-man, eoou 
to be a military chief, devoted themselves to the cause of 
liberty. Higher up the valley of Virginia, where the 
J^y, plough already vied with the rifle, and the hardy hunt- 
ers had also begun to till the soil, the summer of that 
year ripened the wheat-fields of the pioneers not for them^ 
selves alone. When the sheaves hail been han'ested, and the 
com threshed and gi'ound in a country as yet poorly pro- 
vided with barns or mills, the baekwuodsnien of Augusta 
county, without any pass through the mountains that could 
be called a road, delivered at Frederick one hundred and 
thirty-seven barrels of flour as their remittance to the 
poor of Boston. Cheered by the universal sympathy, the 
inhabitants of that town "were determined to hold out, 
and appeal to the justice of the colonies and o£ the world ;" 
trusting in God that " these tilings should be overruled 
for the eatablifihment of liberty, virtue, and happiness in 






JcLT, 1774. 

George III. ranked " New York next to Boston in oppo- 
sition to government." There was no place where a 
congress was more desired, and none where the de- j^^; 
terminations of the coogresa were more sure to be 
observed. The numerous emigrants from Kew England 
brought with them New England principles ; the Dutch, ns 
a body, never loved Britain. Of the two great families 
which the system of manoriiil grants bad raised up, the 
Livingstons inclined to republicanism, and, uniting activity 
to wealth and ability, exercised a predominant influence. 
The Delnnceys, who by taking advantage of temporary 
prejudices had, four yeara before, carried the assembly, no 
longer retained the public confidence, and outside of the 
legislature their power was imperceptible. 

After being severed from Holland, its mother coimtry. 
New York had no attachment to any European state. All 
agreed in the necessity of resisting the pretensions of Eng- 
land; but differences arose as to the persons to bo intrusted 
with the direction of that resistance, and as to the immi- 
nence and extent of the danger. The merchants wished no 
interruption to commerce ; the Dutch Reformed Church, as 
well as the Episcopalians, were not free from jealousy of 
the Congregationalists, and the large land-holders were 
alarmed by the levelling spirit and social equality of New 
England. The people of New York had destroyed con- 
eignmenla of the East India company's tea ; but from them 
the British ministry had borne the insult without rebuke, 
Btriving only by bland language to lull them into repose. 



Cnip. VI. 

The psecutive officera had for sevoral years avoided strife 
with the nsserably, listening patiently to its comphuDts, and 
Becking to comply with its importiinitiea ; so that no angry 
feeling existed between the provincial legislature and the 
royal govemora. The city had, moreover, been the centre 
of British patronage; and friends had been won by the 
distribution of contracts, and sometimes by commissions in 
the array. The organs of tho ministry wore to cajole, to 

favor, or to corrupt ; above all, to give a promise on 
July. t.ho part of the crown of a spirit of equity, which its 

conduct towards the province seemed to warrant as 
sincere. Besides, the assembly had Edmund Burko for it« 
agent, and still hoped that hia influence would correspond to 
their just estimate of his fidelity. The lovers of peace, which 
is always so dear to a commercial community, revolted at 
the thought of an early and unavoidable " appeal " to arms, 
caught eagerly at every chance of an honorable escape from 
tho certain miseries of a desperate conflict, and exerted 
themselves strenuously to secure the management of affairs 
to men of praperty. For this end, they relied on the ability 
of John Jay, a young lawj'cr of Now York, whose nmac 
now first appears conspicuously in the annals of his country. 
Descended from Huguenot refugees ; educated in the city 
nt its college ; of the severest purity of morals ; a hard 
student, an able writer, a ready speaker ; recently connected 
with the family of Livingston by marriage, — his superior 
endowments, his activity, and his zeal for liberty, tempered 
by a love for order, made him for a quarter of a century 
distinguished in his native state. At this time, he joined 
the dignity of manhood to the energy of youth. He was 
both shy and proud ; and his pride, though it became less 
visible, suffered no diminution from time. Tenacious of 
his purposes and hiw opinions, sensitive to indignities :md 
prone to sudden resentments, not remarkable for self-posses- 
sion, with a countenance not trained to concealment, nei- 
ther easy of access, nor prompt in his advances, gifted with 
no quick insight into character and therefore liable to a 
bias from unfounded jealousy, he had neither talents nor 
Jnclination for intrigue; and but for his ambition, which 


be ftlways subjected to his eense of right, he would have 
seemed formed for study and reliroment. 

On Monday the fourth of July, it wua carried in the ]Tit. 
committee of fifty-one that deiegates should be selected ''"'^■ 
to flervo in tho general congress. Sears, who was still fore- 
most in the confidence of the mechanics, seconded by Peter 
van Brugh Livingston, a man of great inteliigence. jiroposed 
John Myrin Scott and Alexander MacdoiigaJl. Fitter can- 
didates could not Lave been found ; but they were both 
passed over by a great majority, and the committee nomi- 
nated Philip Livingston, Alsop, Low, Duane, aiid Jay for 
the approval of the people. Of these five, Livingston as 
yet dreaded the thought of independence ; Alsop was in- 
competent ; Low was at heart a tory, as at a later day ho 
avowed; Duane, justly eminent as a lawyer, was embar- 
rassed by large speculations in Vermont lands, from which 
no profit coukl be derived but through the power of tho 
crown. The mass of (he inhabitants resolved to defeat 
this selectioQ. On Wednesday the sixth of July, many of 
them, especially mechanics, assembled in the Fields ; and, 
with Macdougall in the chair, they recommended the Bos- 
ton policy of suspending traile, as well as approved a 
general congress, to which, after the example of Virginia, 
they proposed to elect representatives by a colonial con- 

It has been kept in memory that on this occasion a young 
man from abroad, so small and delicate in his organization 
that he appeared to be much younger than perhaps he really 
was, took part in tho debate before the crowd. Thuy asked 
one another the name of the gifted stranger, who shone like 
a Blur first seen above a haze, of whose rising uo one had 
taken note. He proved to be Alexander Hamilton, a West 
Indian. Ilis mother, while he was yet a child, bad left 
him an oqihan and poor. A father's care he seems never 
to have known. The first written trace of his existence ia 
in ITfiti, when liis name occurs as witness to a legal paper 
executed in the Danish island of Santa Cruz. Three years 
later, when ho had become " a youth," he " contemned the 
grovelling condition of a clerk," fretted at the narrow 


Cn»p. VI. 

bounds o£ his island cage, and to a friend of Iiia own years 
confessed hia ambition, "I would willingly risk my life," 
said he, "though not my character, to exall my station, I 
mean to prepare the way for futurity ; we have seen siich 
schemes successful when the projector is constant." That 
■way he prepared by integrity of conduct, diligence, and 
study. After an education as a merchant, during which he 
once at least conducted a voyage, and once bad the cbarp;e 
of hia employer's business, be found himself able to repair 
to New York, whore be entered the college before the end 
of 1773. Trained from cliildhood to lake care of himself, 
he possessed a naanly self-reliance. His first sympathies 
in the contest had been on the British side against the 
Americans, but he soon changed his opinions ; and in 
j"*j_ July, 1774, cosmopolitan New York, whore be had 
neither father nor mother, nor sister nor brother, nor 
one person in whose veins ran the same blood as bis own, 
adopted the volunteer from the tropics as its son. 

The committee of fifty-one, with some of whom Hamilton 
was to bo bound by the closest pohtieal ties, keeping steadily 
in view the hope of conciliation with England, disavowed 
the meeting in the Fields. A minority of nine, Sears, Mac- 
dougall, Van Brugh Livingston being of the number, in 
their turn disavowed the committee from which they with- 
drew. The conservative piirty, on tbeir side, offered ffso- 
lutions which Jay had drafted, and which seemed lo question 
the conduct of Boston in destroying the tea ; but the people, 
moved by the eloquence of John Morin Scott, rejected the 
whole series, as wanting in vigor, sense, and integrity, and 
tending to diannion. 

Thus began the conflict of two parties which were to 
increase in importance and spread throughout the country. 
The one held to what was established, and made changes 
only from necessity; the other welcomed reform, and went 
out to meet it. The one anchored on men of property ; the 
other on the miisa of the people; the one, mildly loving 
liberty, was over anxious for order; the other, firmly ai- 
t.iched to order which it never doubted its power to main- 
tain, was anxious only for freedom : the one distrusted the 


multitude as cnpablo of rashness ; the otfier suspected the 
few us at heiirl llio enemies to popnlar power. 

Dnring this strife in New York, the inhabitants of m*. 
South Carolina held in Charleston a meeting which ''"'^^ 
continued through three diiys. The merchants, among whom 
were factors for British liouses, agreed with iho planters in 
the necessity of a congress, to which both parties, by way of 
compromise, referred the regulation of commerce. As the 
election of deputies was to be contested, the name of each 
voter was registered, and the ballot kept open till midnight 
on tlie seventh. It then appeared that the planters had 
carrietl Gadsden, Lynch, and John liutledge, the boldest 
members of the congress of 1765, with Edward Riitledge 
and Middleton. The delegates elect were empowered to 
agree to a suspension of exports as well as imports. Be- 
sides this, there was appoiuted a general committee of 
ninety-nine, of whom the disproportionate number of thirty 
were taken from Charleston, and nearly all the rest from 
the parishes near the sea. In due time, the house of as- 
sembly, meeting at eight in the morning, just half an hour 
before the governor sent to prorogiio them, confirmed these 
proceedings and ratitled the choice of deleg.Ues to congress. 

The convention of Pennsylvania, which, with Tliomas 
Willing for its president, was but an echo of the opinion 
of Dickinson, recommended an indemnity to tlie East India 
company, dissuaded from auBp<'ndiug trade, and advised the 
gentler method of a firm and decent claim of redress. The 
idea of independence they disowned and mtorly abhorred. 
If Britain would repeal the obnoxious acts, thoy were ready 
to engage their obedience to the acts of navigation, and 
also to settle an annual revenue on the king, subject to the 
control of parliament. Instead of electing ilelegutcs ihem- 
eeives, they referred the choice to the proprietary assembly, 
in which Quakers and royalists had a majority ; for Dickin- 
son from the first resolved to maintain the proprietary 
government and charter. 

These views, which were intended as instructions from 
the people to the men who might be chosen to represent 
them in congress, Dickinson accompanied with a most t^la^ 




bonte argaateat, ia wUd wilk «klIK^ oaditiaa the rigtitB 
of the Qolowca veiv eoufiiiaud br lililiiMi froa » loi^ 
IraiB of Inrjen, phflaaopbeta, poett^ aUemea, aod dinnea, 
fr«m the dMs o< SoffcorW MdAriModelD BmotU «ndi 
BbefatoBc Teodecfr nanytibla to tbe ideas of jnitica 
aod ri|^[t,be mfaned to b^»ve tbat a Bk-hidi niniMiy or 
Im^ oontd be deaf to his appeals ; and be shnnik from 
penQuig ibe fiwiuaw and tira of MiniiMM Hk wccti in 
■DkTii^ tbe iayMrionei eotbaotMB el patriotism mot 
beyond hn inUiliiiiia Tbe aMe^bh &t Penn^li-ania, 
vhkb was saddeolj called togetber od the ctghtecnUt 
^^ of Joly, passed him orer in electing ibrir delegates 
to tbe continental eoagress, and preferred GaUowaj, 
th«ir fpeaker, whose lojakj to the king admitted of no ques- 
tion, and who was soEFered to draw np his own instraottons. 

In Xew Jersey, Witherspoon, a Presbj-terian minister, 
pfcndent of Prin<%t<Mi College, and "^ as high a Sod of Lib- 
erty as any man in America," met the committee at New 
Bnnuwiek ; and with William Livingston Uboivd to io- 
Mniet their dele^tea that the tva should not be paid for. 
Tbe matter was left to the general congress, to which Wil- 
liam Livingston was chosen. 

In N«w Hampshire, the members of its conrention brought 
with them little stoeks of money, contribated by the several 
towns to dt'fray the eifienses of a rt presentation in congress. 
Tbe iubabitani? of tLat province also soleiuulied their action 
by keeping a day of fasting and public prayer. M:tssachu- 
setts did the same ; and Gage, who looked with stupid in- 
difference on the spectacle of thirteen colonies organizing 
themselves as one people, on oocasiun of the fast i^ucd a 
prircktmation against '• hvpocrisy and sedition." 

Meantime, \ew York had grown weary of diseenaions. 
The persons nominated for congress gave in writing a sat- 
isfactory profession of their seal for liberty ; and, on the 
twetily-*eventh of Jaly, the nomination was un:mimously 
nitilied by the inhabitants. Yet the delegation was luke- 
warm and divided, leaving Virginia to pve the example of 
energy and courage. 

Tlitnmorc had leaned writs for an assembly ; but the dele- 


gates from the counties of Virginia none the less came tx>- 
gether in convention. Illness detaint'd Jefferson on tiie road, 
l>ut be sent for inspection a paper which foreshadowed the 
declaration of independence. It was presented by Peyton 
Randolph, and printed by some of the delegates. Enumerat- 
ing the grievances which affected all the colonies, it made 
a special complaint of a wrong to Virginia. " For the most 
trifling reasons," said he, " and aometimea for no conceivable 
reason at all, his majesty baa rejected laws of the most sal- 
utary tendency. The abolition of domestic slavery is the 
great object of desire in those colonies where it was unhap- 
pily introduced in their infant state. But, previous to the 
enfranchisement of the slaves we have, it is necessary to 
exclude all further importations from Africa ; yet our re- 
peated attem])ts to effect this by prohilii lions, and by Im- 
posing duties which might amount to a prohibition, have 
been hitherto defeated by his majesty's negative ; thus 
preferring the immediate advantage of a few British cor- 
sairs to the lasting interests of the American states, and to 
the rights of human nature, deeply wounded by this infa- 
mous practice." Of these words every heart acknowledged 
the justice. Moreover, the Fairfax resolves, in which 
George Slason and Waehinglon had given their solenm 
judgment against the slave-trnde, were brought by the delegates before the convention ; and, in 
August, that body came to the unanimous vole : ^^' 
"After the first day of November next, we will 
neither ourselves import nor purchase any slave or slaves 
imported by any other jierson, either from Africa, the 
West Indies, or any other place." 

On the affairs of Masaachusetta, the temper of the Virgin- 
ians ran exceedingly high. " An innate spirit of freedom," 
such were the words of Washington, " tells me that the 
measures which the administration are most violently pur- 
suing are opposed to every principle of natural justice." 
He was certain that it was neither the wish nor the interest 
of any government on the continent, separately or colleo- 
tively, to set up independence ; but ho rejected indignantly 
the claim of parliament, and saw no " reason to expect any 




Chap. VX 

tiling from thiiir justice," " The crisis," he gaid, *• is arriTed 
when wo must assert our rights, or submit to every itopoBi- 
tioti that can be heaped apon ii», till custom nnd use shall 
make us tame and abject slaves." From the first, he wm 
convinced that there was not "any thing to be expected 
from petitioning." " Ought we not, then," he exclaimed, 
"to put our virtue and fortitude to the severest test?" 
Thus Washington reasoned privately with his friends. In 
the convention, Rinhard Henry Lee and Patricit Henry 
were heanl with such delight that the one was compared to 
Ocero, the other to Demosthenes. But Washington, who 
never was able to see distress without a desire to assu)^ it, 
made the most effective speech when he uttered the wish to 
" raise one thousand men. subsist them at his otvn expenBe, 
and march at their head for the relief of Boston." 
ITT*. Through the press, the great lawyer Thomson Ma- 

^°'' son denied the right of a British parliament to msiko 
laws for the colonies, and specially held up the laws of navi- 
gation ■' as a badge of slavery, never to be submitted to " on 
its authority. The wrongs done to Boston seemed to him 
" little less than a declaration of war." " In order to make 
the repelling of illegal force one general act of all America, 
let each Colony," Siiid he, "send a quota of men to perform 
this service, and let the respective quotas be settled in tha 
general congress. These measures will, in my opinion, be 
the most moderate, the most constitutional, and the most 
effectual you can pnrsue, I do not wish to survive the 
liberty of my country one single moment, and nm deter- 
mined to risk my all in supporting it." 

The resolves and instmctions of Vii^nia corresponded 
to this spirit. They claimed "reason to expect " that the 
restrictions on narigation should be restrained. Especially 
«'ere they incensed at the threat of Gage to use the deadly 
wcajion of constructive treason against such inhabitants 
i)f Massachusetts as should assemble to consider of their 
grievances, and form associations for their common con- 
duct ; and they voted that " the attempt to execute this 
illegal and Oflious proclamation would jtiatify resistance and 




The first provincial congress of North Carolina 
met in August, at Newbem, umler the eye and in 
defiance of its governor. Their comprehensive resolutions 
left nothing to deaire in manner or in subBtam-e, The rights 
of America were clearly stated and absolutely claimed : a 
convention of a county in Massachnsetta could not have 
better enumerated the acta of that province which they 
approved. If grievances were not redressed, they were 
ready to cease all importations and all exportatioos even of 
the staples on which their prosperity depended. They 
heartily approved the meeting of a continental congress; 
and electing Hooper, Hughes, and Caswell as their deputies, 
they invested thcra with the amplest powers. 

After their adjournment, James Iredell, of Edenton, a 
British official, addressed through the press the inhabiinnts 
of Great Britain, as constituting the greatest stale on earth 
because it was the most free ; and as able to preserve the 
connection with America only by delighting in seeing their 
friends as free and happy as themselves. 


Caif. vn. 



JCLT. 1774. 

In Pnnoe, Loais XVI. had selected ministers, of irhom 

ft |Mut only v«i« disposed to take adraniage of ibe 

JQ^ |wrpl«xitiea of Eagland ; bot they were the mc 

liketr to prevail fiv>m the unsteadiness of the ; 
iMratiou, whit-b s)>run|; from faU own character and inaid*^ 
h» li(« ft long ««}uipoi^> between right int«ntkMM sad execn- 
ur» f w bl ww M . Hia tuni of mind ww aeiiow; ret hk 
rvunlMuUkcv, Meming to proause probity, betrayed invAO- 
liMtiMi. la UJUiDer, he was awkward and ^ah w r a w t d. and 
•Ttn al hb own court ill at ease : and Ui appcaraiLce ta 
pwUie did MX aeeotd villt tm sMtMS or bis yiMtb. H« 
had B»iAw auKtuy wa— w, aor Bvtial spirit, aor ganaat' 
^— iag : aad ta th« «t«s ol a varttk* nation. wUdk tatcp- 
pntv.! biff tv<rT>id iHigaar la a vast o( cosnge, he was sai« 
to fall into wnlifl. 

la A» mwKmI ol ifliha, bb ifknc of rnon «■■ nanow gi 
ailUftfp»edl1iiiiiiltiMiiy4aaitriharMlliiii<rf iiutol 
JM^nrtiiwiK OafciMniF M d» r«Mw ««A. k» bagn by 

B««il (^f a Sttidt. Mam 
CbninvaJLlb* wfyneiit «f >• 




Not descended from ihe old nobility, Maurepita belonged 
to a family which, willitn a hundred and fifty years, had 
furnished nine secretaries of state. He oame into offiee in 
the last days of Louis XIV. Under the successor of that 
monarch, he made it his glory to restore the navy of his 
countrj' ; and, whUe he had the repute of hating England, 
he appeared in the range of his mind so superior to his 
colleagues, that foreign envoys at Paris foretold for France 
the playing of a great part, if he ever should be intrusted 
with the government. It is some proof of his iodependence 
that he waa sent into retirement by Louis XV. for writing 
veraea that offended the king's mistress. At the age of 
seventy-three, and after an exile of twenty-five years, j^*; 
he was still as he had been in yottth, polite, selfish, jeaU 
OUR, superficial, and frivolous. Despising gravity of manner 
and airs of mystery as ridiculoufi, and incapable of serious 
passion or profound reflection, he charmed by the courtesy 
and ease of his conversation. He enjoyed the present 
moment, and Wiis careless of the future whieh he was not 
to share ; taking all things so easily that age did not wear 
him out. Full of petty artifice in attack, of sly dexterity 
in defence, he could put aside weighty objections by mirth, 
and laugh even al merit, having no faith in virtues that 
were difficult, and deriding the love of country as a vain 
boast or a str.itagem to gain an end. With all the patron- 
age of France in his gift, he took from the treasury only 
enough to meet his increased espouses, keeping house with 
well-ordered simplicity, and at his death leaving neither 
debts nor savings. Present tranquillity waa his object, 
rather than honor among coming generations. He waa 
naturally liberal, and willing that the public good should 
prevail, but not at the cost of his repose ; above all, not at 
the risk of his ascendency with the king. A jealousy of 
superior talents was his only OYOr wakeful passion. He 
had no malignity, and found no pleasure in revenge ; when 
envy led liim lo remove a colleague who threatened to 
become a rival, he never pursued him with bitterness or 
dismissed him to exile. To foreign ambassadors he paid 
the attentions claimed by their station ; but the professions 

Cn*p. vn. 

which he lavishe^l with grnceful levity had such an air of 
notliingnesa that no one ever confided in them enough to 
giiin the right of charcint; him seriously wilh duplicity. To 
men of every condition he never forgot to show duo regard, 
disguising his unfailing deference to rank by freedom of 
remark and gayety. He granted a fiivor witliout a»- 
j"*' Burning the air of a benefactor ; and he Bofteued a re- 
fusal by reasons that were soothing to the petitioner's 
eejf-love. His administration was sure to be weak, for it was 
his maxim never lo hold out against any one who had power 
enough to be formidable, and he wished to please alike the 
courtiers and public opinion ; the nobility and the philoso- 
phers; those who stickled for the king's absolute sway 
and those who clamored for the restoraUon of parliaments ; 
those who wished a cordial understanding wilh England 
and those who favored her insurgent colonies. 

Louis XVI. was looking for an experienced and firm 
guide to correct bis own indecision ; and he fell upon a 
complacent, well-mannered old gentleman, who had the 
same fault with himself, and wns chiefly fit to give lessons 
in etiquette or enliven business by pleasantry. Yet the 
king retained Maurepas as minister more than seven years 
without a suspicion of his incompetency. No statesman of 
his century had a more prosperous old age, or such felicity 
in the circumstances of his death. 

Declining a special department, Maurepas, aa the head 
of the cabinet, selected his own asBoci.ates, choosing men 
by whom he feared neither to be superseded nor eclipsed. 
To the Count de Vergennes was assigned the depart- 
ment of foreign affairs. The veteran statesman, then fifty- 
seven years old, was of plebeian origin, and married to 
a plebeian ; unsupported by the high nobility, and with- 
out claims on Austria or Marie Antoinette, His father 
had been president of the parliament at Dijon. His own 
diplom.itic career began in 1740, and had been marked by 
moderation, vigilance, and success. Ho had neither the 
adventurous daring nor the levity of Choiseul ; but ho had 
equal at.-quaintimce with courts, equal sensitiveness to the 
dignity of France, and greater seif-oontrol. He was dis- 


I ITti. 


tingaished nmotig ministers as indcfatigably laborious, con- 
ducting nffuirs with method, rectitude, and clearness. He 
had not the ra]nd intuitions of genius, but his character wiia 
firm, hia mode of thinking liberal, and he loved to fiurround 
himself with able men. Hia conversation was gniirded ; his 
manner, grave and coldly polite. As he served a weuk king, 
he Tvas always on hia guard, and to give a categorical answer 
was his aversion. Like nearly every Frenclmian, he was 
thoroughly a monarchist; and he also loved Louis XVI., 
whose good opiuion he gained at once and ever retained. 
Eleven years before, he had predicted that the con<)uesl of 
Canada would hasten the independence of British America, 
and he wiis now from vantage-ground to watch his prophecy 
come true. 

The philosophers of the day, like the king, wished the 
happiness of the people, and public opinion required that 
they should be represented in the cabinet. Maurepas com- 
plied ; and in July, 1774, the place of minister of the marine 
WW conferred on Turgot, whose name was as yet little 
known at Paris, and whose artlesaness made him even leas 
dangerous as a rival than Vergennes. " I am told ho never 
goes to mass," said the king doubtingly, and yet consented 
to the appointment. In five weeks, Turgot so won upon 
hia sovereign's good-will that he was transferred to the 
ministry of finance. This was the wish of all the philoso- 
phers : of D'Alemben, Condorcet, Bailly, La Harpe, Mar- 
montel, Thomas, Condillac, Morellet, and Voltaire. Nor of 
them alone. "Turgot," aaid BJalesherbca, " has the heart 
of L'Hflpital and the head of Bacon." His candor, uinre- 
ovcr, gave him clear-sightedness and distinctness of purpos^. 
At a moment when everybody confessed that reform 
was essential, it seemed a national benediction that jujl" 
a youthful king should intrust the task of amendment 
to a statesman who preserved his purity of nature in a liber- 
tine age, and joined unquestioned probity to comprehensive 
intelligence and administrative experience. At his accession, 
the cry of joy broke from Voltaire : " A new world is about 
to blow." 

The annual public expenaea largely exceeded the revenue. 


" Have no fear," s.titi the king, pressing the hand of bia new 
complroller-general ; " I shall :iJways support you." 

The e.\igenciea of his position made Tiirgol a partisan of 
the central unity of power ; he was no friend to revolutions ; 
he would have confined the parliaments of France to their 
Bimple office as judges ; he had no predilection for stateij- 
general, or a eystem like that of England, To unobstructed 
power, enlightened by advice, he looked for good laws and 
a vigorous administration. lie would have no bankruptcy, 
whether avowed or disguised ; no increase of taxes, no new 
loans ; and the king solemnly accepted hia financial system. 

The vices of the nobility had demoralized the army: 
from the navy there was also little promise ; for that 
department was intrusted to Sarline, who had been j™; 
trained to public life as an officer of police. The 
warlike nation had never had so unwarlike an administra- 
tioD. Maurcpas had been feeble, even from his youth ; the 
long was neither a soldier nor capable of becoming one. 

Yet in France the traditional policy, which regarded 
England as a natural enemy, and sought a benefit to the 
one country by wounJing the other, waa kept alive by 
the Bourbon princes ; by the nobles, who longed to eSaoe 
the shame of the last treaty of peace ; by the farmera of the 
revenue, who were sure to derive rapid fortunes from the 
necessities of war; by the ministers, who brooded over 
the perfidious conduct of the British government in 1755 
with a distrust that never slumbered. France, therefore, 
bent its ear to catch the earliest surging of American dis- 
content. This it perceived in the instructions from the 
congress of Virginia to its delegates in the continental con- 
gress. "They are the first," observed the statesmen of 
France, " which proposed to restrain the act of navigation 
itself, and give pledges to resist force by force." 





August, 1774. 

OiT Saturday the sixth of August, Gage received an an- 
Ihpntic copy of the act of parliament " for the better 
Jug. regulating the province of the Massachusetts Bay," 
introduced by Lord North in April, and, as we hare 
seen, assented to by the king on the twentieth of May. 
Rockingham and his friends have left on the records of the 
house of lords their protest against the act ; " because," said 
they, "a definitive legal offence, by which a forfeiture of 
the charter is incurred, has not bi^cn clearly stated and 
fully proved ; neither has ootice o£ this adverse proceeding 
been given to the parties affected ; neither have they been 
heard in their own defence ; and because the governor aud 
council arc intrusted with powers with which the Brillsb 
constitution has not trusted his majesty and privy council, 
so that the lives and properties of the subjects are put into 
their hands without control." 

The principle of the statute was the concentration of 
the executive power, including ihe courts of justice, in the 
hands of the royal governor. Without previous notice to 
Massachusetts and without a hearing, it arbitr.irilv took 
away rights and liberlies which the people had enjoyed 
from the foundation of the colony, except in the evil days 
of James II., anil which had been renewed in the charter 
from William and Mary. That charter was coeval with 
the great English revolution, had been the organic law of 
the colonists for more than eighty years, and was associated 
in their minds with every idea of English liberty and every 
sentiment of loyalty to the English crown. Under its pro- 

WHi. FA' 




vuions, the councillors, twenty-eight in number, had been 
anonnlly choseo by a convention of the council for the 
fonner year and the assembly, subject only to the neg- 
ative of llie governor ; henceforward they were to be 
not less than twelrc nor more than thirty-six, were to derive 
their emolumenta from the king, and were removable at hia 
pleasure. The governor received authority, without con- 
sulting hia council, to appoint and to remove all judges of 
the inferior courts, justices of the peace, and all oHicers 
belonging to the council and the courts of justice. The 
sheriffs were changeable by the governor and council as 
often as they should deem expedient. In case of a vacancy, 
the governor was himself to appoint the ciiief justice and 
judges of the superior court, who were to hold their com- 
missions during the pleasure of the king, and depend on his 
good-will for the amount and the payment of their salaries. 
That nothing might be wanting to executive power, the 
right of setcctiog juries was taken from the inhabitants and 
freeholders of the towns, and conferred on the sheiiffa of 
the several counties within the province. This regulating 
act, moreover, uprooted the denrest institntion of New 
England, whose people, from the first Betlleroent of the 
country, had been accustomed in their town -meetings to 
transact all business that touched them most nearly as fa^ 
thers, as freemen, and as Christians. There they adopted 
local taxes to keep np iboir free schools ; there they regu- 
lated the municipal concerns of the year; there they in- 
structed the representatives of their choice ; and, as the 
limita of the parish and the town were usually the same, 
there most of them took measures for the invitation and 
support of ministers of the gospel in their congregations; 
there, at whatever time tbey might be called together by 
their selectmen, they were accustomed to express their 
sentiments on all subjects connected with their various 
interests, their rights and liberties, and their religion. The 
regulating act, sweeping away the provincial law which had 
received the approval of William and Mary, permitted two 
meetings annually, in which toivn officers and represento- 
rcs might be chosen, but no other matter be introduced ; 
V0L. ir. 24 

Cn*p. VUL 

every other assembling of a town was forbidden, except by 
the written leave of the governor, and then only for bosi* 
nesa expressed in that leave. A wise ruler respects the 
feelings, usages, and opinions of the governed. The king 
trampled under foot the affections, customs, laws, and priv- 
ileges of the people of Massachnsetla. He was willing to 
spare them an explicit consent to the power of parliament 
in nil cases whatever ; but he required proof that Boston 
had compensiiled the E;i8t ludia company, that the tax on 
tea cuiikl be safely colleeted, and that the province would 
peacefully acquiesce in the change of its charter. 

With the regulating act. Gage received copies of two 
other acts, designed to facilitate its enforcement. He was 
surrounded by an army ; had been enjoined repeatedly to 
arreat the leading patriots, even at the risk of producing & . 
riot ; and hod been instructed that even in time of peace ' 
he could of himself order the troops to fire upon the people. 
By one of the two additional nets, he was authorized 
to quarter his army in towns ; by the other, to trans- 
fer to another colony or to Great Britain any persons 
informed against or indicted for crimes committed in sup- 
porting the revenue laws or suppressing riots. 

The regulating act complicated the question between 
America and Great Britain. The couutry, under the advice 
of Pennsylvania, might have indemnified the East India 
corupauy, might have obtained by importunity the repeal 
of the lax on tea, or might have borne the duty as it had 
boiTie that on wine ; but parliament, after ten years of pre- 
meditation, had exercised the power to abrogate the laws, 
and to change the charter of a province without its consent ; 
and on this arose the conflict of the American revolution. 
The act went into effect on the moment of its being re- 
ceived, and precipitated the choice between submission and 
resistance. Within a week, eleven of the mandiimus coua- 
cillore took the oath of office, and were followed in a few 
days by fourteen more. They were persuaded that the 
province could by no possibility hold ont ; the promise of 
assistance from otiier colonies was scoffed at as a delusion, 
'itended only to keep np the spirit of the mob. No assem- 




bly existed in the province to remonstrate ; nnd Gage might 
delay or wholly omit to send out writs for a new election. 
But ft people who were trained to read and write ; to ilia- 
cuss all political qneetions, privately and in public ; to strive 
to exhibit in their lives the Christian system of ethics, the 
beauty of holineBs, and the unselfish nature of virtue ; to 
reason on the great ends of Gk>d in creation ; to believe in 
their own immortality ; and to venerate their ancestry oa 
above all others pure, enlightened, and free, could never 
forego the civil rights which were their most cherished 

The committee of Boston, exasperated by a military irn. 
onmp in the heart of their town, acknowledged them- *"'■ 
selves unable to deliberate as the perils and exigencies of the 
times might demand. "Being stationed by Providence in 
the front rank of the conflict," such was their letter to all 
the other towns in the province, " we trust we shall not be 
left by Heaven to do any thing derogiitory to our common 
liberties, unworthy of the fame of our ancestors, or incon- 
sistent with our former professions. Though surrounded 
with a large body of armed men, who, having the sword, 
have also our blood in their hands, we are yet undaunted. 
To you, our brethren and dear companions in the cause of 
God, we apply. From you we h.ive received that counte- 
nance and aid which have strengthened our hands, and that 
bounty, which hath occasioned smiles on the face of distress. 
To you, therefore, we look for that advice and example 
which, with the blessing of God, shall save ue from destruc- 

The earnest message was borne to the northern border of 
the province, where the brooks run to tho Nashua, and the 
upland farms yielded but scanty returns to the hardest toil. 
The husbandmen in that region had already sent many 
loads of rye to the poor of Boston. In the coming storm, 
they clustered round William Prescott, of Pepperell, who 
stood as fiiin as Monadnock, that rose in sight of his home- 
stead; and, on tho day after the first mandamus councillors 
took their oath of office, they put their soul into his words 
as be wrote for them to the men of Boston '. " ^« &t)\< ^^»>- 



mayod nor disheartened in this day of great trials. We 
bejirlily sympalbue with you, and are always reaily to do 
all in our power for your support, comfort, and relief; 
knowing that. Providence has placed you where you must 
stand the first shock. We consider we are ail embarked in 
one bottom, and must sink or swim together. We think, 
if we submit to these regulations, all is gone. Our fore- 
falbera passed the vast Atlantic, spent their blood and trea»- 
ure that they might enjoy their liberties, both civil and 
religious, and transmit them to their posterity. Their 
cliildron have waded through seas of difficulty, to leave ns 
free and happy in the enjoyment of English privU^es. 
Now, if we should give them up, cau our children rise up 
and call us blessed ? Is a glorions death in defence of our 
liberties bettor than a short infamous life, and our memories 
to be had in detestation to tbo latest posterity? Let us all 
be of one heart, and stand fast in itie liberties wherewith 
Christ has made us free ; and may he of bis infinite mercy 
grant lis deliverance out of all our troubles." Prescott and 
his companions never forgot their pledge. 

Everywhere the rural j)opulation of Massachusetts were 
anxiously weighing the issues in which they were involved. 
One spirit moved through them all. From the hills of 
Berkshire to the Penobscot, they debated the great ques- 
tion of resistance as though God were hearkening; and 
they took counsel reverently with their ministers, and the 
aged, the pious, and the brave in their villages. Adjoining 
towns held conferences. The shire of Worcester in 
J^ August set the example of a county congress, which 
disclaimed the jurisdiction of the British house of 
commons, asserted the oxclu.sive right of the colonies to 
originate laws respecting themselves, rested their duty of 
allegiance on the charter of the province, and declared the 
violation uf that charter a dissolution of their union with 

Thomas Gardner, a Cambridge farmer, promised a similar 
convention of the county of Middlesex. " Friends and 
brethren," he wrote to Boston, as if at once to atlay anxiety 
and prophesy his own approaching end, " the time is come 


that every one that has a tongue and an arm is called upon 
by their country to stund forth in its behalf. I consider the 
call as the call of Go<>, and desire to be all obedience. The 
people will choose rather to fall gloriously in the cause of 
their country than meanly submit to slavery." The paaaiou 
for liberty was felt to be so hallowed that, in a land remark- 
able for piety, a father of a family in his last hour would 
call his sons about his death-bed and charge them on his 
blessing to love freedom more than life. 

In June, there had been a review of the Boston regiment. 
The patriots speculated on the total number of the militia. 
After searching the rolls of the several towns, the popula- 
tion of the province was estimated at four hundred thou- 
sand souls; and the number of men between sixteen and 
sixty years of i^e, at about one hundred and twenty thou- 
sand, moat of whom possessed arms, and were expert in 
their use. There could be no general muster ; but, during 
the summer, the drum and fife were heard in every 
hamlet, and the several companies paraded for disci- J^ 
plioe. One day in August, Giige revoked Hancock's 
commission in the Boston cadets ; and that company resented 
the insult by returning the king's standard and disbanding. 

Putnam, of Connecticut, famous tor service near Lake 
George and Ticonderoga, before the walls of Havana, and 
far up the lakes against Pontiac, a pioneer of emigration 
to the southern banks of the Mississippi, the oracle of all 
patriot circles in his neighborhood, drove before him to 
Boston one hundred and thirty sheep, as a gift from the 
parish of Brooklyn. The " old hero " became Warren's 
gueat, and every one's favorite. The officers whom he 
visited on Boston common bantered him about coming 
down to fight. "Twenty ships of the line and twenty 
regiments," said Major Small, "may be expected from 
England in case a submission is not speedily made by 
Boston." "If they come," said the veteran,"! am ready 
to treat them as enemies." 

The growing excitement attracted to New England 
Charles Lee, the restless officer whom the Five Nations 
had named the Bulling Water. As aide-de-c9.\Q^ Vi 'C<aA 




king of Poland, ho assumed the rank of a major-general, 
which on occasion of his visit was universally acknowl- 
edged ; so that, of all who were likely to draw the sword 
for America, he had the |>reccd(:'noe in military 
rank. He professed to see in the New England 
yeomanry the best materials for an army ; and paid 
conrt to the patriots of Massachusetla, whom he left confi- 
dent of his aid in the impending struggle. 

Meantime, the delegates of Mass.ichusetts to the general 
congress were escorted by great numbers as far as Water- 
town, where many had gathered to bid them a solemn and 
affectionate farewell. On the Connecticut River, they re- 
ceived a letter of advice from the great patriot of North- 
araptoD, " We must fight." wrote Ilawley, " we mast fight. 
if we cannot otherwise rid ourselves of British taxation. 
The form of government enacted for us by the British 
parliament is evil againfit right, utterly intolerable to every 
man who has any idea or feeling of right or liberty. There 
is not beat enough yet for battle ; constant and negative 
resistance will increase it. There is not military skill 
enough ; that is improving, and must be encouraged. Fight 
we roust finally, unless Britain retreats. But it is of infinite 
consequence that victory be the end of hostilities. If we 
get to fighting before necessary dispositions are made for 
it, wo shall be conquered, and all will be lost for ever. A 
clear plan for an adequate supply of arms and military 
stores must be devised. This is the main thing. Men, iu 
that case, will not be wanting. Our salvation dejienda 
upon a persevering union. Every grievance of any one 
colony must be held as a grievance to the whole, and some 
plan be settled for a continuation of congresses, even though 
congresses will soon be declarcil by parliament to be high 

Hawley spoke the sentiments of Western Massachusetts. 
When, on Tuesday the siatecnth of August, the judges of 
the inferior court of Hampshire met at Great Barrington, 
it was known that the regulating act had received the royal 
approval. Before noon, the town was filled with people of 
the cotmty, and five hundred men from Connecticut, armed 



with clubs and slavea. Suffering tlic courts of justice to 
ait seemed a recognition of the act of parliament, and the 
chief judge was forced to plight his honor that he and his 
associates would do no business. On the mmor that Gage 
meditated employing a part of his army to execute the new 
statute at Worcester, the inliabitnnts of that town prepared 
arms, muaket-balla, and powder, and threatened to fall upon 
any body of soldiers who should attack them. 

Tha mandamus councillors began to give way. Williams 
of Hatfield refused to incur certain niin by accepting hia 
commission ; so did Worthington of Springfield. Those 
who accepted dared not give advice. 

Boston held a lown-moeting. Gage reminded the selects 
men of the act of parliament, restricting towtt-meetings 
without the governor's leave. "It is only an aJjournod 
one," said the selectmen. " By such means," said Gage, 
"you may keep your meeting alive these ten years." He 
brought the subject before the new council. " It is a point 
of law," said they, " and shoubl be referred to the crown 
lawyers." He asked their concurrence in removing a 
sheriff. "The act of parliament," they replied, "confinea 
the power of removal to the governor alone." Several 
members gave an account of the frenny which was sweep- 
ing from Berkshire over the province, and might roach 
them collectively even in the presence of the governor. 
" If you value your life, I advise you not to return home 
at present," was the warning received by Rugglos from the 
town of Har<lwick, whose freemen with those of New 
Braintree and of Greenwich bo resented his accepting a 
place in the council that they vowed ho should never again 
pass the great bridge of the town alive. 

By nine o'clock on the morning of the twenty-eisth, 1771. 
more than two thousand men marched in companies ^"^' 
to the common in Worcester, where they forced Timothy 
Paine to walkthrough their runkswithhiahat off asfaraathe 
centre of their hollow square, and read a written resigna- 
tion of his seat at the council board. A lai^e detachment 
then moved to Rutland to deal wilh Blurray. The next 
day at noon, Wilder of Templeton, and Holden of Pvi.v*«>- 


Chat. Vm. 

ton, brought up their oompanics ; aud by three in the after- 
noon about fifteen hundred men had assembled, most of 
them armed with bludgeons. But Murray had escaped on 
the previous evening, just before the sentries were set round 
his house and along the roads ; they therefore sent, him a 
letter requiring him to resifin- The temper of the people 
brooked no division ; thoy held every person that would 
not join them an enemy to his country. " The conscquencea 
of your proceedings will he rebellion, confiscation and death," 
said the younger Murray ; and his words were as oil to the 
llame. "No consequences," they replied to him, "are bo 
dreadful to a free people aa that of being made slaves." 
"This," wrote he to bis brother, "is not the language of 
the common people only ; those that have heretofore sus- 
tained the fairest character are the warmest in this matter; 
and, among the many friends you have heretofore had, I 
can scarcely mention any to you now," 
in4 One evening in August, the fiirmers of Union in 

■*"<■ Connecticut found Abijah Willard, of Lancaster, 
Mnssachusetls, within their precinct. They kept watch 
over Iiim during the night, imd ihe next morning five hun- 
dred men would have taken him to the county jail; but, 
after a march of six miles, he begged forgiveness of all 
honest men for having taken the oath of office, and prom- 
ised never to sit or act in council. 

The people of Plymouth were gi-ieveJ that George Watson, 
their respected townsman, was willing to act under his np- 
poiutment. On the iirst Lord's Day after his purpose was 
known, as soon as he took his seat in meeting, dressed in 
the scarlet cloak which was his wonted Sunday attire, hia 
neighbors and friends put on their hats before the congre- 
gation and walked out of the house. The extreme publio 
indignity was more than he could bear. As they passed his 
pew, he hid his face by bending his bald head over bis cane, 
and determined to resign. Of thirty-six who received the 
king's summons as councillors, more than twenty declined 
to obey them or revoked their acceptance. The rest fled in 
terror to the army at Boston, and even there could not hide 
their sense of shame. 


massachusetts defeats the regnlatihg act. 

August, 1774. 

Thk ooogressional delegates from MessachuBetts, con- 
secrated by their office as her suppliaut ambassadors 
in the day of her distress, werii welcomed everywhere jj"*; 
on their journey with hospitable feasts and tears of 
Bynipathy. No governor on the day of his instalment was 
ever attended with more assiduous solicitude ; no general 
returning in triumph, with sincerer love. The men of riarl^ 
ford, after giving pledges to abide by the resolutions of the 
congress, accompanied them to Middietown, from which 
place they were escorted by carriages and a cavalcade. 
The bells of New Haven were set ringing as they drew 
near, and those who had not gone out to meet them thronged 
the windows and doors to gaze. There they were encour- 
oged by Roger Sherman, whom solid sense and the power 
of clear analysis were to constitute one of the master build- 
ers of our republic. " The parliament of Great Britain," 
said he, " can rightfully make laws for America in no case 
whatever." Simultaneously, James Wilson in Philadelphia, 
a Scot by birth, of rare ability, who had been bred in the 
universities of his native land, and had emigrated to Amer- 
ica in his early manhood, and Jefferson in Virginia, without 
a chance of concert, published the same ojiinion : the former 
deducing il from "the rights of British America;" the kt^ 
ter proceeding from an able investigation of " the nature 
and extent of the legiKlative authority of the British parlia- 
ment." The freeholders of Albemarle county, in Virginia, 
had a month earlier expressed the same conclusion ; and, la 


Cur. IX. 



tlio longui^e of JefEeraon, claimed to hold the privilege of 
iixt'irijiliiin from the authority of every other legislature 
tliiiii thoir own as one of the common rights of mankind. 

After resting one night at New Hnven, and visiting 
(ho (jrave of the regii'ide Diiwell, the envoys con- 
tinued on ihcir way. As they reached the Hudson, ibey 
found thut the British ministry hud failed to allure, to intim- 
idate, or to divide New York. A federative union of all the 
English colonies, under the sovereignty of the British king, 
had for a quarter of a century formed the aspiration of its 
ablest men, who long remained confident of the ultimate con- 
Bummalion of their hopes. The great design had been re- 
[leatedlv promoted by the legisUtare of the province, Tha 
people wished neither to surrender liberty, nor to diaeolTS,^ 
their coonection with the crown of England. TIk 
bility of framing ma Independent republic vith one jo 
diotion from the far north to the Gulf of Mexico, frum ibe 
AUuiie indefinitely to the «e»l, was a vifiton of whick 
nothing id tb« history of duui cosld promiw tka i 
Loi4 Kuawn, the biend of Franklin, tho^h fce wis pcv-' 
■wdtd ibM the tKp«naioa of the Britidh ealoain w» 
innitably afpnaetoig, aftrmcd thai tkeir political 

Meat of a MaSidanej «< w i << > y exUnd 
dtiubtfal exptfciHMM, cxc^ — dt r th« 

v'J a p wi anit a t axwatiTc. Tliai tW eoloaieB, if di>- 
faM K^^hmL m^d iaB iMD Uoi^r • 

had haea ifca TJnai J— aj Oiit 
and <ra» aow ika affaahtaaioa «f 
Ui t i ^m a a( New T««k. Uaioa. wilk tte axwniT «f 
fvwdlalkMal f^Shts, wutiT tiw iimini «f Uw BrntA i 
wwaBiU tW I If III «< i^ 


Brme. But tiie appeal was nearer at hand than the most 
flagnciouB bKlieveil. 

The laat Tuesday in August was the day for holding rTJ4, 
the supreme court in Boston ; Olivei', the impeached ■*"*" 
chief justice, waa to preside, and in the conduct of business 
to conform for the first time to the new act of parliament. 
The day was to deeide whether Massachusetts would sub- 
mit to the reguiating act; and Gage, who thought it might 
be necessary for a part of his army to escort the judges iu 
their circuit as far as Worcester, anticipated no opposition 
to organizing the court in the heart of the garrisoned town. 
But neither he nor his employers had computed the power 
of resistance in a community where the great mass is in- 
flamed with love fur a sacreil cause. 

Before Samuel Adams departed, he had couc*rtcd the 
measures by which Suffolk county would be beat able to 
bring the wrongs of the town and the province before the 
general congress ; and ho left the direction with Warren, 
who had reluctantly become convinced that all connection 
with the British parliameut must be thrown off. On the 
sixteenth of Aiigu.«, a coimty congresa of the towns of 
Suffolk, which then embraced Norfolk, met at a tavern in 
tlie village of Stougbton. As the aged Samuel Dunbar, the 
rigid Calvinist minister of its fii'st pariah, breathed forth 
among them his prayer for liberty, the venerable man 
seemed inspired with " the most divine and prophetical 
enlhusiasm." " We must stand undisguised upon one side 
or the otber," said Thayer, of Braiutree. The members 
were unanimous and firm; but they postponed their de- 
cision till it could he promulgated with greater formality. 
To this end, and in contempt of Gage and the act of parlia- 
ment, they directed special meetings in every town and 
preuiiict in the county, to elect delegates with fidl powers 
to appear at Dedham on the first Monday in September. 
From such a county congresa, Warren predicted "■ very im- 
portant consequences." 

Meantime, Boston was not left to deliberate atone. On 
Friday the twenty-sixth, its committee waa joined at Fan- 
euil Hall by delegates from the several towns of the counties 



Cku. IX. 

of Woreeeter, Middlesex, and Essex ; and od the next day, 
aim calm coDsaltaiion, they collectively denied the power 
of pu&unent to change the nunatest tittle of their Uws. 
As m cOBseqneiice, they foand that all appointments to the 
Bvvly institnted oouncil. and all aathorily exercised by the 
roorta of jostice, were nn constitutional ; aod therefore that 
Ibe ofic«n, shotdd they attempt to act, woald become 
"■a ar per a of power" and enemies to the province, evra 
tkongh they bore the commission of the kii^. The Boston 
pcct act they fonnd to be a wicked TioUtioii of the rights 
to Ufe, tibetty, and the oKans of aastenance, which all men 
bold by the grace of Hearen, irrespectively of the king's 
leave. The act of parliameDt removing from AmerM»n 
Morts the triala of officers who should take the Ures of 
Americaaa, tbey described as the extreme measorv in tbo 
system at despotism. 

For remeilies. the coavratioB proposed a provincial con- 
gress with ta>^ executive powers. In the mean time, the 
iMMWstitaiMNud coarts were to be forbidden to proceed, 
amA tbetr offiitrs tn be defeated as " traiton doaked with 
> pt« g rt of Uw." .\s Gagt bad ot^tn to auke arrest^ 
each iadividoal patriot was p1acv>1 tmder Ae protection of 
his eonnty and of the province. The pnetice of the mib- 
tary art was <Wlared to be the doty of the people, 
ina Page looked about him for nore troops, rveooi- 

^^' Beaded the repair of Crown Point, a stxo^ g ar ris>» 
■t Tteaftderoga, ■ «cll-$;vatded line of eo —— int kwi be- 
twrea New Totfc sad Caaatla, aad be eanw twm Salem to 
Mpport the oIm( jastice in opeiu^ the «aa« at Boston. 

Ob t^ saaM d^ ^<S** ^ **** "^ *^ iniefMr Mart at 
SpnagCaU. Bk, wily ia tbe MMnsas, tftooi bandred or 
Iwvi t b ow w i nen, wvdi Jttwmt ami twawpnti, ■wrbfil into 
that town, Mt 1^ a bbct ta$ at tbe cDort bsaSB, and ibresft- 
aa«d d«sib to any one wb» shoaM enter. After eotae 
ttvaty. the jai^as tWMMad a aiiM i coraiaK aot to pas 
(■rsr oMaMMMaa ■ tatev ; wsttaiaglaM rei 
«r •.'xMaMilor; tb«» «( tte hnryvn «bo had i 
wsd tor llM>ir < Mm i j » ^ a 
,4M>«aiToi HadMl.a^ otbcva. vcs* eampcOcd 


successively to go round a large circle, and ask for^veoeas. 
C;itlin and Warner fell upon their kneea ; old Cap- 
tain Mtrreck, of Monaon, was drawn in a cart and i'JJ; 
threatened lo be tarred and feathered. The people 
agreed that the troops, if Gage should march thorn to 
Worcester, should be resisted by at least twenty thousand 
men from Hampshire county and Connecticut. 

At Boston, the judges took their aeats, and the usual 
proclamations were made ; when the men who had been 
returned aa jurors, one and all, refused to take the oath. 
Being asked why they refused, Thomas Cbaae, who was of 
the petit jury, gave aa his reiiaon "that the chief justice of 
the court stood impeached by the late representatives of the 
province." In a paper offered by the jury, the judges fouud 
their authority disputed for the further roasuna that the 
charter of the province had been changed with no warrant 
but an act of parliament, and that three of the judges, in 
violation of the constitution, had accepted seata in the new 

The chief justice and his colleagues, repairing in a body 
to the governor, represented the impossibility of exercising 
their ofEce in Boston or in any other part of the province; 
the army was too small for their protection ; and, besides, 
none would act aa jurors. Tbas the authority of the new 
government, aa eatablishcd by net of parliament, perished 
in the presence of the governor, the judges, and the army. 

Gage summoned bis council, but only to meet new dis- 
comfitnres. Ita members dared not show ihemsolvea al 
Salem, and he consented to their violating the act of pariiLt- 
ment by meeting in Boston. Hutchinson, the son of the 
former governor, withdrew from the council. The fi'w 
who retained their places advised unanimously to send no 
troops into the interior, but so to re-enforce the army as to 
constitute Boston a " place of safe retreat," 

Far different was the spirit displayed on that day at 
Concord by the county convention, in which every town 
and district of Middlesex was represented. "We must now 
exert ourselvea," said they, "or all those efforts which for 
ten yeara past have brightened the annals of thU vawwVv^ 

will be totally frustrateil. Life a^nd denlli, or, whi^t is more, 
freedom and slavery, are dow before ns." In behalf, there- 
fore, of themselves and of future generations, they enumer- 
ated the violations of their riglits by late acta of parliament, 
which they avowed their purpose lo nullify ; and tht;y sent 

their resolves by an express to the continental coa- 
]^*' grcBS. " We are grieved," said they, " to find oni^ 

selves reduced to the necessity of entering into the 
discussion of those great and profound questions ; but we 
depreenile a state of slavery. Our fathers left us a fair in- 
hei-itance, purchased by blood and treasure ; this we are 
resolved to transmit equally fair to oar children : no danger 
shall affright, do difficulties intimidate as ; and if, in support 
of onr rights, we are called to encounter even death, we are 
yet undaunted ; sensible that he can never die too soon who 
lays down his life id support of the laws and liberties of his 

The convention separated in the evening of the last day 
of August, to await the decisions of the continental con- 
gress ; but before the next sun was np the aspect of aSalra 
was chan^d. 






September, 1774. 

The province kept ils powder for its militia at Quarry 
Hill on a point of land between Medford and Cam- 
bridge, then within the limits of Chrtrlealown. In ^1; 
August, the towns had been removing their stock, 
each according to its proportion. On Thursday morning, 
the first day of September, at half past four, about two 
hundred and sixty men, commanded by Lioutenarit-colonel 
Madison, embarked on bonrd thii'teen boats at Long Wharf, 
rowed up Mystic River, landed at Temple's farm, took from 
the public magazine all the powder that was there, amount- 
ing to two hundred nnd fifty half-barrels, and transferred 
it to the castle. A detachment from the corps brought off 
two field- piece 8 from Cambridge. 

This forcible seizuro, secretly planned and suddenly ex- 
ecuted, set the country in a flame. Before evening, large 
bodies of the men of Middlesex began to collect ; and, on 
Friday morning, thousands of freeholders, leaving their 
guns in the rear, advanced to Cambridge, armed only with 
sticks, and led by captains of the towns, representatives, 
and committee men. Warren, hearing that the roads 
from Sudbury to Cambridge were lined by men in arms, 
took with bim as many of the Boston committee as came 
in his way, crossed to Charlestown, and with the commiiloe 
of that town hastened to meet the committee of Cambridge. 
On their arrival, they found Daoforth, a county judge and 
mandamus eoimciUor, addressing four thousand people who 
stood in the open air round the court-house steps; and such 
order prevailed that the low voice of the feeble old ^isasi 

CsAr. X. 

was hcnrd by the whole multitude. Re finished by ^ring 
a written promise never " to be any way concerned as a 
member of the council." Lee, in like manner, con- 
^, firmed his former resignation. The turn of Phipps, 
ibe high sheriff, c.ime next, and he signed an agfree- 
ment not to execute any precept under the new act of par- 

Oliver, the lieutenantrgovernor, who resided at Cam- 
bridge, repaired to Boaion in the " greatest distress." " It 
is not a mad ntob," said he to the British admiral ; and ho 
warned Gage that "sending out troops would be attended 
with the most fatal consequences." Had they marched 
only five miles into the country, Warren was of opinion 
that not a man of thera would have been saved. Gage re- 
mained inactive; writing, as his justification to the minis- 
try: "The people are numerous, walked up to a fury, and 
not a Boston rabble, but the freeholders and farmers of the 
county. A check would be fatal, and the first stroke will 
decide a great deal. We should therefore be strong, and 
proceed on a good foundation, before any thing decisive is 
urged, whieh it is to be presumed will prove successful." 

Oliver returned to Cambridge with the assurance that no 
troops would appear, and to beg the committee's leave to 
retain bis places. But in the afternoon three or four thou- 
sand men surrounded his house, and demanded his resigna- 
tion. "My honor is ray first eonsidiTation," said Oliver; 
"the next my life. Put me to death or destroy my ])rop- 
erty, l.iut I will not submit." Yet, on the first appearance 
of danger, he yielded to all their demands ; then, walking 
into his ovrn court-yard, he reassumcd the air of a hero, and 
comforted himself by repeatiug ; " I will do no more, even 
though they put me lo death." 

For three hours, beneath the scorching sun of the hottest 
day of that summer, the people kept the ranks in which they 
were marshalled, and their " patience, temperance, and for- 
titude " were remarked upon as the chief elements " of a good 
soldier." They allowed the force of the suggestion that 
the governor, in removing the stores of the province, had 
broken no law; and they voted unanimously their nbhor- 


rence of mobs and riots, and of the destniotion of private 

Their conduct Blioivcd how capable they were of regular 
movements, and how formidnble they might prove in the 
field ; bnt mmors reached England of thoir cowardice and 
defeat, " Wliat a dismal piece of news 1 " said Charles Fox 
to Edmund Burke ; "and what a melancholy consideration 
for all thinking men, that no people, animated by what prin- 
ciple soever, can make a successful resistance to military 
discipline. I was never so affected with any public event, 
either in history or in life. The introduction of great 
standing armies into Europe has made all mankind irrecov- 
erably staves. The particular business I think very far 
from being decided; hut I am dejected at heart from the 
sad figure lliat men make against soldiers." Fox was 
misinformed. In the British camp in Boston, an g^,J; 
apprehension prevailed of an invasion from armed 
multitudes. The guanls were doubled; cannon flore placed 
ai the entrance of the town, and the troops lay on their 
arms through the night. 

Gage wrote home that, " to reduce New England, a very 
respectable force should take the field." He already had 
five regiments at Boston, one more at the castle, and another 
at Salem ; two more he Hummoned hastily from Quebec ; 
he sent tran.sporta to bring another from New York ; he still 
required rc-enforcenienta from England ; and resolving also 
to raise " irregnlars, of one sort or other, in America," he 
asked of Carleton, who was just then expected to arrive 
from England at Quebec, " what measures would be most 
efficacious to raise a boily of Canadians and Indians to form 
a junction with the king's forees," The threat to employ the 
savages against the colonists had been thrown out at the 
time of Tryon's march against the regulators of North Car- 
olina, and may be traced still further back, at leaet to the 
discussions in the time of Shirley on remedies for the weak- 
ness of British power. This is the moment when it was 
adopted in practice. The commission to Carleton, as gov- 
ernor of the province of Quebec under the act of parlia- 
ment, conveyed authority to arm and employ not. 'A^a 
VOL, IV, 25 



Chap- X. 



Canadians only, but " all persons whatsoever," including the 
Indian tribes from the ooaat of Labrador to the Oliio ; and 
to march them agjiinst rebcla "into any one of the planta- 
tions in America." 

It was pretended that there were English prece- 
dents for the practice; but it was not so. During 
the French war, England had formed connections with the 
Indian tribes, through whose territory lay the march of the 
hostile armies ; and warriors of the Six Nations were enrolled 
and paid rather to secure neutr.ilily ser^-ice. But this 
system had never been extended beyond the bounds of obvi- 
ous prudence as a measure of self-defence. No war-party 
of savages was ever hounded at Canadian villages. The 
French, on the other hand, from their superior skill in gain- 
ing the love of the red men, and their own inferiority in 
numbers, had In former wars increased their strength by 
Indian alliances. The alliances the British king and Ids 
ministers now revived ; and, against thetr own colonies and 
kindred, loosed from the Icnsh these terrible auxiliaries. 

The ruthless policy was hateful to every right-minded 
Englishman, and, as soon as it roused attention, the protest 
of the nation was uttered by Ch.itham and Burke, its great 
representatives ; meantime, the exeontion of the sanguinary 
scheme fell naturally into the hands of the most unscrupu- 
lous and subservient English officers, and the most covetous 
and cruel of the old French partisans. Carlcton, from the 
f rat, abhorred the measure, which he was yet constrained to 
promote. " You know," wrote he of the In<linnB to Gage, 
"what sort of people they are." It was true: Gage h;id 
himself, in the west and in Canada, grown thoroughly famil- 
iar with their method of warfare ; and bis predecessor in 
the chief command in America had recorded their falseness 
and cruelty in the most impassioned language of reprobation. 
But yet, without much compunction, he gave directions to 
propiti.ite and inflame the Indians by gifts, and to subsidize 
their war-parties. Before he left America, his commands 
to employ them pervaded the wilderness to the utmost 
bounds of his military authority, even to the south and 
flouth-west ; so that the councils of the Cherokaes and Choc- 



tnvrs and Mohawks were nnmed as currently in llie corre- 
Bpondenco of the secretary of state as the German courts 
of Uesse and Hanau and Anspach. 

In the hope to subdue by terror, the intention of employ- 
ing Indians was ostentatioualy proclaimed. SimnlUneonsly 
■vrith the application of Gage to the province of Queboo, 
the president of Columbia College, an Englishman by birth 
and education, published to the world that, in case Hub- 
mission to parliament should be withheld, civil war would 
follow, and the ladlanH would be let loose upon the back 
settlements to scalp the inhabitants along the border. In 
thia kind of warfare, there could bo no parity between the 
English and the AmericanB, The cannibal Indian was a 
dangerous incnmbr:ince in the camp of a regular array, and 
not formidable in the array of battle ; he was n deadly foe 
only as he skulked in ambush ; or prowled on the frontier ; 
or burned the defenceless farra-hoiise; or stnick the laborer 
in the field ; or smote the mother at her household task ; 
or crashed the infant's head against a rock or a tree; or 
tortured the prisoner on whose flesh he was to gorge. The 
women and children oE England had an ocean between 
them and the Indian's tomahawk, and had no share in the 
terror that went before his path, or the Borrows that ho left 

While Gage was writing for troops from England, itt(. 
New York, and Quebec, for French Canadian rogi- ^p'- 
ments, and for war-parties of Indians, the militia of Worces- 
ter connty, hearing of the removal of the powder belonging 
to the province, rose in a mass and began the march to Bos- 
ton. On Friday afternoon and Saturday morning, the vol- 
unteers from Hampshire county advanced eastward as far as 
Shrewsbury. At least twenty thousand were in motion. The 
rumor of the seizure reached Israel Putnam, in Connecticut, 
with the addition that the British troops and men-of-war 
had fired on the people and killed six men at the first shot. 
Despatching the report to Norwich, New London, New 
Haven, New York, and so to Philadelphia, he summoned 
the neighboring militia to take np arms. Thousands started 
St his call ; but these, like the volunteers of Uaaasu:W^\.\&t 


were stopped by expresses from the patriots of Boston, who 
•cnt word that at present nothing was to be attempted. 
In return, assarnnces were given of most effectual support* 
whenever it might bo required. " Words cannot express," 
wrote Putnam and his committee in bthalf of five hundred 
men under arms at Pomfret, "the gladness discovered by 
every one at the appearance of a door being opened to 
avenge the many abases and insults wliloh those foes to 
liberty have offered to our brethren in your town and 
province. But for counter inteUigence, we should have 
had forty thousand men, well equipped and ready to march 
this morning. Send a written eipresa to the foreman of 
this committee, when you have occasion for our martial 
assistance ; we shall attend your summons, and shall glory 
in having a share in the honor of ridding our country of 
the yoke of tyranny, which our forefathers have not borne, 
neither will we; and we much desire you to keep a strict 
guard over tho remainder of your powder, for that must 
bo the great means, under God, of the salvation of our 

JTT4. "IIow soon we may need your most effectual aid," 

^•■i"- answered the Boston committee, " we cannot deter- 
mine ; but, agreeably to your wise proposal, we shall give 
you authentic intelligence on such contin^ncy. The hour 
of vengeance comes lowering on ; repress your ardor, but let 
us adjure you not to smother it." 

This rising was followed by many advantages. Every 
man was led to supply deficiencies in bis equipments ; the 
people gained confidence in one another ; and a method 
was concerted for calling them into service. Outside of 
Boston, the king's rule was at an end ; no man dared to 
invoke his protection. The wealthy royalists, who enter- 
tained no doubt that all resistance would soon be crushed, 
were silent from fear, or fled to Boston as their " only asy- 
lum." Even there they did not feel s.afe. 

By the fifth of September, Gage had ordered ground to 
be broken for fortifications on tho Neck, which formed the 
only entrance by land into Boston. In the evening, the 
selectmen remonstrated, but with no effect. The next day 


the convention of Suffolk county, which it had been agreed 
between Samuel Adams and Warren should send a 
memorial to the general congress, met in Dedhnm. gHtl 
Every town and district was represented ; and their 
grand business was referred to a comraitlco, of which War- 
ren was the chairman. 

While their report was preparing, the day came for hold- 
ing the county assize at Worcester. On morning, the 
main street of the town was occupied oq each eide by about 
five thousand men, arranged under their leaders in cotn- 
paniea, sis deep, and extending for a quarter of a mile. 
Through this great multitude, the judges and their assistants 
passed safely to the court house ; but there they were com- 
pelled to stay proceedings, and promise not to take part 
in executing the uncoostitntional act of parliament. 

An approval of the resistance of the people was embodied 
in the careful and elaborate report which Warren on the 
ninth presented to the adjourned Suffolk convention. "On 
the wisdom and on the exertions of this important day," 
Buch were its words, "is suspended the fate of the new 
world and of unborn millions." The resolutions wliich 
followed declared that the aovereign who breaks his com- 
pact with his people forfeits their allegiimce. By their 
duty to God, their country, themselves, and posterity, they 
pledged the county to maintain their civil and religions 
liberties, and to transmit thorn entire to future generations. 
They rejected as unconstitutional the regulating act of par- 
liament and all the officers .appointed under its nnlhority. 
They enjoined the mandamus councillors to resign their 
places within eleven days. Attributing to the British 
commander in chief hostile intentions, they directed the 
collectors of t-aies to pay over no money to the treasurer 
whom ho recognised. The governor and council had for- 
merly appointed all military officers; now that the legal 
council was no longer consulted, they advised the towns to 
elect for themselves officers of their militia from such aa 
were inflexible friends to the rights of the people. For 
purposes of provmcial government they advised a provin- 
cial congress, while ihcy promised respect &ad. «>a!u\A!sa«^\c:ivt. 



to ihe continental congresB. In reference to the present 
hostile appearances on tlie part of Great Britain, tliey ex- 
pressed their determination "to act upon the defensive 
BO long as Buch conduct might bo vindicated by reason and 
the prineiples of self-preservation, but no longer." Should 
Gage arrest any one for political reasons, they promised to 
seize every crown officer in the province as hostages ; and, 
as it might become necessary suddenly to summon assist- 
ance from the country, they arranged a system of couriers 
who were to bear written messages to the selectmen or 
corresponding committees of the several towns. The reso- 
lutions which thus concerted an armed resistance they 
nnanimonsiy adopted, and forwarded by express to the 
continental congress for its consideration and advice. "In 
a cause so solemn," they aaiil, " onr conduct shall be such 
as to merit the ajiprobatlon of the wise and the admiration 
of the brave and free of every age and of every country." 
The good judgment and daring of Warren singled him 
out above all others then in the province as the leader of 
"rehellion." The intrenohments on the Neelc placed 
all within tbo lines at the mercy of the army ; yet, 
fearless of heart, he hastened into the presence of 
Ciage, to protest in the name of Suffulli county against tba 
new fortifications that closed the town. 

At the height of their distress for want of emploj^nent, 
the carpenters of Boston refused to construct barracks for 
the army. Its inhabitants, who were all invited to share the 
hospitality of the interior, desired to abandon the town, 
and even to sot it in flames, rather than "to ho totally 
enslaved" by remaining at home; but, not ltnon"ing how 
to decide, they looked to congress for advice. Meantime, 
the colony desired to guard against anarchy, by instituting 
a government of their own, for which they found historical 
precedents. In the days o£ William the Deliverer and 
Marv, Connecticut and Rhode Island had each resumed the 
charter of government which James II. had superseded; 
the people of Massachusetts now wished to revive their old 
charter, and continue allegiance to George III. on no other 
terms than those which their ancestors had stipulated wiih 


^^^^^^^^r^wi^^ ' ^^^^^^^ 



Charles I.; "otherwise," aaid they, "the laws of God, of 
nature, and of nations oblige us to cast about for safety." 
" If the four Kew England governments alone adopt the 
measure," said Hawley, of Hampshire, " I will venture my 
lifu to carry it against the whole force of Great Britain." 
In the congrosB of Worcester county, a motion was made 
to roaasume the old charter and elect a governor. Warren, 
careful lest the province should be thought to aim at 
greater advantages than the other colonies might he gJ^J; 
willing to contend for, sought first the consent of the 
continental congress ; reminding its members that one col- 
ony of freemen would be a noble bulwark for all America- 
New England had already surmoanted its greatest difh- 
cnlties ; its enemies now placed their hopes on the supposed 
timidity of the general congress. 












thb costotent 8upp0et9 massachusetts. 
September, 1774. 

Auosa the members elected to the continental congreaa, 
Galloway, of Pfailadclphia, acted as a volunteer spy 
sl[Jt. ^°^ ^''^ British government. To the delegates from 
other colonics, as tlicy arrived, be insinuated that 
" oommifisioners with full power should repair to the British 
court) after the example of the Itomaii, Grecian, and Mace- 
donian colonies on occasions of the like unture." IHb 
colleagues spumed the thought of sending envoys to dangle 
at the heels of a minister, and undergo the scorn of parlia- 
ment. The South Carolinians greeted the delegates of 
Massachusetts as the heralds of freedom itself ; and the 
Virginians equalled or surpassed their colleagues in reso- 
luteness and spirit ; but, while there was great diversity of 
opinions respecting the proper modes of resisting the ag- 
g^ssions of the mother country, all united in desiring " the 
union of Great Britain and the colonies on a constitutional 

On Monday the fifth of September, the members of con- 
gress, meeting at Smith's tavern, moved in a body to select 
the place for their ions. Galloway, the speaker of 
Pennsylvania, would have had them use the state house, 
but the carpenters of Philadelphia offered their plain bub 
spacious hall ; and, from respect for the mechanics, it was 
accepted by a great majority. The names of the members 
were then failed over; and Patrick Henry, Washington, 
Richard Henry Lee, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Jay, 
G.idsdcn, John Rutledgo of South Carolina, the aged Uop- 
kina of Rhode Island, and others, representing eleven colo- 


niea, answered to the call, Pejton Rundolpb, late speaker 
of the assembly of VirginLi, was nominiited president by 
Lynch of Carolina, and was unanimously choaon. The body 
named itself " the congress," and its ehairmaa " the [iresi- 
dent," Jay and Duane would have selected a secretary 
from among the members thcmscives; but, on the motiou 
of Lynch, Charles Thomson was appointed. The measures 
that were to have divided America bound them closely 
together. Colonies differing in religious opinions and 
in commercial interests, in every thing dependent on g^J; 
climate and labor, in usages and manners swayed by 
reciprocal prejudices, and frequently quarrelling with each 
other respecting boundaries, found themselves united in ona 
representative body. 

Then arose the question as to the method of voting. 
There were fifty-five members, each colony having sent aa 
many as it pleased, Henry, a repreaentative of Iho largest 
state, intimated that it would be unjust for a Utile colony 
to weigh aa much in the councils of .\mericft as a great one. 
"A little colony," observed Sullivan, of Now Hampshire, 
"has its all at stake as well as a great one." John Adams 
admitted that the vote by colonies was unequal, yet that 
an opposite course would lead to perplexing controversy; 
for there were no authentic records of the numbera of the 
people or the value of their trade. 

The discussion led the members to exs^gerato the popu- 
lation of theu' respective colonies ; and the aggregate of the 
estimates was made to exceed three millions. Few of them 
possessed accurate materials; Virginia and the Carulinaa 
had never enumerated the woodsmen among the mountains 
and beyond them. From returns which were but in part 
accessible to the congress, it appears that the number of 
white inhabit.intB in all the thirteen colonies was, in 1774, 
about two millions one hundred thousand ; of blacks, about 
five hundred thousand; the total population, very nearly 
two millions sis hundred thousand. 

At the bogioning of the next day's session, a long and 
deep silence prevailed. The voice of Virginia was waited 
for, and was heard through Patrick Henry. 






^^ Milking a recital of the wronga infi'icCcd on the colonies 

I hy nets of parliament, he dec!;ired that all goyemment was 

I diasolved; that they were reduced to a state of nature; 

I that an entire new govcmmeut must bo founded; that the 

congreaa then sasemhlud was hut the first iii a never cniling 
succession of congresses ; that their present decision would 
form a precedent. Asserting the necessity of union and hia 
own determination to submit to the opinion of the majority, 
he discussed the mischiefs of an unequal representation, the 
advantage of a system that should give each colony its just 
weight ; and he breathed the " hope that future ages would 
quote their proceedings with applause." Tlie democratical 
part of the constitution, he insisted, must ho |)rcsorved in its 
purity. Without refusing somo regard in the adjustment 
of representation to the opulence of a oolony as marlied by 
its exports and imports, he sjioke for a representation of 
men. " Slaves," said ho, " ore to be thrown out of the ques- 
tion ; if the freemen can be represented according to their 
numbers, I am satisfied." To the objection that such a 
representation would confer an undue preponderance on the 
more populous slates, he replied : " British oppression haa 
effaced the boundaries of the several colonies ; the distinc- 
tions between Virginians, Peun sylvan ians. New Yorkers, 
and New Englanders are no more, I am not a Vir- 
I Be'pi. ginian, but an American." "A compound of num- 

^^ bers and property," said Lynch, of South Carolina, 

^H " should determine the weight of the colonies ; " but he ad- 
^^ milted that such a rule could not then be settled. In the same 
spirit spoke the elder Rutledge. " We have," said ho, " no 
legal authority ; and obedience to the measures we adopt will 
only follow their reasoniibleness, apparent utility, and neces- 
sity. We have no coercive authority. Our conatituenta are 
bound only in honor to observe our determinations." "I 
cannot see any way of voting hut by colonies," said Gads- 

Iden, " Every colony," insisted Ward, of Uhode Island, 
"should have an equal vote. The counties of Virginia are 
unequal in point of wealth and numbers, yet each has a 
right to send two members to its legisUture, We come, if 
necessary, to make a sacrifice of our all, and by such a sao- 


rifice the weakest will Buffer aa much as llio greatest," 
Harrison, of Virginia, spoke strongly on the opposite side, 
and was " very apprehensive that, if sucli a (lisresi>oct should 
be put upon hia countrj-men, aa that Virginia ehould have 
no greater weight than the smallest colony, they would 
never be seen at another convention." But for this menace 
of disunion ho was at once rebuked by his colleagues. 
" Though ft representation equal to the importance of eai^li 
colony were ever so just," said Richard Henry Lee, " the 
delegates from the several colonics are unprepared with 
m.iterials to settle that equality." Bland, of Virginia, saw 
no safety but In voting by colonies. " The question," 
he added, "ia whether the rights and liberties of gj^ 
America shall be contended for, or given up to arbi- 
trary power." Pendleton acquiesced, yet wished the aubject 
might be open for reconsideration, when proper materials 
flhould have been obtained. 

This opinion prevailed, and it was resolved that, in taking 
questions, each colony should have one voice; but the jour- 
nal adds as the reason, that " the congress was not then able 
to procure proper materials for aacertainiug the importance 
of each colony." 

During the debate, Jay dissented in part from Henry, 
aaying : " I cannot yet think that all government ia at an 
end, or that we came to frame an American constitution, 
instead of endeavoring to correct the faults in an old one. 
The measure of arbitrary power ia not full, and it must 
run over before we undertake to frame a now constitution." 

It was next voted that " the doors be kept shut during 
the time of business ; " and the members bound themselves 
by their honor to keep the proceedings secret, until the 
majority should direct them to be made public. The 
treacherous Galloway pledged his honor with ihe rest. 

To the proposal that congress the next day should be 
opened with prayer, Jay and Kutledge objected, on account 
of the great diversity of religious sentiments, "I am no 
bigot," said Samuel Adams, the Congrcgationalist : "I can 
hear a prayer from a man of piety and virtue, who ta nt the 
same time a friend to his country ; " and, oo. \u& nomaiaX\w^ 



Cbap. XL 

Dnch4, 30 Episcopal clergymaB, wbs chosen for the serrico. 
Before the adjournment, Putnam's express arrived with the 
report of a bloody attack on the people by the troopa at 
Boston ; of Connecticut as well as Massuchiiaetts rising in 
srtnB. The next day muffled bells were tolled. At the 
opening of congrese, Washinsrton was present, standing in 
prayer, and Henry, and Randolph, and Lee, and Jay, and 
Rutledge, and Gadsden ; and by their aide Presbj-teriane 
ami Congregationalista, the Livingstons, Sherman, Samuel 
Adaou, John Ailams, and others of New England, who 
believed that a mde soldiery were then infesting the dwell- 
ings and taking the lives of their friends. When the psalm 
for the day was read. Heaven it^eU seemed uttering its ora- 
cle. " Plead thou my cause, O Lord, with tUem that fitrive 
with me ; and fight ihoii against them that fight against me. 
Lay hand upon the ehicld and buckler, and stand u)> to help 
me. Bring forth the spear, and stop the way against them 
that persecute me. Let them that imagine mischief for me 
bo as dust before the wind. \yho is like unto thee, who 
deliverest the poor from him that is too sti'ong for him? 
Lord 1 how long wilt thou look on? Awake, and stand up 
to judge my quarrel ; avenge thou my cause, ray God, 
^^ and my Lord," After this, the minister unexpectedly 
burst into an extemimre prayer for America, for the 
congress, for Massachusetts, and especially for Boston, with 
the cameBtness of the best divines of New England. 

The congress that day appointed one committee on the 
rights of the colonies, and another on the British statntea 
flffecling their manufactures and trade. They also received 
by a second express the same confused account of bloodshed 
ne;ir Boston. Proofs both of the sympathy and the rcsolu- 
Uon of the continent met the delegates of Massachusetts on 
every hand} and the cry of "waj" was pronounced with 

The next day brought more exact information, and the 
committee of congress on the rights of the colonies began 
their deliberations. The first inquiry related to the founda- 
tion of those rights. Lee, of Virginia, rested them on 
patnre, " Our ancestors," ho saiil, " found here no govern- 


ment, and aa a consequence hail a riglit to make tlieir own. 
Charters are an unsafe reliance, fnr tbe king's right to grant 
them has itself Ijoen denied. Besides, the right to life and 
the right to liberty are inalienable." Jay, of New York, 
likewise recurred to the laws of nature. He would not 
admit the pretension to dominion founded on discovery; 
and he enumerated amitng natural rights the right to emi- 
grate, and the right of the emigrants to erect what govern- 
ment they pleased. John Rutlcdge, on the contrary, held 
that allegiance is inalienable; that the first emigrants had 
not had the right to elect their king; that American claim^j 
were derived from the British constitntion rather than 
from the law of nature. But Sherman, of Connecti- ^^' 
cut, deduced allegiance from consent, without which 
the colonies were not bound by the act of aettlemcnt. Duane, 
like Rutledge, shrunk from the appeal to the law of nature, 
and founded government on property in land. 

Behind all those views lay the question of the power of 
parliament over the colonies. Dickinson, not yet a member 
of congress, was of opinion that no officer under the new 
GBtablishment in Massachusetts ought to be acknowledged, 
and advocated " allowing to parliament the regiilation of 
trade upon principles of necessity and the mntual interest 
of both countries." " A right of regulating trade," said 
Gadsden, true to the principle of 1705, " is a right of Icgig- 
lation, and a right of legislation in one case is a right in 

Amidst Buch varying opinions and theories, the congress, 
increased by delegates from North Carolina, and intent upon 
securing absolute unanimity, was moving with great delib- 
eration ; and Galloway hoped " the two parties would re- 
main on an equal balance," But in that body there was a 
man who knew how to bring the enthusiasm of the people 
into connection with its representativcH. " Samuel Adams," 
wrote Galloway, " though by no means remarkable for bril- 
liant abilities, is equal to most men in popular intrigue, and 
the management of a faction. He eats little, drinks little, 
Bleeps little, and thinks much, and is most decisive and in- 
defatigable in the pursuit of bin objecta. He was the too^ 


Cbip. XX 

who, hy Ma snperior application, managed at once the fao- 
tiiin in congrcsa at Pliiladelphia, and the factions in New 

One express had brought from Massachuselts the pro- 
ceedings of Middlesex; another having arrived, on 
g^ Saturday, the seventeenth of September, the dele- 
gates of Maasaehusetts laid before congress the ad- 
dress of the Suffolk county convention to Gage, on his 
seizure of the provincial stock of powder and his hostile 
occnpation of the only approach to Boston by land ; and 
the resolutions of the same convention, wliich declared that 
no obedience was due to the aots of parliament affecting 
their colony. 

As the papers were read, expressions of esteem, love, and 
admiration, broke forth in generous and manly eloquence. 
In language which but f;untly expressed their spirit, mem- 
bers from all the colonies declared their sympathy with their 
suffering countrymen in Massacbusotts, most thoroughly 
approved the wisdom and fortitude with which opposition 
to ministerial measures had hitherto been conducted, and 
earnestly recommended perseverance according to the reso- 
lutions of the county of Suffolk, Knowing that a new par- 
liament must soon be chosen, they expressed their trust "that 
the united efforts of North America would carry such con- 
viction to the British nation of the unjust and ruinous policy 
of the present administration as quickly to introduce bettor 
men and wiser meaaures." 

To this end, they ordered their own resolutions with the 
communications from Suffolk county to be printed. But 
their appeal to the electors of Britain was anticipated. The 
inflexible king, weighing in advance the possible influence 
of the American congress, overruled Lord North, and, on 
tlie last day of September suddenly dissolving parliament, 
brought on the new election before proposals for concilia- 
tion could be received. 





September — October, 1774. 

Gage, who came floslied with confidence in an easy 
rictory, at the end of four months waa care-worn 
and iliBheartened. With the forces under hi§ com- g^ 
mand, he hoped for no more than to pass the winter 
unmolested. At one moment, a Buspensioa of the penal 
acts was hts favorite advice, which the king ridiculed as 
senseless ; at the next, ho demanded an army of twenty 
thousand men, to bo composed of Canadian recruits, Indians, 
and hirelings from the continent of Europe ; again, he would 
bring the Americans to terms by casting them ofi oa fellow- 
subjecta, and not Buffering even a boat to go in or out of 
their harbors. All the whUe bo was exerting himself to 
obtain payment for the tea as a prelude to reconciliation. 
His agents wrote to their friends in congress, urging con- 
cessions. Such was the advioo of Church, in language 
affecting the highest patriotism ; and an officer who had 
served with Washington sought to persuade his old com- 
panion in arms that New England was conspiring for 
independence. It was moreover insinuated that, if JUassa- 
chusetts should once rcaumo its old charter and elect its 
governor, all New England would unite with her, and be- 
come strong enough to absorb the lands of other govern- 
ments; that New Ilampahire would occupy both slopes of 
the Green Mountains; that Massachusetts would seize the 
western territory of New York ; while Connecticut would 
appropriate Northern Pennsylvania, and compete with Vir- 
ginia for the west. 


Cbap. SU. 

Out of Boston the power of Gage was at an end. In tbo 

county of Worcester, the male inhabitants, from the age of 
sixteen to eeventy, formed theniBelves into companies and 
regiments, chose their own officers, and agreed that one 
third part of the enroUcd should hoid themselves ready to 
march " at a minnte's warning." " In time of peace, pre- 
pare for war," waa the cry of the country. The frugal 
New England people iuci-oased their frugality. " As for 
me," wrote the wife of a member of congress, " I will seek 
wool and flax, and work willingly with my hands," Yet 
the poorest man in his distress would not accept employ- 
ment from the British army ; and the twelve nearest towns 
^reed to withhold from the troops every supply beyond 
what humanity rcqnired. But all the province, even to 
Falmouth, and beyond it, shared the sorrows of Boston, 
and cheered its inhabitants in their sufferings. " This much 
injured town," said the wife of John Adams, " like the body 
of a departed friend, has only put oft its present glory, to 
rise finally to a more happy state." Nor did its citizens 
despair. Its newly elected representatives were instructed 
never to acknowledge the regulating act ; and, in caso of 
a dissolution, to join the other members in forming a pro- 
vincial congress. 

The assembly was summoned for the fifth of October, at 
which time the councillors who had been legally commis- 
sioaed in May intended to take their seats ; their period of 
office was a year, and they were not remarkable during the 
term for which they were chosen. Against so clear a title, 
the mandamns coiincillora would not dare to claim their 
places irithout a larger escort than they could receive. 
Sapi. tJage was in a dilemma. On the twenty-eighth ol 
September, by an anomalous proclamation, ho neither 
dissolved nor prorogued the assembly which ho himself had 
called, but declined to meet It at Salem, and discharged the 
representatives elect from their duty of attendance. 

Meantime, the continental committee on the rights of the 
colonies, having been increased by one member from each 
of the three provinces, Virginia, Massachusetts, and Penn- 
sylvania, extended their searches to the statutes affecting 


inrlustry anrl trade. But in a bofly whose meml)er8 wore 
ciiUt'ctcd from remote parts of the country, nccua- 
tomeil to no uniform rules, differing in their iiJeas gH,^ 
and their forma of expression, distrust could be 
allayed only by the moBt patient discussions; and, for Ihe 
Bokc of unnnimity, tedioua delny wns inevitable. 

Ill the first place, it was silently agreed to rest the de- 
mnnda of America not on considenitions of natural rights, 
but on a liistorical basis. In this manner, even tho appear- 
ance of ft revolution was avoidod ; and ideal freedom was 
clfiimed only as imbmlied in facts. 

How far the retrospect for grievances should bo carried, 
was the next inquiry. South Carolina would have included 
nil laws restrictive of maniifaclures and navigation ; in a 
word, all the statutes of which Great Britain hail been so 
prodigal towards her infant colonies, for the purpose of 
confining their trade and crippling their domestic industry. 
But iho Virginians, conforming to their instructions, nar- 
rowed the issue to the innovations during the reign of 
George III. ; and, as Maryland and North Carolina wonld 
not separate from Virginia, the acts of navigation, though 
condemned by Lee as a capital violation of American rights, 
were not included in tho list of grievances. 

The Virginians had never meant to own the binding 
force of the acts of navigation ; the proposal to recognise 
them came from Dnane, of New York, and enconntered iha 
Btrongest opposition. Some wished to deny altogether the 
authority of parliament ; others, its power of taxation ; 
others, its power of internal taxation only. These dis- 
cussions were drawn into great length, and seemed to 
promise no agreement ; till, at last, John Adams was per- 
suaded to shape a compromise in the spirit and very nearly 
in the words of Duane, His resolution ran thus ; " From 
the necessity of the case, and a regard to the mutual interest 
of the countries, we cheerfully consent to the operation of 
such acts of the British parliament as are, f^onil fide, re- 
strained to the regulation of our external commerce, for the 
purpose of securing the commercial advantages of Ihe whole 
empire to the mother country, and the commercial betie&ta 


Cn*p. sn. 


of its resjiective members ; eicluding every idea of lajtation, 
intornnl or externnl, for raising a revenue on the subjects in 
America without their consent." 

This article was contrary to the principles of Otia at the 
commencement of the contest ; to the repented declarations 
of Samuel Adams ; to the example of the congress of 1765, 
which had put aside a similiir proposition, when offered by 
Livingston, of New York, Not one of the committee waa 
fully satisfied with it ; yet, na the ablest speaker from 
Massachusetts bad given way, the concession was irrevo- 
cable. It stands as a monument that the congress harbored 
no desire but of reconciliation. " I would have given 
every thing I possessed for a restoration to the state 
of things before the contest began," said John Adams, 
at a later day. His resolution accepted that budge of servi- 
tude, the British colonial system. 

Daring these discussions, Galloway, of Pennsyh'ania, in 
secret concert with the governor of New Jersey and with 
Colden of New York, proposed for the government of the 
colonies a president-general, to be appointed by the king, 
and a grand council to be chosen onco in three years by the 
several asfiemblies. The British parliament was to have 
the power of revising the acts of this body, which in its 
turn was to have a negative on British statutes relating to 
the colonies, " I am aa much a friend to liberty as exists," 
blustered Galloway, as he presented his insi'lious proposition, 
"and no man shall go further in point of fortune or in point 
of blood than the man who now addresses you." His scheme 
held out a hope of a continental nnion, which was the long 
cherished policy of New York ; it was seconded by Duane, 
and advocated by Jay, but opposed by Lee of Virginia. 
Patrick Henry objected to intrusting the power of taxation 
to a council to bo chosen not directly by the people, but 
indirectly by its representatives ; and he condemned the 
proposal in all its aspects. " The original constitution of 
tlic colonies," said he, " was founded on the broadest and 
most generous base. The regulation of our trade com- 
pensates all the protection we ever experienced. We shall 
liberate our constituents from a corrupt house of commons, 


but throw tbem itilo the arms of an American legislature, 
that mny be bribeil by a nation which in the fxico of the 
world avowa bribery as a part of her system of government. 
Before we are obliged to pay taxes as they do, let us be as 
free aa they ; let ua have oar trade open with all the world," 
" I think the plan almost perfect," said Edward Rntledge. 
Bttt not one colony, unless it may have been New York, 
voted in its favor ; and no more than a bare majority would 
consent that it should even lie on the table. Its mover 
boasted of this small courtesy as of a triumph, though at a 
later day the congress struck the proposal from its record. 

With this defeat, Galloway lost his mist-hievous impor- 
tance. At the prorincial elections in Pennsylvania, 
on the first day of October, Dickinson, his old oppo- oJt^'l 
nent, was chosen almost unanimously a representative 
of the county, Mifflin, though opposed by some of the 
Quakers as too warm, was elected a bui^eas of Philadelphia 
by eleven hundred votes out of thirteen hundred, with 
Charles Thomson as his colleague. The assembly, on iho 
very day of its organization, added Dickinson to its dclega- 
tion in congress ; and be took his seat in season to draft the 
address of that body to the king. 

During the debates on the proper bnsis of that address, 
letters from Boston announced that the governor continueJ 
seizing private nulitary stores, Buffering the soldiery " to 
treat both town and country as declared enemies," fortify- 
ing the place, and mounting cannon at Its entranoe, as 
though he would hold its inhabitants aa hostages, in order 
to compel a compliance with the new laws. As he had 
eluded the meeting of the general court, they applied to 
congress for advice; if the congress should instruct them 
to quit the town, they would obey. The citizens, who, as 
a body, had been more affluent than those of any other 
place of equal numbers in the world, made a formal offer to 
abandon their homes, and throw themselves, with their 
wives and children, their aged and infirm, on the charity of 
the country people, or build huts in the woods, and never 
revisit their native walls until re-established in their rights 
and liberties. Gadsden blazed up at the thought, and ha 



Chap. XII. 



proposed that Gago should bo nttncked and ronted before 
re-enforcements could arrive ; but the congress was resolved 
to exhaust every mflans of rodreas, before sanctioning an 
appeal to arms. 

The spirit of the people ivas more impetnona ; confident 
in their strength, they scorned the thought of obedience, 
except on conditions that should be satisfactory to 
Ibemsclvos. About the middle of October, the brig 
" I'^^Sy Stewart," from London, arrived at Aftnapo- 
lis, with two thousand (hree hundred and twenty pounds of 
tea, OD which the owner of the vessel made haste to pay the 
duty. The people of Blaryland resented this vohmtary sub- 
mission to the British claim, which their delegates to the 
general congress were engaged in contesting. The fidelity 
and honor of the province seemed in question. A eommittee, 
therefore, kept watch to prevent the landing of the tea ; 
successive public meetings drew throngs even from distant 
counties; till the two importers and the ship-owner jointly 
expressed their contrition, and offered to expiate their 
offence by burning the " detestable article " which had been 
the cause of their misconduct. Wlien it appeared that this 
offer did not satisfy the crowd, the owner of the brig, after 
a little consultation with Charles Carrol!, proposed to devote 
that also to the flames. The offer was accepted. The peni- 
tent importers and owner went on board the vessel, with 
hats off and lighted torches in their hands, and, in the 
presence of a mulliliide of gazers, set fire to the packages 
of tea, all which, together with the " Peggy Stewart," her 
canvas, cordage, and every appurtenance, was consumed. 




OCTOBEB, 1774. 

"Washington ardently wished to end civil discord, and 
restore triinquillity upon oonstitmional grounds, but 
his indignation at the wrongs of Boston could be ^^ 
appeased only by their redreas ; and his pnrpoBe to 
resist the execntion of the regulating act was unalterable. 
"Permit me," said he, addressing a British officer, then 
serving under Gage, " with the freedom of a friend, to ex- 
press my sorrow that fortune should j)lace you in a service 
that must fix curses to the latest posterity upon the con- 
trivers, and, if success (which by the by is irapossible) 
accompanies it, execrations upon all those who have been 
instrumental in the eseeution. The Massachusetta people 
are every day receiving fresh proofs of a systematic asser- 
tion of an arbitrary power, deeply planned to overturn the 
laws and constitution of their country, and to violate the 
moBt essential and valuable rights of mankind. It is not 
the wish of that government, or any other upon this conti- 
nent, separately or collectively, to set up for independence j 
but none of them will ever submit to the loss of those 
rights and privileges without which life, liberty, .ind prop- 
erty are rendered totally insecure. Is it to be wondered at 
that men attempt to avert the impending blow in its prog- 
ress, or prepare for their defence if it cannot be averted? 
Give me leave to add as my opinion, that, it the ministry 
are determined to push matters to extremity, more blood 
will be spilled on this occasion than history has ever yet 
furnished instances of in the annals of North America." 

Ross, a Pennsylvaniun, moved in congress that Mnssacho.- 



■etU ehonld be left to her own discretion with rapect to 
gOTernment, and the administration of jimice aa v«ll as 
defence. The motion was seconded by Galloway, in the 
hope of insnlating her. Had it been adopted, under the 
Pioe Tree flag of her forefathera she would have rerired 
her lirst charter, and elected her governor. Bat the desira 
of conciliation forbade a policy so rcTolntionary. The 
province was therefore Buffered to continno ia s stale of 
anarchy; but on the eighth of October it was resolved, 
thongh not nnanimonsly, " that this congrea approve the 
opposition of the inhabitants of the Massachusetts Bay to 
the execntion of the late acta of parliament ; and, if the same 
ahall be attempted to be carried into execution by force, all 
America oaght to sapport them in their opposition." This 
id the vote which hardened George III. to listen to no terms. 
He was inexorably bent on coinpeUiog the obedience of 
5Ia;isachusetts to the new system of government, and estab- 
lishing it in Connecticut and Rhode Island on the ruins of 
their charters. The congress, when it adopted this resolve, 
did not know the ettent of the aggressions which the king 
designed. Galloway and Duane desircl leave to enter their 
protOiits against the measure; and, as this was refused, thev 
gave to each other privately certificates that they had op- 
posed it 33 treasonable. But the decision was made 
deliberately. Two days hiter, congress further " de- 
clared that every person who should accept or act 
under any commission or authority derived from the regu- 
lating act of parliament, changing the form of government 
and violating the charter of Massachasetts, ought to be held 
in detestation ; " and, in th^ letter to Gage, they censured 
his conduct as tending "to involve a free people in the 
horrors of war." 

In adopting a declaration of rights, the division which 
had shown itself in the committee was renewed. "Here," 
said Ward, of Rhode Island, "no acts of parliament can 
bind. Giving up this point is yielding all." Against him 
spoke John Adams and Duane. " A right," said Lyneli, of 
CttroUna, " to bind us in one case may imply a right to bind 
in alt ; but we are bound in none." The resolution of 



conccBaion was arrcstcl by tlie vote of five coloniea ngainst 
five, with Massachusetts anJ Rliodo Island divided, but at 
last was carried b_v ihc influence of John Adams. Dunne 
desired next to strike the Quebec act from the list of griev- 
ancea ; but of all the bad acta of parliament Richard 
Ilonry Lee pronounced it the worst. His opinion prevailed 
upon a vote wbich Duane's reluctant adhesion made unani- 
mous. Thus eleven acts of parl'mment or parts of acts, 
including the Quebec act and the ocla specially affecting 
Massachuaetta, were declared to be such infringementa and 
Tiolalions of the rights of the colonies that the repeal of 
tbom was essentially necessary, iu order to restore harmony 
between the colonies and Great Britain, 

The congress had unanimously resolved, from the first 
day of Iho coming December, not to import any merchan- 
dise from Great Britain and Ireland. They could not 
agree upon an immediate non-exportation; if the redress 
of American grievances should be delayed beyond the tenth 
day of September of tie following year, a resolution to 
export no merchandise to Great Britain, Ireland, and the 
West Indies after that date was carried, but against iho 
■voice of South Carolina. When the members proceeded to 
bind themselves to these measures by an assooiaiion, threo 
of the delegates of that colony refused their names. " The 
agreement to stop exports to Great Britain ia unequal," 
reasoned Rutledge ; " New England ships little or nothing 
there, but sends fish, its groat staple, to Portugal or Spain; 
South Carolina annually ships rice to England to the value 
of a million and a half of dollars. New England would bo 
affected but little by the prohibition; Carolina would be 
rumed ; " and ho and two of his colleagues withdrew from 
the congress, Gadsden, who never counted the cost 
of patriotism, remained in his place, and, tnisting to '^"J; 
the generosity of his constituents, declared himself 
ready to sign the association. All business was interrupted 
for several days ; but, in the end, congress recalled the 
seceders by allowing the unconditional export of rice. 

The association fiu-ther contained this memorable cov- 
enant, wliich was adopted without opposition, and iii.i\i.igi;- 




rated the abolition of the slave-trade : " We will neitlier 
import nor purchase any slave imported after the first day 
of December next; after nliich timo wo will wholly dis- 
continue the elave-tradc, and will neither be concerned in 
it ourselves, nor will we hire our vesst-la nor sell our com- 
modities or manufaelures to those who are concerned in it." 
This first American congress brought forth another meaa- 
ore, which was without an example. It recognised the po- 
litical being and authority of the people. While it 
refused to petition parliament, it addressed the peo- 
ple of the provinces from Nova Scotia to Floritla, the 
peoplij of Canada, the peopk' of Great Britain, making the 
printing press its ambassador to the rising power. 

To the British people whom they described a& having 
been"led to greatness by the hand of liberty," and as "heirs 
to the rights of men," they said, in the language of Jay: 
" Know, then, that we consider oursclres, and do insist that 
wo arc, and ought to be, aa free as our fellow^Gubjectd in 
Britain, and that no power on earth has a right to t:ike oar 
property from us without onr consent." Entreating con- 
gress to return to the system of 1763, they continued; 
"Prior to ibia era, you were content with wealth produced 
by our commerce. Vou restrained onr trade in every way 
that codd conduce to your emolument. You exercised 
unbounded sovereignly over the aea." Still assenting to 
these restrictions, they pleaded earnestly for the enjoyment 
of freedom, and demonstrated a victory over 
the rights of America would not only l>e barren of advan- 
tage to the English nation, but inorcaeo their public debt 
with ita attendant pensioners and place-men, diminish their 
commerce, and lead to the overthrow of their liberties by 
violence and corruption, "To your jastice," they s:iid, 
" we appeal. Yon have been told that we are impatitnt of 
gcvei-nmcnt and desirous of independency. These ar« 
calumnies. Permit ua to be aa free aa yourselves, and we 
shall over esteem a union with you to bo our greatest glory 
and our gi-catest happiness. But if yon are determined 
lliat your ministers shall w.antonly sport wilh the rights of 
.nkind; if neither the voice uf justice, the dictates of 


law, the principlos of the constitntion, or the suggestions 
of humanity, can reatraic your bauds from sheilcliog human 
blooil Id such an impious cause, wc must thon toll you that 
wo will never submit to bo hewers of wood or drawers of 
water for any ministry or nation in tbe world." 

A second congrt'ss was appointed for May, at which itt». 
all the colonies of North America, including Nova '^''■ 
ScotU and Canada, were invited to appear by their deputies. 
The ultimate decision of America was then einlxulied in a 
petition to the king, written by Dickinson, and imbued in 
every lino with a desire for conciliation. In the list of 
grievances, congress enumerated the statutes, and those only, 
whicb had been enacted since the year 17tj3, for the very 
purpose of clianging the constitution or the administration 
of the colonies. They justified their discontent by EacC 
and right, by historic tradition, and by the ideas of reason. 
" So far from promoting innovations," said they trnly, " we 
have only opposed tbem ; and can bo char'^'cd with no 
offence, unless it be one to receive injuries and bo Bensiblo 
of them." Acfimescing in the restrictions on their ships 
and industry, they professed a readiness on the part of the 
colonial legislatures to make suitable provision for the ad- 
ministration of justice, the support of civil government, 
and for defence, protection, and security in time of peace ; 
in case of war, they pledged the colonics to "most strenu- 
oua efforts in granting supplies and raising forces." Bat 
tho privilege of thus eiprussing their affectionate attach- 
ment they would " never resign to any body of men upon 
earth." "We ask," they continued, "but for peace, Hb- 
erty, and safety. We wish not a diminntion of tho pre- 
rogative, nor the grant of any new right. Your royjd. 
authority over us, and our connection with Great Britain, 
we fihidl always support and maintain ; " and thoy besought 
of the king, " as tho loving father of bis whole people, hia 
interposition for their relief, and a gracious answer to their 

From complacency towards Rockingham, they passed 
over tho declaratory act in silcnco ; and they expresaeil 
their absent to the power of regulating commerce. But the 

Cqaf. xnL 

best eviflpnce of their sincerity is found in the meaanre 
wliicli they recommended. Had independence been their 
object, they would have strained every nerve to increase 
their exports, and fill the country in return with the manu- 
factures and muniliona which they required. The bus- 
pcnsion of trade was the most disinterested manner of 
expressing to the mother country how deeply they felt 
their wrongs, and how earnestly they desired a peaceful 
restoration of reciprocal confidence. While Britain would 
have only to seek another market for her surplus manufao- 
tarea and India goods, the American merchant sacrificed 
nearly his whole business. Tho exchequer might perhaps 
Buffer some diminution in the revenue from tobacco, bat 
the planters of Maryland and Virginia gave np the entire 
exchangeable produce of their estates. Tho cessation of 
the export of provisions to the "West Indies, of flax-seed to 
Ireland, injured the northern provinces very deeply; and 
yet it would touch only tho British merchants who had 
debts to collect in the West Indies or Ireland, or the Eng- 
lish oivners of West Indian or Irish estates. Every refusal 
to import was mado by tho colonist at the cost of personal 
comfort ; every omission to export was a waste of the re- 
Bonrces of his family. Moreover, no means existed of 
enforcing the agreement; so that the truest patriots would 
suffer moat. And yet the people so yearned for a 
bloodless restoration of the old relations with Britain 
that they cheerfully entered on tho experiment, in 
the hope that the extreme Belfnienial of the country would 
at least distress British oommeroe enough to bring the gov- 
ernment to reflection. 

But, since their efforts to avert civil war might fail, John 
Adams expressed his anxiety to sec New England provided 
with "cash and gunpowder." Ward, of Rhode Island, 
regarded America as tho rising power that was to light all 
the nations of the earth to freedom. " Were I to suffer as 
a rebel in the cause of American liberty, should I not ba 
translated immediately to heaven as Enoch was of old?" 
wrote Hewes, of North Carolina. Samuel Adams urged 
bis friends to stndy the art of war, and organize resistance. 



"I Troultl advise," said he, "persisting iu our strno^Ip, 
though it were revealed from Heaven thai nice hundred 
and ninety-nine were to perish, and only one of a thousand 
to survive and retain his liberty. One such freeman must 
possess more virtue and enjoy more happiness than a thou- 
sand slaves; and let liim propagate his like, and transmit 
to them what he hath ao nobly prosorvod." " Delight- 
ful as peace is," said Dicldneon, " it will como more qJ*; 
grateful by bdng unexpected." Washington, while 
he promoted tbo meaanros of congress, dnrcil not hope that 
they would prove effectual. AVTien Patrick Henry read 
the prophetic words of Ilawley, "After all, we must fight," 
he raised his haml, and called God to witness aa be cried 
out: " I am of that man's mind." 





October, 1T74. 

The congress of 1774 contained statesmen of the highest 
order of wiadom. For eloqueuoe, Patrick Henry 
oJt ^^ uorivalled; next to him in debate stood the 
elder Rutledge, of South Carolina ; " hut, if you Bpeak 
of solid information and sound jud^ent," said Patrick 
Henry, " Washiiigiou ia nnqu eat ion ably the greatest man 
of them all." 

While the delegates of the twelve colonies were in session 
in Pliiladelphia, ninety of the racmbera just elected to the 
Masaachuselts assembly appeared on Wednesday the fifth 
of October at the coort-houso in Salem. After wailing 
two days for the governor, they passed judgment on his 
unconstitutional procl.tmation against their meeting; and, 
resolving themselves into a jirovincial congress, they ad- 
journed to Concord. There, on Tuesday the eleventh, 
about two hundred and sixty members toot their seats, and 
elected John Hancock their president. On the fourteenth, 
they sent a message to the governor, that for want of 
a general asHCnibly they had oonvuoed in congress ; and 
they remonstrated against his hostile preparations. A 
committee from Worcester county made similar represen- 
tations. " It IB in your power to prevent civil war, and to 
establiflh your character aa a wise and humane man," said 
the chairman. "For God's sake," replied Gage, in great 
trepidation, " what would you have me do ?" for lie vaciU 
lated between a hope that the king would give way, and 
a willingness to be the instrument of his obstinacy. To 
the preaidenl of the continental congress, be expressed tho 




wish that the disputes between the mother country and the 
colonies might terminato like lovers' qiiarreU ; but he did 
not conceal his belief that its proaeedings would heighten 
the anger of the king. 

To the provincial conp-ess, which had again adjonmed 
from Concord to Cambridge, Gago made answer by recrim- 
inations. Thoy on their part were aurrounded by clifBcul- 
tics. They wished to remove the people of Boston into 
the country, but found it impracticable. A commit- 
tee, appointed on the twenty-fourth of October, to 'y^J 
consider the proper time to provide a stock of pow- 
der, ordnance, and ordnance stores, reported on the same 
day that the proper time was now. Upon the debnto for 
raising money to prepare for the crisis, one member proposed 
to appropriate a thousand pounds, another two thousand ; a 
committee reported a sura of less than ninety thousand dol- 
lars, aa n preparation against a warlike empire, flushed with 
victory, and able to spend twenty million pounds sterling a 
year in the conduct of a war. They elected three general 
officers by ballot. A committee of safety, Hancock and 
Warren being of the number, was invested with power to 
alarm jmd muster the militia of the province, of whom one 
fourth were to hold themselves ready to march at a minute's 

In Conneoticnt, which, from its compnctnosa, numbera, 
and wealth, was second only to Massachusetts in military 
resources, the legislature of 1774 provided for efEeetively 
organizing the militia, prohibited the importation of slaves, 
and ordered the several towns to proide double the usual 
quantity of powder, ballii, and flints. They also directed 
the issue of fifteen thousand pounds in bills of credit of the 
colony, and made a small increase of the taxes. This was 
the first issue of paper money in the colonies preparatory 
to war. 

The congress of Massachusetts, in like manner, directed 
the people of the province to perfect themselves in military 
Bkill, and each town to provide a full atock of arms and 
ammunition. Having voted to pay no more money to the 
royal collector, they chose a receiver-general of theic uvi^-. 



and instituted a sj-atem of provincial taxation. Tliey ap- 
pointed execative comtuitteea of safety, of corrceponiienoa, 
and of HupplicB. As the continental congress would not 
sanction tiieir resuming the charter from Charles I., they 
adhered as nearly as possible to that granted by William 
and JIary; and summoned the councillors, duly 
elected under that charter, to give attendance on tha 
fourth Wednesday of November, to which time they 
ndjoumed. To their neit meeting they referred the coo- 
eideration of the propriety of sending agents to Canada. 

The Americia revolution was destined on every side to 
lead to the solution of the highest questions of state. Prin- 
ciples of eternal truth, which in their universality aro 
Buperior to sects and separate oreeds, were rapidly effacing 
the prejudices of the past. The troubles of the thirteen 
colonies led the court of Great Britain to its first step in 
the emancipation of Catholics ; and, with no higher object 
in view than to atrenglhen the authority of the king in 
America, the Quebec act of 1774 began that series of con- 
cessions, which at last opened the British parliament itself, 
and the high offices of administration to " papists." 

In the belief that the loyalty of its possessions had been 
promoted by a dread of the French settlements on their 
northern and western frontier, Britain sought to create 
under ita own auspices a distinct empire, suited to coerce 
her origiaal colonies, and restrain them from aspiring to 
independence. For this end, it united into one province 
the territory of Canada, together with all the country north- 
west of the Ohio to the head of Lake Superior and the 
Mississippi, and consolidated all authority over this bound- 
less region in the hands of the executive power. The 
Catholics were not displeased that the promise of a repre- 
sentative assembly not kept. In 17G3 they had all 
been disfranchised in a land where there were few Pro- 
testants, except attendants on the army and government 
officials. A representative assembly, to which none but 
Protestants could bo chosen, would have subjected almost 
all the inhabitants to a resident oligarchy, hateful by their 
race and religion, their supremacy as conquerors, and their 


Belfishness, The Quebec net authorized the crown to con- 
fer posts of honor and of husiness upon Ciitholics ; and 
they chose rather to depend on the clemency of the king 
than to have an exciusirely Protestant piirliamcnt, like that 
of Ireland, This limited political toleration left no room 
for the sentiment of patriotism. The Frencli Cana- 
dians of that day could not persuade themselves that '^J; 
they had a country. They would have desired an 
assembly, to which they should bo eligible ; but, since that 
was not to be obtained, they accepted their partial enfran- 
chisement by the king, aa a boon to a conquered people. 

The owners of estates were further gratified by the res- 
toration of the French system of law. The English emi- 
grants might complain of the want of jury trials in civil 
processes; but tlie French Canadians were grateful for 
relief from statutes which they did not comprehend, and 
from the chicanery of unfamiliar courts. The nobility of 
New France, who were accustomed to arms, were still fur- 
ther conciliated by the proposal to enroll Canadian battal- 
ions, in which they could hold commissions on equal terms 
with English officers. Here also the inspiration of nation- 
ality w.ia wanting; and the whole population could never 
crowd to the British flag as they had rallied to tho lilies of 
France. There would remain alw.ays the sentiment that 
they were waging battle not for themselves, and defending 
a government which was not their own. 

The great dependence of the erown was on tho clergy. 
The capitulation of New France had guaranteed to them 
freedom of public worship ; but the laws for their support 
wero held to be no longer valid. By the Quebec act they 
were confirmed in the possession of their ancient churches 
and their revenues ; so that the Roman Catholic worship 
was as cfEectually established in Cana<la as the Presbyterian 
Church in Scotland. When Carleton returned to his gov- 
ernment, bearing this great measure of conciliation, of whii-h 
he was known to h.ave been the adviser, he was welcomed 
by the Catholio bishop and priesta of Quebec with profes- 
sions of loyalty ; and the memory of Thurlow and Wedder- 
burn, who carried the act throagh parliament, is gratuf.iali'i 



embalmed in Canadian history. And yet tlie clergy wore 
conseiouH that the concession of the greiit privileges whicli 
they now obtained was but an act of worldly jwlicy, mainly 
due to the disturbed state of the Protestant colonies. Tlieir 
joy at relief was sincere; but still, for the caiiae of Great 
Britain, Catholic Canada oonld not nplift the banner of the 
Kino; of heaven or seek the perils of martjTdom. 

Such was the frame of mind of the French CanadLina 
when the American congress sent among them Us appeal. 
The time was come for applying the new principle of the 
power of iho people to the old clivisions in Christendom 
between the Catholic and the Protestant world. Protea- 
tantiam, in the sphere of politics, had hitherto been the rep- 
resentative of that increase of popular liberty which 
oJ*; had grown out of free inquiry; while the CathoUo 
Church, nnder the early influence of Roman law, had 
inclined to monarchical power. These relations were novir 
to be modified. 

The Catholic Church asserted the nnity, the nniversal- 
ity, and the nnchangeabloness of truth; and this principle, 
however it may hnve been pen-ersely made subservient to 
eoclesiosticnl organization, tyranny, or superstition, rather de- 
manded than opposed universal emancipation and brother- 
hood. Yet the thirteen colonies were all Protestant; even 
in Maryland, the Catholics formed but an eighth, or perhaps 
not more than a twelfth part of the population ; their pres- 
ence in other provinces, except Pennsylvania, was hardly per- 
ceptible. The members of congress had not wholly purged 
themselves of Protestant bigotry. Something of this ap- 
peared in their resolutions of rights, and in their address to 
the people of British America. In the address to the people 
of Great Britain, it was even said that the Roman Cutholic 
religion had " dispersed impiety, bigotry, persecution, mur- 
der, and rebellion through every part of the world." But 
the desire of including Canada in the confederacy compelled 
the Protestants of America to adopt and promulgate the 
principle of religious equality and freedom. In the mas« 
terly address to the inhabitants of the province of Quebec, 
drawn by Dickinson, all old religions jealousies were con* 






doimicd as low-mimlcil infirmities; and the Swiss c.tntona 
were cited us esamples of a union composetl of Cnttiolic and 
Protestant states. 

Appeals were also made to the vanity and tbo pride 
of the French population. After a clear and precise 
analysis of the Quebec act, and the contrast of its provisiona 
with English liberties, the shade of Montesquien wae evoked, 
as himself saying to the Canadians ; " Seize the opportunity 
presented to you by Providence itself. You have been con- 
quered into liberty, if you act as you ought. This work is 
not of man. You are a small people, compared lo those 
who with open arms invite you into a fellowship. The in- 
juries of Boston have roused and associated every colony 
from Nova Scotia to Georgia. Your province is the only 
link wanting to complete the bright and strong chain of 
union. Nature has joined your country to theirs; do you 
join your political interests ; for their own sukes, they never 
will desert or betray you. The happiness of a people inev- 
itably depends on their liberty, and their spirit to assert it. 
The value and extent of the advantages tendered to you 
are immense. Heaven grant you may not discover them 
to be blessings after they have bid you an eternal adien." 

With such persuasions, the congress onanimously invited 
the Canadians to " accede to their confederation." Whether 
the invitation should be accepted or repelled, the old feud 
between the nations which adhered to the Roman Catholio 
Church, and the free governments which had sprang from 
Frotestaatism, was coming to an end. 



TOE aovsRsoa ov viRGnnA n'uli.tfies the qitebeo act. 

OcTOBEK — November, 1774. 

The attempt to extend the jurisfUction of Quebec to the 
Ohio River had no sanction in English history, and 
17T4. was resisted by the older colonies, especially by Vir- 
ginia. The interest of the crown officers in the &d- 
jacent provinces was also at variance with the policy of 

No royal governor showed more rapacity in the nse of 
official power than Lord Dunmore. He had reluctantly left 
New York, whore, during his short career, he had acquired 
fifty thousand acres of land, and, himself acting as chancel- 
lor, was preparing to decide in hia own court, in his own 
favor, a large and unfounded claim which ho had preferred 
against the lieutenant-governor. Upon entering on the 
government of Virginia, his passion for land and fees out- 
weighing the procbmation of the king and reiterated and 
moGt positive instructions from the secretary of state, he 
advocated the claims of the colony to the west, and was 
himself a partner in two immense purchases of land from 
the Indians in Southern IlUnois. In 1773, his agents, the 
Bullets, made surveys at the faUs of the Ohio ; and a part 
of Louisville, and of the towns opposite Cincinnati, are now 
held under his warrant. The area of the Ancient Dominion 
expanded with hia cupidity. 

Pittsburg, and the country as far np the Monongahela as 
Redstone Old Fort, formed the rallying point for western 
emigration and Indian trade. It was a p;irt of the county 
of Westmoreland, in Pennsylvania. Suddenly, and without 
proper notice to the council of that province, Dunmoro 
extended his own jurisdiction over the tempting and well- 


peopled region. Ho found a willing inetrnment in one John 
Connolly, a native of Pennsylvania, a physician, land-jobber, 
and STibservient political intriguer, who had travelled much 
in the Ohio valley, both by water and land. Commissioned 
by Dunraore as cnptain-oommandant for Pittsburg and its 
dependencies, that is to say, of all the western country, 
Connolly opened the year 1774 with a proclamation of his 
aiithorit}-; and he directed a muster of the militia. The 
western people, especially the emigrants from Maryland anil 
Virginia, spumed the meek tenets of the Quakers, and 
inclined to the tisurpation. The governor and council of 
Pennsylvania took meastires to support their indieputabla 
right. This Donmoro p.issionntely resented as a personal 
insult, and would neither listen to irrefragable argu- 
ments, nor to candid offers of settlement by joint m*. 
commissioners, nor to the personal application of 
two of the council of Pennsylvania. Jurisdiction w.ia op- 
posed to jurisdiction ; arrests were followed by counter 
arrests; the country on the Monongahela, then the great 
avenue to the west, became a scene of oonfiision. 

The territory north and west of the Ohio belonged by act 
of parliament to the province of Quebec ; yet Dnnmore 
professed to conduct the government and grant the lands 
on the Scioto, the Wabash, and the rUnoia. South of the 
Ohio River, Franklin's inchoate province of Vnndalia 
stretched from the Alleghanies to Kentucky River; the 
treaty at Fort Stanwii bounded Virginia by the Tennessee ; 
the treaty at Loobaber carried its limit only to the mouth of 
the Great Kanawha. The king's instructions confined set^ 
tlements to the east of the moantaiDS. There was no one, 
therefore, having authority to give an undisputed title to any 
land west of the Alleghanies, or to restrain the rcstlessnesa 
of the American emigrants. With the love of wandering 
that formed a part of their nature, the hardy backwooda- 
man, clad in a bunting-sliirt and deerskin leggins, armed 
with a rifle, a powder-horn, and a pouch for shot and bul- 
lets, a hatchet and a hunter's knife, descended the mountains 
in quest of more distant lands, which he for over imagined 
to be richer and lovelier than those which he knew. Wasx- 


CHiP. IV. 

cvor he fixed hia hnit, the hatclict hewed logs for his cabin, 
and blazed trees of the forest kept the record of his title- 
deeds ; nor did he conceive that a British government 
ITM. had any right to forbid the occupation of lands wbich 
were either uninhabited or only broken by a few scat- 
tered villages of savages, whom he looked upon as but little 
Temoved above the brute creation. 

The Indians themselves were regardless of treaties. Not- 
withstanding the agreement with Bouquet, they slill held 
young men and women of Virginia in captivity; and the 
annals of the wilderness never ceased to record their bar- 
barooB mnrdera. The wanderer in search of a new home 
on the banks of the Mississippi risked his Itfe at every step ; 
BO that a system of independent defence and private war 
became the custom of the backwoods. The settler had 
every motive to preserve peace ; yet he could not be turned 
from his purpose by fear, and trusted for security in iha 
forest to hia perpetual readiness for self-defence. Not a 
twelve-month passed away withont a massacre of pioneers. 
Near the end of 1773, Daniel Boone would have taken bis 
wife and children to Kentucky. At Powell's valley, he 
was joined by five families and forty men. On or near the 
tenth of October, as they approached Cumberland Gap, the 
young men, who had charge of the pack-horses and cattle 
in the rear, were suddenly attacked by Indians ; one only 
escaped ; the remaining sis, among whom was Boone's 
eldest son, were killed on the spot : so that the survivors of 
the party were forced to turn back to the settlements on 
CUnoh River. When the Olierokees were summoned from 
Virginia to give up the offenders, they shifted the acousiu 
tion from one tribe to another, and the application for re- 
dress had no effect ; but one of those who had escaped 
murdered an Indian at a horse-race on the frontier, notwith- 
Btanding the interposition of alt around. This was the first 
Indian blood shed by a white man from the time of the 
treaty of Bouquet, 

In the beginning of February, 1774, the Indians killed 
tis while men and two negroes ; and, near the end of the 
■ame month, tbcy seized a trading canoe on the Ohio, Idlled 


the men on board, an*! carried their goods to the Shawnee 
towns. In March, Mich.iel Cresap, after a skirmish, 
and the loss of one man on each side, took from mt. 
a party of Indians five loaded canoea. It became 
known that mesaagea were passing between the tribes of 
the Ohio, the western Indians, and the Cherotees; and 
Connolly, from Pittsburg, on the twenty-first of April, 
wrote to the inhabitants of Wheeling to be on the alert. 

Incensed by the Bucocssion of mnrders, the backwoods- 
men, who were hunters like the Indians and equally ungov- 
ernable, were forming war-parties along the frontier from 
the Cherokee country to Pennsylvania. When the letter of 
Connolly fell into Crosap's hands, he and hia party esteemed 
themselves authorized to engage in private war; and, on 
the twenty-sixth of April, they fired upon two Indians who 
were with a white man in a canoe on the Ohio, and killed 
them both. On the thirtieth of April, five Delawares and 
Shawnees, with their women, among whom was one at 
least of the same blood with Logan, happening to encamp 
near Yellow Creek, on the site of the present town of 
Wellaville, were enticed across the river by a trader ; and 
about noon, when they had become intoxicated, were mur- 
dered in cold blood. Two others, crossing the Ohio to look 
after their fricnde, were shot down as soon as they came 
Bsbore. At this, five more, who were following, turned 
their course ; but, being immediately fired at, two were 
killed and two wounded. The next day, a Shawnee was 
killed, and another man wounded. Thirteen Indians were 
killed between the twenty-first of April and the end of the 

At the tidings of this bloodshed, fleet messengers of (he 
red men ran with the wail of war to the Sfuekingum and to 
the Shawnee villages in Ohio. The al.trm of the emigrants 
increased along the frontier from the Watauga to the lower 
Monongabela ; and frequent expresses reached Williams- 
bnrg, entreating assistaneo. The governor, following an 
intimation from tho sissembly in May, ordered the militia of 
the frontier counties to be imbodied for defence. Mean- 
time, Logan's soul called within him for revenge. I\i. tiSa 


early life lie Iiail dwelt ncir tbe benuti/ul plain of Shamo- 
kin, which overhangs the Susqueliannah and the vale of 
Sunbury. There Zinzcndorf introduced the Cayuga chief, 
his father, to the Moravians ; and there, three years later, 
Erainerd wore away life as a missionary among the fifty 
cabins of the village. Logan hail grown up as the fiiend 
of white men ; but the spirits of hia kindred clamored for 
blood. With chosen companions, he went out upon the 
war-path, and added scalp to scalp, tilt the number was also 
thirteen. " Now," said the chief, *' I am satisfied for the 
loss of ray relations, and will eit still." 

But the Shawnocs, the moat ivarlike of the tribes, prowled 
from tlie Alleghany River to what is now Sullivan couDty 
in Tennessee. One of thera returned with tho scalps of 
forty men, women, and children. On the other hand, a 
party of white men, with Dunmore's permission, destroyed 
an Indian village on the Muskingum. 

To restrain the backwoodsmen and end the miseries which 
distracted the frontier, and to look after his own interests 
and Lis agents, DuDioore, with the hearty approbation of 
the colony, called out the militia of the south-west, 
gHJ; and himself repaired to Pittsburg, In September, 
he renewed peace with the Delawares and the Six 
Nations. Then, with about twelve hundred men, among 
whom was Daniel Morgan \vith a company from iho valley 
of Virginia, ho descended the Ohio ; and, disregarding his 
promise to wait at the mouth of the Little Kanawha for 
the men from the south-western counties of Virginia, bo 
crossed the river and proceeded to the Shawnee towns, 
which he found deserted. 

Tlie summons from Dunmore, borne beyond the Blue 
Bidge, roused the settlers on the Greenbrier, the New 
River, and the Holston. The Watauga republicans also, 
who never owned English rule, and never required English 
protection, heard the cry of their brethren in distress ; and 
a company of nearly fifty of them, under the command of 
Evan Shelby, with James Robertson and Valentine Sevier 
as sergeants, marched as volunteers. The name of every 
one of them is preserved and cherished. Leaving home in 

1771 vntaraiA ntjixifies the qtjebec act. 423 

Angnst, they crossed the Tfew River, and joined the army 
of Western Virginia at Camp Union, on the Great Levels 
of Greenbrier. From that place, now called Lewisburg, to 
the month of the Great Kanawha, the distance is about one 
hundred and siity miles. At that time there was not erea 
a trace over the rugged mountaiuB; but the gallant young 
woodsmen who formed the advance party moved expedi- 
tiously with their pack-horses and droves of cattle through 
the old home of the wolf, the deer, and the panther. After 
a fortnight's struggle, they left behind them the last rocky 
masses of the hitl-tops ; and passing between the gigantic 
growth of primeval foresta, where, in that autumnal season, 
the golden hue of the linden, the sugar tree, and the hickory, 
contrasted with tho glistening green of the laurel, the crim- 
son of the sumach, and the shadows of the sombre hemlock, 
they descended to where the valley of Elk River widens 
into a plain. There they paused only to build canoes; 
having been joined by a second party, so that they made a 
force of nearly eleven hundred men, they descended 
the Kanawha, and on tho sixth of October encamped ^qJiJ; 
on Point Pleasant, near its junction with the Ohio. 
Bnt no messi^ reached them from Dunroore. 

Of all the western Indians, the Shawnees were the fiercest. 
They despised other warriors, red or white ; and made a 
boast of having killed ten times as many of the English as 
any other tribe. They stole through the forest with Min- 
gocs and Delawares, to attack the army of South-western 

At daybreak, on the tenth, two young men, ram- 
bling up the Ohio in search of deer, fell on tho 
camp of the Indians, who had crossed the river tho even- 
ing before, and were just preparing for battle. One of 
the two was instantly shot down ; the other fled with the 
intotligenco to the camp. In two or three minutes after, 
Robertson and Sevier of Shelby's company came in and 
confirmed the account. Colonel Andrew Lewis, who had 
the command, instantly ordered out two divisions, each of 
one hundred and fifty men ; the Augusta troops under his 
brothur Cliarles Lewis, the Botetourt troops under Fleming, 


Cbap. XT. 

Jofit as tbo sun was rising, the Indiana opened a heavy Src 
on both parties, wounding Charles Lewis mortally. Flem- 
ing was wounded thrice ; and the Vir^nians most have given 
way, but for euccessire ro-enforcementa from the carap, id 
which Andrew Lewia himself remained to the end of ih« 
action. " Be strong," cried Cornstalk, the chief of the red 
men ; and he animated them by his esample. Till the hour 
of noon, the combatants fought from behind trees, never 
above twenty yards apart, often within six, and sometimes 
near enough to strike with the tomahawk. At length the 
Indians, under the proteoljon of the close underwood an'l 
fallen trees, retreated, till they gained an advantageous tine 
extending from the Ohio to the Kanawha. A desultory 
£ro was kept up on both sides till after sunset, when, under 
the favor of night, the savages fled across the river. The 
victory, which was due not to the general, but to the in- 
domitable courage of the soldiers, cost the Virginians three 
colonels of militia, forty-six men killed, and about eighty 

This battle was the most bloody and best contested in 
the annals of forest warfare. How many red men were 
engaged, and how many of them fell, was never ascer- 
tained. The heroes of tho d.iy proved themselves worthy 
to found states. Among tbem were Isaac Shelby, tho 
first governor of Kentucky ; William Campbell ; the brave 
George Matthews ; Fleraing ; Andrew Moore, afterwards 
a Bcuator of the United States ; Evan Shelby ; James Kob- 
crtson ; and Valentine Sevier. Their praise resouoded not 
in the backwoods only, bat through oil Virginia ; but 
" odium was thrown on the conduct of Andrew Lewis," 

Soon after tho battle, a re-enforccmenl of three hundred 
troops arrived from Fincastlo, Following orders tardily re- 
ceived from Dunmore, the little army, leaving a g:irriaon at 
Point Pleasant, dashed across the Ohio to defy new liatllcs. 
After a march of eighty miles through an untrodden 
wilderness, on tho twenty-fourth of October they en- 
camped on the banks of Congo Creek in Pickaway, 
near old Cbillicothe. The Indians, disheartened at the junc- 
tion, throw tbemBtilves on the mercy of the English ; and at 



Camp Charlotte, which stood on the left bank of Sippo 
Creok, about aeven milca south-east of Circleville, Dunmore 
admitted them to a oonfercnce. 

Before the council was brought to a close, all diflerences 
were adjusted. The Sbawnees agreed to deliver up their 
priaonera without reserve ; to restore all horeea and other 
property which tbey had carried off ; to hunt no more on 
the Kentucky stile of the Ohio ; to molest no boats passing 
on the river ; to regulate their trade by the king's instruc- 
tions, and to deliver up hostages. Virginia boa left on 
record her judgment, that Dunmore's conduct in this cam- 
paign was " truly noble, wise, and spirited." The results 
inured exclusively to the benefit of America. The Indiana 
desired peace ; the rancor of the white people changed to 
confidence ; and the Virginian army, appearing as umpire 
in the valley of the Scioto, nullified the statute which ex- 
tended the jurisdiction of Quebec to the Oliio, 

The western Virginians, moreover, halting at Fort 
Gower on the north of the Ohio, on the fifth of ^^\ 
November, took their part in considering the griev- 
ances of their country. They were " blessed with the 
talents " to bear all hardships of the woods ; to pass weeks 
comfortably without bread or salt ; for dress, to be satisfied 
with a blanket, or a hunting-sMrt and skins ; to sleep with 
no covering but heaven; to march further in a day than 
any men in the world ; and to use the ritle with a precisioa 
that to all but themselves was a miracle. For three months 
they bad heard nothing from the east, where some jealousy 
might arise of so large a body of armed men under a leader 
like Dunmore. They, therefore, held themselves bound to 
publish their sentiments. Professing zeal fur the honor of 
America and especially Vir^nia, they promised continued 
allegiance to the king, if be would but reign over them aa 
" a brave and free people." "But," aaid they, "as attach- 
ment to the real intereal^ and just rights of America out- 
weigh every other consideration, we resolve that we will 
osert every power within us for the defence of Amerioan 
liberty, when regularly called forth by the unanimous voice 
of our countrymen." 


Csip. IV, 

AiDcrica contraeted the rcgimeata of regulars at Boston, 
ingloriously idle and having no purpose but to enslave a 
self-protected province, with the noble Virglniana, braving 
danger at the call of a royal governor, aud pouring out 
their Mood to win the victory for western civilization. 

On the ninth, the general committee of South Carolina 
summoned a convention of the inhabitants of the colony by 
representation. In the apportionment of representatives, 
Charleston, on the proposal of CJharles Pinckney, obtained 
thirty, keeping up the inequality which began in the com- 
mittee ; at the desire of " the country gentlemen," six were 
nllowed to each of nineteen parishes, which lay along the 
sea and in tho lowlands ; while all the upland territory was 
divided into four very large districts, to each of which tea 
only were conceded. This is the manner in which the dis- 
tribution of political power in South Carolina was estab- 
lished; of one hundred and eighty-four representatives, the 
low country elected all but forty. 

I77t, On the twenty-first, the Maryland convention was 

'*"'■ reassemhled, and unanimously approved the proceed- 
ings of congress. It moat earnestly recommended that all 
former differences about religion or politics, the feuds of so 
many generations between Catholics and Protestants, be- 
tween the friends and the foes of the proprietary govern- 
ment, be for ever buried in oblivion; it conjured every 
man, by his duty to God, his country, and his posterity, to 
unite in defence of their common rights and liberties ; and 
it promised to the utmost of its power to support Massit- 
chusetts ag.iiost the attempt to carry the late act of parlia- 
ment into execution by force. 



thb 70ubteekth pabliajfs^t of great bkitain. 

October — Decembeb, 1774. 

" It ia the united voice of America to preaerve tteir free- 
dom, or lose tlieir lives in defence of it. Their reso- 
lutions are not the effect of inconsiderate raahncss, ^^_ 
but the sound result of sober inquiry and delibera- 
tion. The true spirit of liberty was never ao universally 
diffused through all ranks and orders of people in any 
country on the face of the earth, as it now is through all 
North America. If the late acts of parliament are not to 
be repealed, the wisest step for both countries is to sepa- 
rate, and not to spend their blood and treasure in destroy- 
ing each other. It ia barely possible that Great Britain 
may depopulate North America; she never can conquer 
the inhabitants." So wrote Joseph Warren, and his worila 
were the mirror of the passions of hia countrymen. They 
■were addressed to the younger Quincy, who aa a private 
man had crossed the Atlantic to study the state of affairs ; 
they were intended to be made known in England, in the 
hope of awakening the king and his ministers from the 
delusion that America could be intimidated into submission. 

The eyes of the world were riveted on Franklin 
and George III. The former was environed by dan- ^^\ 
gers ; Gage was his willing accuser from Beaton ; 
the haired which Uutchinson bore Lira never slumbered; 
the ministry affected to consider him oa the cause of all the 
troubles ; he knew himself to be in daily peril of arrest ; 
but "the great friends of the colonies" entreated him to 
fltay, and some glimmering of hope remained that tU^ 



ma nafac hirers nad merchants oE England 'would success- 
fully interpoBB their mediating influence. The king on his 
part never once hnrboreil the thought of concession, and 
" left the choice of war or peace " lo depend on the obedi- 
ence of M(iaaachu8Qtt9. 

The elections to parliament oame on, while the people of 
England were still swayed by pride ; and the question was 
artfully misrepresented, a^ though it were only that Massa- 
chusetts refused to pay a very moderate indemnity for 
property destroyed by a mob, and resisted an evident im- 
provement in its administrative system, from a deliberate 
conspiracy with other colonies to dissolve the connection 
with the mother country. During the progress of the can- 
vass, bribery came to the aid of the ministry, for many of 
tUo members who were porchnsing seats expected to reim- 
burse themselves by selling their votes to the government, 

The shrewd French minister at London, wilneaaing the 
briskness of the traffic, bethought himself that, where elec- 
tions depended on the purse, the king of France might buy 
a borough as rightfully at least as the king of England, 
who, by law and the constitniion, was bound to guard the 
franchises of his people against corruption. '* You 
will loam with interest," thus Gamier, in November, 
announced hia bargain to Vergennos, " that you will 
have in the bouse of commons a member who wUl belong to 
you. Hia vote will not help us much ; but the copios of 
even the most secret papers, and the clear and exact report 
■which he can daily furnish us, will contribute essentially to 
the king's service." 

Excess had impoverished many even of the heirs to the 
lai^est eslfllcs, and lords as well as commoners ofFercd 
themselves at market ; so that " if America," said Franklin, 
"would save for three or four years the money she siiends 
in the fashions and fineries and fopperies of this country, 
she might buy the whole parliament, ministry and all," 

In the general venality, Edmund Burke was displaced. 
Lord Vamey, who hiwl hitherto gratuitously brought him 
into parliament, had fallen into debt, and, instead of carry- 
ing along his investment in the chance of Rockingham's 




retarn to the ministry, he turned his bnck on deferrecl hopei 
and friendship, and pocketed for hia borouglt the most cush 
he could get. 

Burke next coquetted with Wilkes for support at West- 
minster ; but " the great patriot " preferred Lord Mahon. 
" Wilkes has touched Lord Mahon's money, and desires to 
extort more by stirring up a multitude of candidates," said 
Burke, in the fretful hallucinations of his chagrin; while, 
in fact, the influence of Wilkes was of no avail ; Westmin- 
ster shared the prevalent excitement against America, and 
elected tories. Sometimes, when alone, Burke fell into nn 
inexpressible melancholy, and thought of rcnouneing public 
life, for which he owned himself unfit, Thoro seemed for 
Mm no way to St, Stephen's chapel, except through a rotten 
borough belonging to Rockingham ; and what infiuenco 
would the first man in England for speculative intelligenoe 
exert in the house of commons, if he should appear there 
as the paid agent of an American colony and the nominee 
of an English patron ? 

Such was his best hope, when, on the eleventh of mt. 
October, ho was invited to become a eancUdale at '*^'- 
Bristol against Viscount Clare, who, in the debates on repeal- 
ing the stamp act, had stickled for " the pepper-corn " from 
America. He hastened to the contest with alacrity, avow- 
ing for hia principle British superiority, which was yet to 
be reconciled with American liberty ; and, after a struggle 
of three weeks, he, with Henry Cniger of New York as 
his colleague, was elected to represent the great trading 
city of Western England. 

Bristol was almost the only place which changed its rep- 
resentation to the advantage of America; Wilkes was 
successful in the county of Middlesex, and, after a ten 
years' struggle, the king, from zeal to concentrate opinion 
against America, made no further opposition to his admit* 
tance; but in the aggregate the ministry increased its 

It was noticeable that William Howe was the candidate 
for Nottingham. To the questions of that liberal constitn- 
ency he freely answered that the mimstry had pushed. 



matters too far ; that the whole British army wonld not be 
safficient to conquer America ; that, if offered a comraand 
therpj he would refuse it ; that he would vote tor the repeal 
of the four penal acta of parliament ; and he turned to his 
adrantago the affectionate respect atill cherished for hla 
brother, who fell near Lake George. 
The elections were over; and it was evident that the 
government might have every thing its own w.ay, 
}j"_ when, on the eighteenth of November, letters of the 
preceding September, received from Gage, announced 
that the act of parliament for regulating the government of 
Massachusetts could be carried into effect only after the 
conquest of all the New England colonies ; that the prov- 
ince had warm friends throughout the North American 
continent; that people m Carolina were "as mad" as Iq 
Boston ; that the country people in Massachusetts, Con- 
necticut, and Rhode Island were exercising in arms and 
fnimiag magazines of ammunition and such artillery, good 
and bad, as they could procure ; that the civil officers o( 
the British government had no asylum but Boston. In a 
private letter, Gage proposed that the obnoxious acts should 
be suspended. In an official paper, he hinted that it would 
be well to cut the colonies adrift, and leave them to anarchy 
and repentance ; they had grown opulent tiirough Britain, 
and, were they cast off and declared aliens, they must be- 
come a poor and needy people. But the king heat'd these 
suggestions with scorn. "The New England govemmenle," 
said he to North, " are now in a state of rebellion. Blows 
must decide whether they are to be subject to this country 
or to be independent." On the other hand, Franklin ex- 
plicitly avowed to his nearest friends that there was now no 
safety for his native country but in total emancipation. 

The fourteenth parliament was opened on the last 
Not. 30. day of November. British influence during the sum- 
mer had assisted in establishing between the czar and 
the Ottoman Porte the peace which was so glorious and 
eventful for Russia. The speech from the throne offered 
congratulations on the tranquillity of Europe, and fiied 
attention on the disobedience in Massachusetts. In the 




honse of lords, Ilillsborough moved an address, expressing 
abhorrence of the principleH which that province maintained. 
*' There are now," eaid he, referring to Qiiincy of Boston, 
"men walking in the streets of London, who ought to be in 
Ncwgato or at Tyburn." After a long and vehement de- 
bate, his motion prevailed by a vote of about five to one. 
But Rockingham, Shelbume, Camden, Stanhope, and five 
other peers, entered a protest against " the inconsiderate 
temerity which might precipitate the country into a civil 
war." "The king's speech," wrote Gamier to Vergennes, 
"will complete the work of alienatiug the colonies. Every 
day makes conciliation more difficnlc and more needed." 

On the fifth of December, the new house of com- 177^. 
nurns debated the same subject. Fox, Burke, and ^^' 
others, spoke warmly. The results of the congress had not 
arrived ; for the vessel which bore them had, after ten days, 
put back to KewTork in distress. Ixird North could there- 
fore say that America had as yet offered no terms ; at the 
same time he avoided the irrevocable word rebellion. Some 
called the Americans cowards ; some questioned their being 
in earnest ; Barr4 declared the scheme of subduing them 
"wild and impracticable ;" but the minister was sustained 
by a very great majority. 

Lord North had neither originated nor fully approved 
the American measures, which he had himself brought 
forward; and he sought an escape from his dilemma by 
proposing to send out commissioners of inquiry. But tho 
king promptly overruled the suggestion. 

Friends of Franklin were next employed to ascertain the 
extent of his demands for America ; and, without waiting 
for the jjroceedings of congress, he wrote " hints on the 
terms that might produce a durable union between Great 
Britain and tho colonics." Assuming that the tea duty act 
would be repealed, he offered payment for the tea that had 
been destroyed, support of the peace establishment and 
government, liberal aids in time of war on requisition by 
tiie king and parliament, and, if Britain would give up its 
monopoly of American commerce, a continuance of the 
■ome oida in time of peace, On the other li&ad^Vi.& %^«;& 


the repeal of the Quebec act, and insisted ob the repeal of 
the acts regulating the government and changing the laws 
of Ma^saohusetta, " The old colonies," it waa objected, 
" have nothing to do with the affairs of Canada." " We 
EiSBistcd in its eonquCBl," said Franklin; "loving liberty 
ourselves, we wish to have no foundation for future slavery 
laid in America." " The M.iasachusetts net," it was urged, 
" is an improvement of that government." " The pretended 
amendments are real mischiefs," answered Franklin ; " but, 
were it not so, charters are compacts between two parties, 
Ihe king and the people, not to be altered even for the better 
but by the consent of both. The parliament's claim and 
exercise of a power to alter charters, which had been always 
held inviolable, and to alter laws which, having received tha 
royal approbation, had been deemed fiied and unchange- 
able but by the powers that made them, have rendered all 
our constitutions uncertain. As by claiming a right to tax 
at will, you deprive us of all property, bo, by this claim ot 
altering our laws at will, you deprive us of all privilege and 
right whatever but what we hold at your pleasure. We 
must risk life and every thing rather than submit to this." 
The words ot Franklin spoke the sense of his coun- 
trymen, and were in harmony with the true voice of 
England. " Were I an American," said Camden in the 
house of lords, " 1 would resist to the last drop of my 
hlood," Still the annual estimates indicated no fear ot the 
interruption of peace. The land-tax was continued at but 
three shillings in the pound; no vote of credit was required'; 
the army was neither increased nor reformed ; and the naval 
force was reduced by four thousand seamen, "How is it 
possible," asked the partisans of authority, " that a people 
without arms, ammunition, money, or navy, should dare to 
brave the foremost among all the powers on earth ? " Had 
they been told that the farmers who formed the majority of 
the congress of Massachusetts, after a proposition to stop at 
s thousand pounds, then at two thousand, at last authorized 
an expenditure ot but fifteen thousand pounds for military 
purposes ; that the committee of safety of the province was, 
at that time, iostmoting the committee of supplies to pro- 




vide two hundred spfides, a hundred and fifty pickaxes, a 
thousand wooden meas bowls, and other smal! arti- 
cles, as well as slores of peaa and flour in proportion, '^^ 
their conlcmptuous confideni'e might not have heen 
diroiniBhed. "I know," said Sandwich, then at the head of 
the admiralty, " the low establishment proposed will be fully 
Mfficient for reducing the coloniea to obediouce. Ameri- 
cans are neither disciplined, nor capable of discipline; their 
numbers will only add to the facility of their defeat ;" and 
he made the lords merry with jesla at their cowardice. 

This arrogance of men, who hod on their side the block 
and the gallows, demonatratcd the purpose of reducing the 
colonies by force. " Prepare for the worst," wrote Quincy ; 
"forbearance, delays, indecision, will bring greater evils." 
But the advice had not been waited for. The congress of 
Massachusetts, on hearing of the sudden dissolution of 
parliament, foresaw that the new house of commons would 
be chosen under the influence of the ministry. Though in 
November denounced by Gage in a proclamation as "an 
unlawful assembly, whose proceedings tended to ensnare 
the inhabitants of the province, and draw them into per- 
juries, riots, sedition, treason, and rebellion," though desti- 
tute of disciplined troops, munitions of war. armed vessels, 
military stores, and money, they had confidence that a small 
people, resolute in its convictions, outweighs an empire. 
Encouraged by the return of Samuel Adiims, they adopted 
all the recommendations of the continental congress. While 
Gage delayed to strengthen Crown Point and Ticonderoga, 
the keys of the north, they est.abliahed a secret correspond- 
ence with Canada. They entreated the miniBters of tlie 
gospel in their colony " to assist in avoiding that dreadful 
slavery, with which all were now threatened." "You," 
said they to its people, " are placed by Providence in the 
post of honor, because it is the post of danger; and, while 
struggling for the noblest objects, the eyes not only of 
North America and the whole British empire, but of all 
Europe, arc upon j'ou. Let nothing unbecoming our char- 
acter as Americans, as citizens and Christians, be justly 
cbargo.abie to us. Whoever considers the number of brave 

VOL. IV. 28 



men inbubitiag North America will know that a general 
attention to military discipline must bo establish their rights 
and liberties as, under God, to render it impossible to destroy 
them. But we apprise you of your danger, which appears 
to us Imminently great. The minute men, not already 
provided, should he immediately equipped, and disciplined 
three times a week, or oftencr. With the utmost cheer- 
fulness we assure you of our determination to stand or fall 
with the liberties of America." With such words they 
adjourned, to keep the aauual Thanksgiving which they 
themselves had appointed ; finding occasion in their dis- 
tress to rejoice at "the smiles of Divine Providence" on 
"the union of their own province and throughout the 

As ships of the tine successively arrived, they brought 
for the land service no more than six hundred recruits, 
which only made good the losses by sickness and desertion ; 
so that Gage had scarcely three thousand effective men. 
Before the middle of December, it became known that the 
king in council had forbidden the export of arms to Amer- 
ica ; at once men from Providence removed more than foity 
pieces of cannon from the colony's works near Newport; 
and the assembly and merchants of Rhode Island took 
mepsures to import military stores. 

At Portsmouth, New Hampshire, on Wednesday 
p^' the fourteenth of December, just after letters were 
received from Boston, members of the town commit- 
tee, with other Sons of Liberty, preceded by a drum and 
fife, paraded the streets till their number grew to four hun- 
dred, when they made their way in scows and " gondolas " 
to the fort at the entrance of the harbor, overpowered the 
few invalids who formed its garrison, and carried off up- 
wards of one hundred barrels of powder, that belonged to 
the province. The next day, without waiting for a large 
body on the road from Exeter, John Sullivan, who had been 
a member of the continental congress, led a party to dis- 
mantle the fort completely ; and they brought away all the 
small arms, a quantity of shot, and sixteen light pieces of 


The condition of Massnchusetta was anoraaloua ; three hun- 
dred thoasanil people continued their usual avocations 
in undisturbed tranquillity withonl a legislature or ex- '^; 
ecutive officers, without sheriffs, judges, or justices of 
the peace. As the supervision of government disappeared, 
each man seemed more and more a law to himself; and, as if 
to show that the world had been governed too much, order 
prevailed in a prorince where in fact there existed no admin- 
Lstratton but by committees, no military officers but those 
chosen by the militia. Yet never were legal magistrates 
obeyed with more alacrity. The selectmen continued their 
usual functions ; the service in the churches increased in 
fervor. From the sermons of memorable divines, who were 
gone to a heavenly country, leaving their names precious 
araoug the people of God on earth, a brief collection of faith- 
ful testimonies to the cause of God and hia New England 
people was circulated by the press, that the hearts of the 
rising generation might know what had been the great end 
of the plantaiioDS, and count it their duty and their glory to 
continne in those right ways of the Lord wherein their fathers 
walked before them. Their successors in the ministry, all 
pufiils of Harvard or Yale, lorded over by no prelate, with 
the people, and of the people, and true ministers to the peo- 
ple, unaurpasseil by the clergy of an equal population in any 
part of the globe for learning, ability, and virtue, for meta- 
physical acutenesa and familiarity with the principles of 
political freedom, were heard as of old with reverence by 
their congregations in their meeting-houses on every Lord's 
Day, and on special occasions of f.osts, thanksgivings, lec- 
tures, and military musters. Elijah's mantle being caught 
np was a happy token that the Lord would be with this 
generation, as be had been with their fathers. Their cs- 
haustless armory was the Bible, whose scriptures were stored 
with weapons for every occasion; furnishing sharp words 
to point their appeals, apt examples of resistance, prophetic 
denunciations of the enemies of God's people, and promises 
of the divine blessing on the defenders of bis law. 

But what most animated the country was the magna^ 
nimity of Boston ; " suffering amazing loss, b\W. AftXfcioiMwA 




to endare poverty and death, rather than betray America 
and posterity." Ita people, onder the eyes of the general, 
disregarding dike his army, his proclamatjons agunst 
a provincial congress, and the British statnte against 
town-meetings, came together according to their an- 
dent forma ; and, with Samuel Adams as moderator, elected 
delegates to the next provincial congress of Mofiaachtisetts. 





the king rejects the 0f7ebs 07 coitoaess. 

December, 1774 — Janttaht, 1775. 

"It will be ensy to sow division among the delegates to 
the congress," B.iid Rochford to Gamier: "they will 
do nothing but bring ridicule upon themselves by '^^ 
exposing their weakness." When just before the 
ailjoumment of parliament thoir proceedings reached Eng- 
land, their firmness, moderation, and nnanimity took the 
ministry by surprise. " It is not at all for the interests of 
France that oitr colonies should become independent," 
repeated Rochford. "The English minister," reasoned 
Gamier, "thinks that, after all, they may set up for them- 

Franklin invited the colonial agents to unite in presenting 
the petition of congress, but he was joined only by those 
who were employed by Massachusetts. Dartmouth received 
it coiu^eously, and laid it before the king, who promised 
that after the recess it should be communicated to parlia- 
ment. Barrington, the military secretary, was the firtit to 
confess the weakness of his department. British industry 
made every able-bodied man of so much value that consid- 
erable enlistments at home were out of the question ; rank 
in the army was bestowed by favor or sold for money, so 
that even boys at school held commissions ; and not one 
general officer of that day had gained a groat name. Aris- 
tocratic selfishness had unfitted England for war, unless 
under a minister who could inspirit the nation. Barrington, 
therefore, who had advised "that the seven regiments iu 
Boston fihoidd be directed to leave a place whore they could 
do no good, and without intention might do huin^ «.-&&. 




who was persuaded that the navy by itaelf wa« able to 
■worry Massachusetts into "submission without shedding a 
drop of blood," once more pressed his opinions upon the 
government. " The contest," said he, " will cost more than 
we can gain. We have not strength to levy internal taxes 
on America; many amongst ourselves doubt their equity; 
all the troops in North America are not enough to subdue 
the Massachusetts ; the most successful conquest must pro- 
duce the horrors of civil war. Till the factions chiefs can 
bo secured, judicial proceedings would confer the palm, of 
martyrdom without the pain ; " and he urged an immediate 
withdrawal of the troops, the " abandonment of all ideaa 
of internal taxation," and such " coooeasioiis " aa could be 
made " with dignity." 

Lord ITorth rejected the propositions of congress, which 
included the repeal of the act regulating Massachusetts; 
but he was ready to negotiate with the Amertcaus for 
the right to tax themselves. Franklin appeared aa 
the great agent of the continent ; and, as it wan be- 
lieved that his secret instructions authorized him to modify 
the conditions of conciliation, Lord Howe undertook to 
aacertain the extent of hia powers. 

The name was dear to Americans. The elder Lord Howe 
had fallea on their soil, as their companion in arms ; and 
Massachusetts raised to him a monument in Westminster 
Abbey. His brother, William Howe, who bad served with 
Americans in America, was selected as the new colonial 
commander in chief ; and his oldest surviving brother, now 
Lord Howe, also honored in America as a gallant and up- 
right naval officer, was to be commissioned as a paeiiioalor. 
"No man," said Lord Howe to Franklin at their first 
intervieiT on Christmas-day evening, "can do more towards 
reconciling our differences than you. That you have been 
very ill-treated by the ministry, I hope will not be considered 
by you. I have a particular rogsird for New Enghmd, which 
has shown an endearing respect for my family. If you will 
indulge me with your ideas, I may be a means of bringing 
on a good understanding." At the unexpected prospect of 
restoring harmony, tears of joy wet Franklin's cheelu. Ha 


had remained in London at the peril of his liberty, perhaps 
of hia life, to promote reconciliation, and the only moment 
for securing it waa come. With firmness, candor, and strict 
fidelity to congress, he explained the measures Ijy which 
alone tranquillity could be restored ; and they included the 
rej>eal of the regulating act for Massachusetts. 

Lord Howe reported the result of the interview to Dart- 
mouth and North ; but they trusted to the plan of connnis- 
sioners who should repair to America and endeavor to agree 
with its leading people upon some means of composiug all 
differences. Every prospect of preferment was opened to 
Franklin, if he would t.iko part in such a commission. 
With eiact truth and frankness, he pointed out, as '^J^ 
the basis for a cordial union, the repeal of the acts 
complained of; the removal of the fleet and the troops from 
Boston ; and a voluntary recall of some oppressive measures 
which the colonists had passed over in silence ; leaving the 
questions which related to aids, general commerce, and repa- 
ration to the India company, to be arranged with the next 
general congress. 

The assembly of Jamaica, at their session in December, 
aflirmed the rights of the colonies, enumerated their griev- 
ances, enforced their claims to redress, and entreated the 
king as a common parent to become the mediator between 
his European and American subjects, and to recognise the 
title of the Americans to the benefits of the English con- 
stitution as the bond of union between the colonists and 
Britain. At the same lime, ihey disclaimed the intention of 
joining the American confederacy ; "for," said they, '■ weak 
nnd feeble as this colony is, from its very small number of 
white inhabitants, and its peculiar situution from the in- 
cumbrance of more than two hundred thousand slaves, it 
cannot be supposed that we now intend, or ever could have 
intended, resistance to Great Britain," The commercial 
importance of the island gave them a claim to be heard ; 
but their petition, though received by the king and com- 
municated to the house of commons, had no effect what- 

"It is plain enough," thos reasoned VergibcTv^, '-'-^ilMa 




king of England is puzzlofi between his desire of reducing 
the colunies, and his dreiid of driving them to a separation ; 
BO that nothing could bo more intorcBting than the affairs 
of America." As the iiing of France might be called upon 
to render assistance to the insnrgont uolonies, the English 
support of the Corsionna was cited as a precedent to the 
French embassy at London, and brought before the 
cabinet at Versailles. To Louis XVI., Vergennes ex- 
plained that the proceedings of the contiuentiJ con- 
gress contained the germ of a. rebellion ; that, while the 
Americans really desired a reconciliation with the mother 
countiy, the minislry from their indifference would prevent 
its taking place; that Lord North, no longer confident of 
having America at his feet, was disconcerted by the ud.i- 
niniity and vigor of iho colonies; and that France had 
nothing to fear but the return of Chatham to power. 

The interests of Britain required Chatham's rolum ; for 
he thoroughly understood the policy of the French, as 'well 
as the disposition of the colonics. In his interview with 
Americans, he said without reserve: "America, under all 
her oppressions and provocations, holds out to us the most 
fair and just opening for restoring harmony and affection- 
ate intercourec." No public body ever gained so full and 
unanimous a recognition of its integrity and its wisdom as 
the general congress of 1774. The poHcy which its mem- 
bers proposed sprnng so necessarily out of the relations of 
free countries to their colonies, that ivitbin a few years it 
was adopted even by their most malignant enemies among 
the British statesmen, for three quarters of .a century regu- 
lated the colonial administration of every successive minis- 
try, and finally gave way to a system of navigation yet 
more liberal than the American congress had proposed. 

The day after Franklin's first conversation with Lord 
Howe, Chatham received him at Hnycs. " The congress," 
Baid he, "is the most honorable assembly of statesmen since 
those of the ancient Greeks and Romans in the most virtu- 
ous tiiaea." He thought the petition to the king " decent, 
manly, and properly expressed." He questioned the asser- 
tion thai the keeping up an army in the colonies in time of 


peace required their consent ; with that exception, he ad- 
mired and hoQored the whole of the proeeediugs. " The 
anny nt Boston," said Franklin, who saw the imminent 
hazard of bloodshed, "cannot possibly answer any good 
purpose, and may be infinitely mischievous, So accommo- 
dation can be properly entered into by the Americana, 
wliile the bayonet is at their breasts. To h.ave an agree- 
ment binding, all force should be withilrawn." The words 
satik dee]ily into the mind of Chatham, and he promised 
his utmost efforts to the American cause, as the last hope 
of liberty for England. "I shall be well prepared," said 
he, "to meet the ministry on the subject, for I think of 
nothing else both night and day." 

Like ChatJiam, Camden desired the settlement of '^ 
the dispute upon the conditions proposed by con- 
gress ; and, from the coolness and wisdom of most of the 
American assemblies, he augured the establishment of their 
rights on a durable agi'eement ivith the mother country. 

To unite every branch of the opposition in one line of 
policy, Chatham desired a cordial junction with the Rock- 
ingham whigs. That party . had only two friends who 
spoke in the house of lords, and in the house of commons 
was mouldering away. And yet Rockingham was imprac- 
ticable, " I look back," ho said, " with very real salisf.iction 
and content on the line which I, indeed, emphatically I, 
took in the year 1766 ; the stamp act was repealed, and the 
doubt of the right of this country was fairly faced and re- 
sisted." Burke, like his patron, pursued Chatham implaca^ 
bly, and refused to come to an understanding with him on 
general polities. Neither did he perceive the imminence 
of the crisis, but believed that the Americana would not 
preserve their unanimity, so that the controversy would 
draw into great length, and derive its chief importance 
from its aspect on parties in England. At the very mo- 
ment when he was still fondly supporting the omnipotence 
of parliament over the colonies, he derided Chatham as the 
best bower anchor of the ministry. 

With far truer instincts, Chatham divined that peril was 
near, and could be averted only by a circumEcri^jtlot^ cil \ks.<^ 



absolute power of parliament. To farther that end, the 
aged statesman paid a visit to Rockingham. At its open- 
ing, Chatham's countenance beamed with cordiality ; but 
Rockingbara had leamod as little as the miiusters, and, 
with a perverseneas equal to theirs, insisted on maintaining 
the declaratory act, " The Americans have not called for 
its repeal," was his reply to all objections ; and be never 
could be made to comprehend the forbearance of congress. 
The opposition, thus divided, excited no alarm. 

The majority of the cabinet, instead of respecting Lord 
North's Borupiea, were intriguing to get him turned out, 
and his place supplied by a thorough oasertor of British su- 
premacy. At a cabinet council, held ou the twelfth 
j«S^i2. °^ January, 1775, lus colleagues refused to find in 
the proceedings of congress any honorable basis for 
conciliation. It was therefore resolved to interdict all 
commerce with the Americans; to protect the loyal, and 
to declare all others traitors and rebels. The vote, though 
designed only to divide the colonies, involved a civil war. 




Jastuaey 20, 1775. 

At the meeting of parliament after the holiilaya, Lord 
North, who had no plan of his own, presented piipera 
relating to America. Burke complained of them aa j™' 
partial. They reminded Chatham of the Btat«aman 
who said to his son : " See with how little wisdom this 
world of ours is governed;" and he pictured to himself 
Ximenes and Cortea in the shades discuasing the merits of 
the ministers of England. 

The twentieth of January was the first day of the Jan. 20. 
session in the house of lords. It is not probable that 
even one of the peers had heard of the settlements beyond 
the Alleghanics, where the Watauga and the forks of 
Holston flow to the Tennessee. Yet, on the same day, the 
lords of that region, most of them Presbyteriana of Scottish- 
Irish descent, met in council near Abingdon. Their united 
congregations, having suffered from sabbaths too mnch 
profaned, or wasted in melancholy silence at home, had 
called Qiarlca Cumminga to the pastoral charge of their 
precious and immortal souia. The men never went to 
public worship without being armed, or without their 
families. Their minister, on sabbath morning, would ride 
to the service armed with shot-pouch and rifle. Their 
meeting-house, which was always filled, was a large cabin 
of unhewn logs ; anil, when about twice in the year the 
bread and cup were distributed, the table was spread outside 
of the church in the neighboring grove. The news from 
congress reached them slowly ; but, on receiving an aceou.wt 



of what had been done, tbey assembled in eonveution, and 
the spirit of treedom swept through their minds as naturally 
as the ceaseless forest wind sways the firs on the sides of 
the Blaclc Moantiins. They adhered unanimously to the 
asaoeijitioQ of congress, and named as their committee Charles 
Cummings their minister, Preston, Cbristian, Arthur Camp- 
bell, John Campbell, Evan Shelby, and others. They felt 
, that they had a country ; and, adopting the delegates of 
''Virginia as their representatives, tbey addressed them as 
men whoso conduct would immortalize them in it« annals. 
" Wo explored," said tbey, " our uncultivated wilderness, 
bordering on many nations of savages, and surrounded by 
mountains almost inaccessible to any but these savages. 
But even to these remote regions the hand of power hath 
pursued ns, to strip us of that liberty and property with 
which God, nature, and the rights of humanity have vested 
OS. We are willing to eontribnte all in our power, if 
applied to constitntionally, but cannot tliinic of submitting 
our liberty or property to a venal British parli.iment or 
a corrupt ministry. We are deliberately and resolutely 
determined never to surrender any of onr inestimable 
privileges to any power upon earth, but at the expense 
of our lives. These are onr real though unpolished senti- 
ments of liberty and loyalty, and in them we are resolved 
to live and die." 

Wliilo they were publishing in the western forests this 
declaration of a purpose, which they were sure to make 
good, Chatham was attempting to rouse the ministry from 
its inilifferenco. " Your presence at this day's debate," 
jij^io. ^''•'^ ^'^ ^° Franklin, whom he met by appointment in 
the lobby of the house of lords, "will be of more 
service to America than mine ; " and, walking with him arm 
in arm, he would have introduced bim near the throne 
ftmong the sons and brothers of peers ; but, being reminded 
of the ru!e of the house, be placed him below the bar, whore 
ho was still more conspicuous. 

So soon as D.irtmouth had laid the papers before the 
bonso, Chatham, after iuvcighing against the dilatoriness 
of the communication, moved to address the king tor " im- 


mediate orders to remove tho forces from the town of Bostou 
08 eooo as possible." 

" My lords ! " he coDlinaed, with a crowd ot Amer- htb. 
ioana as his breathless listeners, "tho way must be ■J""-^- 
immediately opened for reconciliation; it will soon be too 
late; an hour now lost may produce years of calamity. 
This measure of recalling the troops from Boston is prepar- 
atory to the restoration of your peace and the establishment 
of your prosperity. 

"Resistance to your acts was necessary as it was just; 
and your rain declarations of the omnipotence ot parliament, 
and your imperious doctrines of the necessity of suhmission, 
will be found equally impotent to convince or enslave yonr 
fellow-subjects in America, who feel that tyranny, whether 
ambitioned by an individual part of the legislature or the 
bodies who compose it, is equally intolerable to British 

" The means of enforcing this thraldom are as weak in 
practice as they are unjust in principle. General Gage and 
the troops under his command are penned up, pining in 
inglorious inactivity. You may call them an army of safety 
and of guard ; but they are in truth an army of impotence ; 
and, to make the folly equal to the disgrace, they are an 
army of irritation. But this tameness, however contempti- 
ble, cannot be censured ; for the first drop of blood, shed 
in civil and unnatural war, will make a wound that years, 
perhaps ages, may not heal. Their force would be moat 
disproportionately exerted against a brave, generous, and 
united people, with arms in their bands and courage in their 
hearts : throe millions of people, the genuine descendants 
of a valiant and pious ancestry, driven to those deserts by 
the narrow maxims of a superstitious tyranny. And is the 
spirit of persecution never to be appeased? Are the brave 
sons of those brave forefathers to inherit their sufferings, 
as they have inherited their virtues ? Are they to sustain 
the infliction of the most oppressive and unexampled sever- 
ity? They have been condemned unheard. The indiscrim- 
inate hand of vengeance haa lumped together innocent and 
guilty ; with all the formalllies of hostility, bos blocked >i:!^ 


the town of Boston, and reduced to beggary and famine 
thirty thoaennd inhabitants. 

" But his majeety is advised that the anion in Amor- 
Ju'u ''^ cannot last I I prononnce it a nnion, Botid, perma- 
nent, and effectual. Its real stamina are to be looked 
for among the cultivators of the land ; in their simpiicity 
of life is found the integrity and courage of freedom. These 
trne sons of the earth are Invincible. 

" This spirit of independence, animating the nation of 
America, is not new among them ; It is, and has ever been, 
their confirmed persuasion. When the repeal of the stamp 
act vas in agitation, a person of nndoubted respect and 
authenticity on that subject assured me that these were the 
prevalent and ste.idy principles of America ; that you might 
destroy their towns, and cut them off from the superfluities, 
perhaps the conveniences of life, but that they were pre- 
pared to despise your power, and would not lament their 
loss, whilst they have — what, mylortls? — their woods and 
their liberty. 

" If illegal violences have been committed in America, 
prepare the way for acknowledgment and satisfaction ; but 
oease your indiscriminate inflictions; amerce not thirty 
thousand, oppress not three millions, for the fault of forty 
or fifty individuals. Such severity of Injustice must irritate 
your colonics to unappeasable rancor. What though you 
march from town to town and from province to province ? 
How shall you be able to secure the obedience of tho 
country you leave behind you in your progress, to grasp 
the dominion of eighteen hundred miles of continent ? 

" This resistance to your arbitrary system of tasation 
might have been foreseen from the nature of things and of' 
mankind ; .ibove ail, from the whiggish spirit flourishing in 
that country. Tho spirit which now reslsta your taxation 
in America is the same which formerly opposed loans, 
benevolences, and ship-money in England ; the same which, 
by the bill of rights, vindicated the English constitution ; 
the same which estiiblished the essential maxim of your 
liberties, that no subject of England shall be taxed but by 
his own consent. 


"This glorious spirit of whi^ism animates three millions 
in America, aitled by every whig in England, to the amount, 
I hope, of double the American numbers. Ireland Ihey 
have to a man. Let this distinction then remain for j„'"j'u 
ever ascertained : ta.tation is theirs, commercial regu- 
lation IB ours. They say you have no right to tax them with- 
out their consent ; they say truly, I recognise to the Araeri- 
cans their supreme, unalienable right in their property ; a 
right which they are Justified in the defence of to the last 
extremity. To maintain this principle is the great common 
cauae of the whig3 on the other side of the Atlantic, and on 
this. ' 'Tia liberty to liberty engaged ; ' the alliance of God 
and nature ; immutable an'l eternal. 

" To such united force, what force shall be opposed ? A 
few regiments iu America, and seventeen or eighteen thou- 
sand men at home ! The idea is too ridiculoua to tako up 
a moment of your lordships' time. Unless the f.atal acts are 
done away, the hour of danger must arrive in all its horrors, 
and then these boastful ministers, spite of all their confi- 
dence, shall be forced to abandon principles which ihey 
avow, bat cannot defend ; measures which they presume to 
attempt, but cannot hope to effectuate. 

" It is not repealing a piece of parchment that can restore 
America to our bosom : you must repeal her fears and her 
resentments ; and you may then hope for her love and grat- 
itude. Insulted with an armed force posted at Boston, 
irritated with a hostile array before her eyes, her conces- 
sions, if you eould force them, would be insecure. But it 
is more than evident that, united as they are, you cannot 
force them to your unworthy terms of submission. 

" When your lordships look at the papers transmitted us 
from America, when you consider their decency, firmness, 
and wisdom, you cannot but respect their cause, and wish 
to make it your own. For myself, I must avow that in all 
my reading, — and I have read Thuoydides and have studied 
and admired the master-states of the world, — for solidity 
of reason, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion under 
a complication of difficult circumstances, no body of men 
can stand in preference to the general congress at PluliA'&V 


pbin. The histories of Greece and Rome give us nothing; 
equal to it, and all attempts to impose servitude upon such 
a m.ighty continental nation must be vain. We shall be 
Jm^. forced ultimately to retract ; let us retract while we 
can, not when we must. These violent acts must be 
repealed ; you will repeal them ; I pledge mjaelf for it ; I stake 
my reputation on it, that you will in the end repeal them. 
Avoid, then, this humiliating necessity. With a dignity 
becoming your exalted situation, make the first advances to 
concord, peace, and happiness ; for that is your true dignity. 
Concession comes with better grace from superior power, 
and establishes solid confidence on the foundations of affec- 
tion and gratitude. Bo the fir^t to spare ; throw down the 
weapons in your hand. 

"Every motive of justice and policy, of dignity and of 
prudence, urges you to allay the ferment in America by a 
removal of your troops from Boston, by a repeal of your 
acts of parliament, and by demonstrating amicable disposi- 
tions towards your colonies. On the other hand, to deter 
you from perseverance in your present ruinous measures, 
every danger and every hazard impend; foreign war hang- 
ing over you by a thread ; France and Spain watching 
your conduct, and waiting for the maturity of your errors- 

" If the ministers persevere in thus misadvising and mia- 
leading the king, I will not say that the king is betrayed, 
but I will pronounce that the kingdom is undone ; I will 
nob say that they can alienate the affections of his subjects 
from liis crown, but I will affirm that, the American jewel 
out of it, they will make the crown not worth his wearing." 

The words of Chatham, when reported to the king, 
recalled his last interview with George Grenville, and stung 
him to the heart. He raved at the wise counsels of tho 
greatest statesman of his dominions, as tho words of au 
abandoned politician j classed blm with Temple and Gren- 
ville as " void of gi'.ititude ; " and months afterw.irda was 
atill looking for the time " when decrepitude or agG should 
put an end to him as the trumpet of sedition." 

With a whining delivery, of which the bad effect was 
heightened by a violence that was almost madness, Suffolk, 


who boasted of having been one of the first to advise coer- 
cive measures, assareil the house thnt, in spite of Lord 
Cbathiim's prophecy, the govertiiui-nt was resolved to repeal 
not one of the nctsi, but to use all possible means to bring 
the Americans to obedience. 

Shelbiirne gave his tidhesion to the sentiments of Chat- 
ham, not from personal engagements, but solely on account 
of his conviction of tbelr wisdom, justice, and propriety. 
Camden, who in the discussion surpassed every one but 
Chatbnm, returned to his old ground. " This," he declared, 
" I will say, not only aa u statesman, politician, and philos- 
opher, but as a common lawyer ; my lords, you have no right 
to tax America ; the natural rights of man, and the immu- 
table laws of nature, are all with that people. King, lorda, 
and commons are fine sounding names ; but king, lords, and 
commons may become tyrants as well as others ; it is as 
lawful to resist the tyranny of many us of one. Somebody 
once asked the great Selden in what book you might find 
the law for resisting tyranny. 'It has always been the 
custom of England,' answered Selden, 'and the custom of 
England is the law of the land.' " 

" My lords," said Lord Gower, with contemptuous sneers, 
" let the Americans talk about their natural and divine 
rights ! their rights as men and citizens ! their rights from 
God and nature 1 I am for enforcing these measures." 
Rochford held Lord Chatham, jointly with the Americans, 
responsible in his own person for disagi'eeable consequences. 
Lyttelton reproached Chatham with spreading the fire of 
sedition, and the Americans with designing to emancipate 
themselves from the act of navigation, 

Cbutham closed the debate as he had opened it, by insistr- 
ing on the right of Great Britain to regulate the commerce 
of the whole empire ; but as to the right of the Americans 
to exemption from taxation, except by their implied or 
express assent, they derived it from God, nature, and 
the British constitution. Franklin with rapt admira- j,^j^ 
tion listened to the man who on that day had united 
the highest wisdom and eloquence. " His speech," said the 
young William Pitt, "was the most forcible that ciiu W 








January — Febkuaey, 1775. 

TVaiLE Gage was waiting for England to undertako in 
earnest the subjugation of Americn, the king expected 
every moment to hear that the email but well-disci- 
plined force at Boston had struck & decisiTe blow at 
s disorderly " rabble." Neither he nor liis tninistera believed 
the hearty union of bo vast a region as Ameiica possible. 
But, at the one extreme, New Hampshire in convention 
unanimously adhered to the recent congress, and elected 
delegates to the next ; at the other. South Carolina 
on the eleventh of January held a general meeting, Jan. ii. 
which was soon resolved into a provincial congress, 
with Ch.irles Pinckney for president. They then ealled 
upon their deputies to explain why they had not included 
in the list of grievances the entire series of monopolies and 
restrictions ; and they murmured at the moderation of Vir- 
ginia, which had refused to look further hack than 1763. 
Gadsden proposed to strike out the exceptional privilege in 
the association in favor of exporting rice. The torrent of 
enthusiasm was able to break down the plea of interest ; and 
after a debate of a day, in which John Rutledge pointed out 
the inequality and impolicy of extending the restriction, 
nearly half the body, seventy-five members against eighty- 
seven, were still ready to sacrifice the rice crop. Had the 
minority prevailed, they would have impoverished the prov- 
ince without benefit to the union ; the convention of South 
Carolina wisely adopted tlie continental measures without 
change, completed her Internal organization, elected dele- 
gates to the congress, encouraged her inhabitants to leam 
the use of arms, and asked their prayera that God. ^omJ^ 



defend their just title to freedom, and " avert the impending 
calamities of civil war." If blood should be epilled in Maa- 
sacUasetls, her sons were to rise in arms. 

Georgia, from its wejikness, was much influenced 
ji^ia ^y ''^^ royal government. On the twelfth, the rep- 
resentatives of the extensive district of Dnrien, 
assembling in a local congress, held up the conduct of Mas- 
s.ichusetts In the imitation of mankind, joined in all the 
resolutions of the grand American congi'ess, and instructed 
their delegates to the provincial congress accordingly. They 
demanded liberal land laws to attract the distressed in 
Britain and elsewhere to the new world which Providence 
had opened for thorn ; for, said they, " all encouragement 
should be given to the poor of every nation by every gen- 
erous American," They loved freedom for Its own sake, 
niid made it known in these words : " To show the world 
that we are not influenced by any contracted or interested 
motives, but a general philanthropy for all mankind, of 
whatever climate, language, or complexion, we hereby de- 
clare our disapprobation and abhorrence of the unnatural 
practice of slavery in America (however the uncuHivated 
Btate of our country or other specious arguments may plead 
for it) ; a practice founded in injustice and cruelty, and 
highly dangerous to our liberties as well us lives, debasing 
part of our fellow-creatures below men, and corrupting 
the mor.ils of the rest, and laying the basis of that liberty 
we contend for (and which we pray the Almighty to con- 
tinue to the latest posterity) upon a very ivroug founda- 
tion. We therefore resolve at all times to use our utmost 
ende.ivors for the manumission of our slaves in this colony, 
upon the most safe and equitabje footing for the masters 
and themselves," 

The provincial congress, which was called to meet 
Jul. 18. on the eighteenth at Savannah, failed of its end, since 
five only out of twelve parishes in the province were 
represented, and some of these were bound to half-way meas- 
ures by their instructions. The legislature, which simult:k- 
neously assembled, might b.ave interposed, had it not been 
Btiddenlj prorogued by the royal governor. But towards 


the eonthern border, in the parish of St, John, which 
contained one third of the wealth of Georgia, the inhabi- 
tanta, chiefly desoendaota of New England people, mocked 
by the royalists as PiiritaDs, Indepundenta, republicans, or 
at least Olirerians, conformed to the resohitiona of the 
continental congress ; iiher somo negotiation with South 
Carolina, appointed Lyman Hall to represent them in Phil- 
adelphia; and set apart two hundred barrels of rice for 
their brethren in Boston. 

Virginia looked to Washington as her adviser in military 
affiiirs. In December, 1774, the Maryland convention, 
resting "the security of free government on a well-regu- 
lated militia, compo.sed o£ the gentlemen, freeholders, and 
other freemen," had recommended to the inhabitants of the 
province to form themselves into companies of si.'^ty-eight 
men under officers of their own choice ; and had appor- 
tioned among the several counties the sum of ten thousand 
pounds in currency, to be raised by subscription or volun- 
tary offerings, for the purchase of arms. The measure took 
the sword out of the hands of the governor, to whom all mil- 
itary appointments had belonged, and directed the people 
to choose their own otScers to defend Massachusetts 
and themselves. The resolve might have remained j^a'% 
unheeded among the many votes of conventions, had 
not the Virginians of the Fairfax county committee, on the 
seventeenth of January, adopted the substance and almost 
the very words of ibc resolve, and had not Washington, as 
their chairman, published them under the 9:inction of his 
name. Thna he stood forth before the country as the early 
and the earnest advocate of a revolutionary system which 
set aside the war powers of the royal governor and encour- 
aged the people to make their own military organization 
and elect their own officers. The royalists were well awnro 
of the full significance of his proposition, and the weight of 
the personal responsibility which he assumed. A company 
composed exclusively of " the song of gentlemen " in bis 
neighborhood chose Washington as their commander, and 
he gave them his support. Every county in Virginia 
glowed with zeal to imbody its militia ; the in&vkA,«tK,iv., 




anned with rifles, chose tho costume of the painted hanting- 
Bhirt and mocoasons. Mutual pledges were given for each 
one to keep a good firelock, a supply of nmmunitioQ, bullet- 
moulds, ptiwder-horn, and bag for balls. The committee of 
Northampton county offered a premium for the manufacture 
of gunpowder. Dunmore'a excursion to the frontiers had 
justified a prorogation of the assembly until the second 
of Febniary; but when, near the end of January, 
the colony was surprised by a further prorogation to 
May, Peyton Randoljih, as the organ of the people against 
the representative of the crown, directed the choice of 
deputies to a colony convention in March. 

The influence of Washington and his county confirmed 
the decision of Maryland. The Presbyterians of Baltimore 
supported " the good old cause." Near Annapolis, the vol- 
nnteers whom Charles Lee began to muster melted away 
before his overbearing manner and incapacity ; but the 
inhabitants would bear of no opposition to tho recommen- 
dations of congress. In Delaware, a little army that stood 
in the same relation to the people sprung up from the 
general enthusiasm. 

The trust of the ministry was in the central provinces. 
To divide the colonies they were urged to petition the king 
separately, in the hope that some one of them would offer 
acceptable terms. Especially crown officers and royalists 
practised every art to separate New York from the gen- 
eral union. The city of New York, unlike Boston, wn» 
a corporation with a mayor of the king's appointment. 
There the president of the chartered college taught that 
" Christians are required to be subject to the higher pow- 
ers ; that an apostle enjoined submission to Nero ; " that 
the friends of the American congress were as certainly 
guilty of " an unpardonable crime as that St. Paul and St. 
Peter were inspired men." There tho Episcopal clergy 
fomented a distrust of the New England people, as " rebel- 
lious republicans, harebrained fanatics ; intolerant towards 
the church of Englaml, Quakers, and Baptists ; doubly in- 
tolerant towards the Germans and Dutch," There a cur- 
rupt influence grew out of contracts for the army. There 




the timid were incessantly alarmed by stories that " the 
undisciplined men of America could not withstand a disci- 
plined army ; " that " Canadians and unnnrabered 
tribes of savages might be let loose upon them;" j^; 
and that, in case of war, "the Americans must be 
treated as vanquished rebels." The assembly of New York, 
which had been chosen six years before dining a momen- 
tary prejudice against lawyers and Presbyterians, had been 
carefully continued. New York, too, was the seat of a 
royal government, which dispensed commissions, offices, and 
grants of land, gathered round its little court a social circle 
to which loyalty gave the tone, and had for more than eight 
years craftily conducted the administration with the design 
to hill discontent. It permitted the assembly to employ Ed- 
mund Burke as its agent. In the name of the ministry, it 
lavished promises of favor and indulgence ; extended the 
boundaries of the 2>rovince at the north to the Connecticut 
Bivcr; and, contrary to the sense of right of Lord Dart- 
month, supported the claims of New York speculators to 
Vermont lands ngainst the populous villages which had 
grown up under grants from the king's governor of New 
Hampshire, Both Tryon and Colden professed, moreover, 
a sincere desire to take part with the colony in obtaining 
a redress of nil grievances and an improvement of its con- 
stitution ; and Dartmouth was made to express the hope 
" of a happy accommodation upon some general constitu- 
tional plan." Such a union with the parent state, the New 
York committee declared to be the object of their earnest 
solicitude ; even Jay " held nothing in greater abhorrence 
than the malignant charge of aspiring after independence." 
" If you find the complaints of your constituents to be well 
grounded," said Coklen to the New York assembly in Jan- 
uary, " pursue the means of redress which the constitution 
hua pointed out. Supplicate the throne, and our most gra- 
cious sovei'eign will hear and relieve yon with paternal 

In this manner the chain of union was to be broken, and 
llie ministry to win over at least one colony to a separate 
negotiation. The royalists were so persuaded i^( ^]&& viuir 


Crap. XH. 

cesB of their scheme that Gage, who had a little before 
written for at leaa-t twenty thousaad men, sent word to the 
secretary, in Janoary, that, "if a reapeciable force is seen in 
the field, the most obnoxious of the leaders seized, and a 
pardon proclaitned for all others, government will come off 
yictorioua, and with less opposition than was expected a 
few months ago." 
mo. On the twenty-si.tth of Jannary, the patriot Abra- 

Jui. M. [jam Ten Broeek, of the Xew York aaaembly, moved 
to take into consideration the proceedings of the eooti- 
nentnl congress ; but, though he was ably eeconded by 
Xathaniel Woodhnll, by Philip Schuyler, by George Clio- 
ton, and by the larger number of the members who were 
of Dutch descent, the vote was lost by n majority of one. 
Of the eleven who composed the majority, eight had been 
of that committee of correspondence who, in their circular 
letter to the other colonies, had advised a congress ; and 
Jauncey, a member of the committee of fifty-one, had been 
present when their letter of May, in favor of a congress, 
was unanimously approved. 

The assembly, now in its seventh year, had long since 
ceased to represent the people ; yet the friends to govern- 
ment plumed themselves on this victory, saying openly ; 
" No one among gentlemen dares to support the proceed- 
ings of congress ; " and Colden exclaimed : " Lord, now 
letteat thou thy servant depart in peace." " That one vote 
was worth a million sterling," said Gamier to Rochtord 
with an air of patronage, on hearing the news; while he 
explained to Vergennes that the vote was to the ministry 
worth nothing at all, that New York was sure to act witji 
the rest of the continent. 

The royalists hoped for a combined expression of opinion 
in the central states. In January, the Quakers of Penn- 
sylvania published an epistle, declaring that the kingdom 
of Jesus Christ is not of this world, and that they would 
religiously observe the rule not to fight; and the meeting 
of the Friends of Pennsylvania and New Jersey gave their 
" testimony against every usurpation of power and author- 
in opposition to the laws of government." But the 

1776. NEW rORK TRtm TO DNIUN. 46T 

legislature of Pennsyh'ania haJ, in December, unreservedly 
approved the proceedings of the coDtinental congress, and 
to the noit congress in May elected seven delegates, of 
whom Galloway, resisting the urgency of Dickioaon, refused 
to serve. In the popular convention of the same province, 
Joseph Reed, its president, publicly and privately opposed 
taking steps towards arming and disciplining the prov- 
ince, and from general disinclination the measure was laid 
aside ; but the members pledged their cocstituents at every 
hazard to defend the rights and liberties of America, and, 
if necessary, to resist force by force. They also recom- 
mended domestic manufactures, and led the way to a law 
" prohibiting the future importation of slaves." 

" Do not give up," wrote the town of STonraouth in New 
Jersey to the Bostonians ; " and, if you should want any 
further supply of bread, let us know." On the twenty- 
fourth of January, the assembly of that colony, without a 
dissenling voice, adopted the measures of the last general 
congress, and elected delegates to the nest. Three weeks 
later, it was persuaded, like New Tork, to transmit a 
separate petition to (he king; but its petition enumerated 
the American gi'ievances without abatement. 

The assembly of New York would neither print letters 
of the committee of correspondence, nor vote thanks to 
the New York delegates to the congress, nor express satis- 
faction that the merchants and inhabitants of the prov- 
ince adhered to the continental association. On the 
twenty-third of February, it was moved to send peb^a. 
delegates to the general congress in May, Strenuous 
debates arose, Schuyler and Clinton speaking several times 
on the ouB side, Brush and Wilkins very earnestly on the 
other; but the motion was defeated by a vole of nine to 

The vote proved nothing but how far prejudice, corrn|). 
tion, pride, and attachment to party could make a legislative 
body false to its constituents. The jieoplo of New York 
were thrown back upon themselves, under circumstaoeea of 
difficulty that had no parallel in other colonies. They had 
no legally constituted body to form their rallying ^vi».\ 


antl, at a. time when the continental cnngresa refnsod to 
sanction any revolutionarj" act even in Massachusetts, they 
were compelled to proceed exclusively by the methods of 
revolution. Massachusetts was sustained by its elective 
council and its onnually elected assembly ; New York had 
a council holding office at the king's will, and an assembly 
oontinucd in existence from yoiir to year by the king's 
prerogative. Yet the colony was sure to emerge from all 
these obstacles; and its first legitimate organ was the press. 

Charles Lee denied tbe military capacity of England, as 
she could with difficulty enlist recruits enough to keep her 
regiments full ; and, contrary to his real opinion, lie insisted 
that in a few months efficient infantry might be formed of 

A pamphlet from the pen of Alexander HamiltoQ 
y^^- had been in circulation since December ; in February, 
when the necessity of the appeal to the people was 
become more and more urgent, the genial pilgrim from the 
south again put forth all his ability, with a determined inter- 
est in the coming struggle, as if he had sprung from the soil 
whose rights he defended. Strong in the sincerity of his con- 
victioos, he addressed the judgment, not the passions, aiming 
not at brilliancy of espreesion, but justness of thought, 
aevero in youthful earnestness. "I lament," wrote H.imil- 
ton, " the unnatural quarrel between the parent state and 
the colonies; and most ardently wish for a speedy recon- 
oiliation, a perpetual and mutually beneJicial union. I am 
a warm advocate for limited monarchy, and an unfeigned 
well-wisher to the present royal family; but, on the other 
hand, I am inviolably attached to the essential rights of 
mankind, to the true interests of society, to civil liberty as 
the greatest of terrestrial blessings." 

"■ You are quarrelling for threepence a pound on tea, an 
atom on the shoulders of a giant," said the torics ; and ^o 
answered: "The parliament claims a right to tax us in all 
cases whatever ; its late acts are in virtue of that claim ; it 
IB the jirinciple against which wo contend." 

"You should have had recourse to remonstrance and 
petition," said the time-servers. " In the infancy of the 




present dispute," rejoined HarailtOD, " we oddreBsed the 
throne ; our address wns treated TOith contempt and 
neglect. The first American congress in 1765 did the p^; 
same, and met with similar treatment. The exigency 
of the times requires vigorous remedies ; we have no resource 
but in a restriction of our trade, or in a resistance by arms." 

"But Grent Britain," it was said, "will enforce her 
claims by fire and sword. The Americans are ■without 
fortresses, without discipline, without military stores, with- 
out moni?y, and cannot keep nn army in the field; nor can 
troops be disciplined without regular pay and government 
by an unquestioned legal authority. A large number of 
armed men might be got together near Boston, but in a 
week they would be obliged to disperse to avoid starving." 
" The courage of Americans," replied Hamilton, " has been 
proved. The troops Great Britain could send against us 
would be but few ; our superiority in number would balance 
our inferiority in discipline. It would be hard, if not im- 
practicable, to subjugate us by force. An armament suffi- 
cient to enslave America will put her to an insupportable 
expense. She would be laid open to foreign enemies. 
Ruin like a deluge would pour in from every quarter." 

" Great Britain," it was said. " will seek to bring us to a 
compliance by putting a stop to our whole trade." " We 
can live without trade," answered Hamilton ; " food and 
clothing we have within ourselves. With due cultivation, 
the southern colonies, in a couple of years, would afford 
cotton enough to clothe the whole continent. Our climate 
produces wool, flax, and hemp. The silkworm answers as 
well here aa in any part of the world. If manufactures 
should once be established, they will pave the way still 
more to the future grandeur and glory of America, and will 
render it still securer against encro.ichments of tyranuy," 

"You will raise the resentment of the united inhabitants 
of Great Britain and Ireland," objected his adversaries, 
" They are our friends," said he ; " they know how danger- 
ons to their liberties the loss of ours must be. The Irish 
will sympathize with us and commend our conduct." 

The tones built confidently upon disunion amoa^ ^Jea 


CsjtP. XIS. 



colonies. "A little tirae," replied Hamilton, "will nwakcn 
them from thoir slumbers. I please myself with the flat- 
tering prospect that they will, ere long, unite in one indis- 
soluble chain." 

It was a common argument among the royalists of those 
days, that there were no immutable principles of political 
science ; that government wjis the creature of civil society, 
and therefore that an established government was not to 
be resisted. To this the young philosopher answered 
^'' rightly : " The Supreme Intelligence, who rules the 
world, has constituted an eterniil law, which is obliga- 
tory upon all mankind, prior to any human institution what- 
ever. He gave esislence to man, together with the means of 
preserving and beautifying that existence ; and inve-sted him 
with an inviolable right to pursue liberty nud personal 
safety. Natural liberty ia a gift of the Creator to the whole 
human race. Civil liberty is only natural liberty, modified 
and secured by the sanctions of civil society. It is not 
dependent on human caprice ; but it is conformable to the 
constitution of man, as well as necessary to the well-being 
of society." 

"The colony of New York," continued his aotagoniata, 
" is subject to the supreme legislative authority of Great 
Britain." " I deny that we are dependent on the legislature 
of Great Britain," he answered ; and he fortified hia denial 
by an elaborate discussion of colonial history and charters. 

It was retorted that New York had no charter. " The 
sacred rights of mankind," he rejoined, "are not to be 
rummaged for among old parchments or musty records. 
They are written, as with a sunbeam, in the whole volume 
of human nature by the hand of the divinity itself; and 
can never be erased or obscured by mortal power. Civil 
liberty cannot be wrested from any people without the 
most manifold violation of justice and the most aggravated 
guilt. The nations Turkey, Russia, France, Spain, and all 
other despotic kingdoms in the world, have an inherent 
right, whenever they please, to shake off the yoke of servi^ 
tude, though sanctioned by immemorial usage, and to m